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1 | FIND YOUR MP's EMAIL ADDRESS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
2 | Simply add the relevant name or email address wherever there are {curly brackets}, and write your address at the end. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
3 | If you have time, it's useful to edit the emails a little before you send them, as this makes them more impactful (and if an inbox receives many carbon copies of the same email, they may be blocked by spam filters). However if you do not have time, simply copying and pasting these templates will be much better than nothing! | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
4 | Main recipient | Subject line | CC address | Main body | ||||||||||||||||||||||
5 | shappsg@parliament.uk | Justice for Belly Mujinga and all transport workers | {MPemail}, raquel.cortes@btp.pnn.police.uk | Dear Secretary of State, My name is {name} and I am writing to you to demand justice for Belly Mujinga, and better protection for all transport workers in light of her tragic death. The past few months, the government and its bodies have only praised and encouraged showing gratitude towards the key workers that have kept the country running in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the most recent government backed ONS report on key workers numbers and characteristics, the government recognises transport workers as the fifth largest key worker sector, but also highlighted that key workers in transport are the least likely to have worked from home, with only 5% of them having been able to do so. On top of that, 16% of key workers are travelling to work by public transport, thereby putting transport key workers in significant risk with the amount of people they have to come into contact with. The story of Belly Mujinga is now well known, and this letter will draw on details that make the decision of the British Transport Police far more than questionable. On the 29th of May, British Transport Police released a statement expressing that 'no further action will be taken in relation to an incident at London Victoria Station in March, following a full and thorough investigation'. They go on to say that they 'have conducted extensive enquiries to establish the full circumstances... This has involved reviewing CCTV footage of the incident and speaking to key witnesses'. On a following statement released on the British Transport Police’s Twitter page, we are told that 'there is no evidence of anyone spitting in this incident.' Is the insinuation made by the British Transport Police that Belly Mujinga and her colleague were both lying or imagining a man spitting on them? I struggle to understand how this was conclusively found to have not occurred when a key witness - a colleague who was present - confirmed that this heinous act took place, telling The Guardian, 'He said: "you know I have the virus". Then he spat and started coughing. We told our managers to call the police. I don’t know if they did.' The British Transport Police have claimed to the public that a thorough investigation has taken place, yet the statements they give us do not align with what colleagues and staff at the time say occurred, let alone what Belly Mujinga said to her management only moments after it happened. The British Transport Police confirmed it received a report of the attack on 11th May, over a month after Belly Mujinga lost her life. Yet, in the space of 18 days, they had reached the conclusion not only to not take any further action, but that the spitting did not happen at all. This demonstrates failures on all levels of the system, from the supervisors who were watching over Belly Mujinga and her colleague at the time, through to her employer Govia Thameslink Railway, and ultimately to the British Government and Transport Police for the conduct before and after her passing. On 17th May, BTP posted an update that a 57-year-old man had been interviewed in relation to Belly Mujinga’s incident on 21st March. In this update, they also stated that they were not seeking anyone else in connection.The collation of this information suggests that the British Transport Police have footage of the incident taking place, they are aware of the perpetrator (which they have kept anonymous) and were satisfied with the search for this individual as they were 'not looking to identify anyone further in relation to the incident.' CPS (Crown Prosecution Service) announced on their website on 26th March that anyone using coronavirus to threaten key workers would face serious criminal charges, saying 'Coughs directed as a threat at other key workers or members of the public could be charged as common assault.' with multiple cases of this being carried out (namely Darren Rafferty pleading guilty to three counts of assault on an emergency worker prior to 26th March and William Cawley pleading guilty to two counts of common assault on 29th April). These cases, as well as CPS’s statement, highlight that contraction of the virus is not necessary for prosecution, the threat and act alone is enough to charge the perpetrator for common assault. <br><br>This situation raises a number of questions. Why do the BTP statements not match the claims of any of Belly Mujinga and her colleague who were spat on, another colleague, and the sources that say they went to report the incident? Why is there such a lack of public information regarding their report, the office at the time and Govia Thameslink Railway’s response to this, and the evidence the BTP reviewed? How was such a large investigation concluded in a mere 18 days, considering the amount of information they would have had to look at thoroughly to come to such a brazen conclusion? Why is the colleague who was with Belly Mujinga at the time not mentioned in any of these police statements? If she reported the incident at the time, surely she is a key witness who contradicts the final conclusion of this investigation. We demand several things following the outcome of this investigation by the British Transport Police. • Release the CCTV footage, as the information we have been given does not make sense with the news reports and eye witness statements released to the public. • Investigate the enquiry process, due to conflicting reports of whether the spitting actually occurred. • Release the information of the 57-year-old man interviewed in connection and prosecute him under Crown Prosecution Services, as it was made a crime to threaten with coronavirus, even if the virus was not contracted through this individual. The government has failed transport key workers once already, when their action plan for the supply and delivery of PPE did not allocate any to transport workers, as detailed in an article by Transport Network. Leaving these workers at significant risk, considering they were aware of the portion of key workers that fall under transport, is deplorable in itself. Yet the government and its national bodies make this worse by not serving justice to a woman who died at their hands. The government and the BTP hold a bare minimum responsibility to investigate the discrepancies in this case, not disrespect Belly Mujinga’s report of this incident, and charge the man who committed this crime under Crown Prosecution Services. If the reply to this is that they do not have the details of the man who committed this crime conclusively, then this is a shameful failure on their part, as they made it clear they stopped looking further for individuals after they interviewed the above 57-year-old on 17th May. This is a failure of this country, and this poor excuse for an investigation carried out by the British Transport Police will not be accepted by the public. Belly Mujinga and other key workers deserve the minimum of safe environments to work in and, when that fails or is violated, real following up and justice for said violations. Yours sincerely, {name} {address} | ||||||||||||||||||||||
6 | enquiries@tssa.org.uk | Protection for railway workers | Dear Mr Carney and Representatives of the TSSA, I am writing to you in regards to the recent death of Belly Mujinga after the assault on 21st March when in which her and colleagues were spat at and coughed on during their shift at London Victoria Station. Ms. Mujinga’s passing on 5th April came just two weeks after the assault had taken place and just days after having been admitted to hospital and testing positive for COVID-19. In spite of this, as I am sure you are aware, The British Transport Police ruled on 29th May that they believed there was no link between the act of assault and her death, and stated that ‘no further action will be taken’, closing the case. Further, in spite of the assault and Ms. Mujinga’s passing, a worker at London Victoria Station told The Independent - as reported in an article released on 14th May - that, “There’s not much being done to check all the staff, today is the first day we have had masks.” Going forward, it is clearr that there is no urgency to protect and ensure the safety of railway workers to prevent such an act happening again in the future. I urge you, as the union to which Ms. Mujinga belonged, to take action on the behalf of her and her loved ones. The union failed Ms. Mujinga once, following the concerns she had expressed for her wellbeing due to underlying respiratory issues. Ms. Mujinga made appeals to work away from crowds at the busy station due to there being no PPE provided for railway workers, and her concerns were inadequately dismissed. I beg you not to dishonour her memory and fail her colleagues in the same way, by allowing transport workers to continue working unprotected. As a concerned individual I urge you to recognise the need for more effective regulations and protection of railway workers during this time, to ensure that an assault similar to this one does not take the lives of any more of your members. Regards, {name} | |||||||||||||||||||||||
7 | {MPemail} | Addressing the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on BAME Communities | Dear {MPname}, My name is {name} and I am writing as a constituent to ask that you join the call to urge the Health Secretary Matt Hancock and the Prime Minister Boris Johnson to release the full, unredacted Public Health England report Disparities in the risk and outcomes of COVID-19. This long awaited report, led by Professor Kevin Fenton, Regional Director for Public Health England was released on 2nd June in order to address the disproportionate impact of the coronavirus on Black and Minority Ethnic communities after it was delayed twice. The Health Service Journal has reported that the Government removed a key section from the review, namely the experiences and perspectives of BAME stakeholders from across the UK which suggested that discrimination and poorer life chances were contributing to the higher risk to these communities from COVID-19. This omission is further evidence to support the feeling of many Black and Minoritiy Ethnic people in the UK that their input is ignored when they speak up or are asked for it, and that these acts of ‘listening’ are nothing more than tokenism without concrete action. The Chair of the British Associate of Physicians of Indian Origin (BAPIO) feels let down over the PHE disparity review and considers it a ‘damp squib’. The President of the Medical Association of Nigerians Across Great Britain (MANSAG) states that this report fails to meet the basic standard for government review as it fails to mention any recommendations. As such, it does not facilitate healthcare professionals, NHS policymakers, or HR staff to make better decisions in order to rebalance the multiple systemic challenges that individuals from ethnic minorities face in the workplace and when accessing healthcare services. Many other groups have publicly spoken out about the disservice that this report does to Black and Minority Ethnic communities, especially those who lost their lives working for the NHS and as key workers in other sectors during this pandemic. As a constituent, I urge you to call for the government to immediately release the omitted part of the report, and I hope that this will be only one of the steps we take as a nation to having the meaningful conversations, insight and political will to addressing the challenges which have always been present, but that the COVID-19 crisis has brought to light. Please let me know the process of this and what your next steps are. Kind regards, {name} {address} | |||||||||||||||||||||||
8 | {MPemail} | Demanding an end to state-sanctioned violence against BAME people in the UK | Dear {MPname}, I write to you as one of your constituents concerning state-sanctioned violence against Black people around the world, including here in the UK. I have sent several emails covering some of these matters in greater detail; this is therefore a summary of the ways these topics compound each other to create an extremely difficult environment in this country for many BAME people. Structural, state-sanctioned violence against BAME people is not exclusively an American problem. The protests in the US in reaction to George Floyd’s murder coincide with the publication of Public Health England’s ‘Disparities in the risk and outcomes of COVID-19’ report, which states that ‘Death rates from COVID-19 were highest among people of Black and Asian ethnic groups’. The report concedes that this is the result of racial inequalities in the UK. In light of this, I ask that you take action on the UK’s complicity regarding the situation in the US and on other examples of structural racism closer to home, including those related to COVID-19. 1. Regarding UK exportation of tear gas and rubber bullets to the US: I support Black Lives Matter UK (BLMUK) and the Labour party’s condemnation of the violent response by the US government and police forces towards protestors. I also ask that you recognise the UK’s complicity in this violence through the sale of munitions to the US, and that you pressure the UK government to cease its export of rubber bullets, tear gas, riot shields and all other weapons that are being used against civilians in the US. 2. Regarding police violence in the UK: Police brutality and a lack of accountability is not unique to the US. Between 1990 and 2019 there were 1,741 deaths in police custody or following contact with the police in England and Wales, yet the last time a British police officer was convicted for a death in custody was in 1969. Private security firms contracted by the government are no less at fault. In 2010, Jimmy Mubenga was killed on a deportation flight by a G4S security guard; like George Floyd and Eric Garner, his final words were, “I can’t breathe.” I ask that you pressure the UK government to hold the police and privately contracted security firms fully accountable for their actions, and that the government devises an action plan that will ensure an end to police brutality and institutional racism. 3. Regarding the Public Health England (PHE) report “Disparities in the risk and outcomes of COVID-19” and structural racism in the UK: The PHE report indicates that people from BAME backgrounds have been disproportionately affected by COVID-19 in the UK in part as a result of being more likely to live in urban/deprived areas and overcrowded households and to be in jobs that present a higher risk of exposure. Echoing another BLMUK demand, I ask that you pressure the UK government to provide a detailed response plan to the findings in this report, and in particular to the ways in which it lays bare the structural racism, reinforced by government policy, that is implicated in these deaths. 4. Regarding the Hostile Environment, migrant rights and access to healthcare: Though the PHE report mentions ‘cultural and language differences’ as a barrier to accessing health services, it fails to address the manner in which Hostile Environment healthcare charging policies have demonstrably deterred migrants, many of whom are BAME, from accessing the NHS. Though treatment for infectious diseases like COVID-19 is exempt from charging, mistrust of healthcare settings, concerns around data sharing and fear about charges relating to other conditions can deter migrants from seeking treatment. Just last month, The Independent reported the case of Elvis, a Filipino man in the UK who died from the coronavirus after being too afraid to seek care. I echo Patients Not Passports in calling for an end to NHS charging for migrants and a moratorium on all data sharing with the Home Office. The government must launch an information campaign to alert migrant communities of their rights to ensure that nobody is deterred from seeking care. In addition, a firewall should be established to ensure that all data gathered in the process of providing urgent services, ranging from healthcare to housing, cannot be used for the purposes of immigration control. 5. Regarding workplace safety practices and accountability under COVID-19: Following the death of Belly Mujinga, I join her husband, Lusamba Katalay, in asking that you and your party demand an investigation into Govia Thameslink Railway (GTR) regarding workplace safety and provision of PPE. GTR knew that Ms. Mujinga had underlying health problems. Yet they continued to place her on the front lines of the virus, without appropriate PPE and seemingly without concern for her safety or the safety of her co-workers. I therefore also ask that the government require employers of essential workers to provide PPE and appropriately safeguard those at risk or with household members at higher risk of complications from the virus, such as by supporting paid leave or alternative work arrangements. I join the Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA) in requesting an expansion of the Coronavirus Compensation Scheme to include not only care workers but also transport workers, and also ask that this be extended to all key workers. 6. Regarding the systemic oppression of BAME communities through Government policy: Though these coronavirus deaths are not as obvious as a case in which a police officer is filmed in the act of murder, the state is still responsible for deaths caused by systemic exclusion, disenfranchisement, underfunding and neglect fueled by racism and unconscious bias. As this month marks the 3-year anniversary of the Grenfell Tower fire, another example of indirect state violence against BAME and poor/working class people in the UK, I demand those responsible for the fire be held accountable and demand an end to policies like stop and search, Prevent and No Recourse to Public Funds (NRPF) that disproportionately neglect, underfund, and criminalise BAME communities. Please let me know the actions that you plan to put in place in response to these demands. Yours sincerely, {name} {address} | |||||||||||||||||||||||
9 | gavin.williamson.mp@parliament.uk | Make white privilege and systemic racism a compulsory part of British education | {MPemail} | Dear Secretary of State, I am writing to implore you to fight for white privilege and anti-racism, along with the history of colonialism and systemic racism in the UK, to be made compulsory elements of the British education system. Nationwide in our schools we learn about racism either through a historic lens – leading to an impression that it is an issue of the past – or as something that happened in other countries but never here. These add up to an idea among adolescents that racism is not a concern in the UK, not realising that in fact it is something that thousands people in Britain face daily. This leaves our generation misinformed and ignorant to white privilege and systemic racism, and also to the ways in which we unknowingly contribute to these problems on a regular basis. In order to end systemic racism, we must educate young people on how they can actively be involved in anti-racist efforts (eg. diversity quotas in jobs; being aware of microagressions; how to be an effective bystander; critical analysis of media; etc.). In response to the countless tragic events that have occurred, and are occurring, regarding racism nationally and globally, it is clearer than ever that education on white privilege and systemic racism in our schools across the UK is essential and must be implemented as a mandatory part of our school curriculum. It is vital that we educate children and teenagers on the history of racism, as well as white privilege, in order to lift the curtain on ‘white blindness’. We need to actively tackle and discuss these issues through a structured, mandatory educational course. Things cannot continue as they have been. It is not good enough. I urge you to raise this matter in government and make it a priority for the Department of Education. Let this be your legacy, materially impacting the lives of countless people and communities, in Britain and around the world, now and for generations to come. Sincerely and with hope, {name} {address} | The Secretary for Education prefers to be contacted by this form rather than by email: | https://form.education.gov.uk/en/AchieveForms/?form_uri=sandbox-publish://AF-Process-f1453496-7d8a-463f-9f33-1da2ac47ed76/AF-Stage-1e64d4cc-25fb-499a-a8d7-74e98203ac00/definition.json&redirectlink=%2Fen&cancelRedirectLink=%2Fen | ||||||||||||||||||||
10 | elizabeth.truss.mp@parliament.uk | Suspend UK export of tear gas, rubber bullets and riot shields to USA | {MPemail} | Dear Minister, I am writing to you today to implore you to put pressure on the government to stop the exportation of tear gas, rubber bullets and riot shields to the United States and to condemn President Trump's use of force against his own citizens. The UK cannot support a continuous breach of human rights and supply the USA with tear gas, rubber bullets and riot shields that are being used against protestors. Government records show it grants export licences worth millions of pounds for the sale of anti-crowd gas, riot equipment and other small arms to the US. Firstly, as representatives of the British people, it is absolutely imperative for the government to make public the details of where and in what way these products are being used. Your own rules say such exports should not go ahead where they are likely to be used for ‘internal repression’. Over the past week, we have been inundated with countless reports – many with video evidence – of police in the States using appalling levels of violence and brutality to suppress protesters, many of whom have been entirely peaceful and lawful. It is clear to me that the police cannot have been appropriately trained in how to use this equipment, for surely if they had, we would not be seeing reports of such horrific things as people suffering brain damage or blindness, or women having miscarriages, due to the incorrect and indiscriminate firing of rubber bullets. While this remains the case, and until authorities in the US can prove that imports from the UK will not be used with such inappropriate and abhorrent force against peacefully protesting citizens - something, I say again, that UK laws themselves prohibit - surely you cannot in good conscience continue to trade these items across the Atlantic. Even if UK exports are not currently being employed in this disproportionate and horrific use of force, there is a very real chance that they soon will be. Continuing to provide these export licences means you are is choosing profit over human rights and your own laws, and this is unacceptable and disgraceful. The UK has an obscene track record of looking the other way when our arms and security equipment is misused overseas. Now is the time to change that. The sale of these items must be suspended. Minister Truss, it is my fervent hope that you will take into account the views of the many British people who have spoken out, and re-evaluate the priorities of the UK with regard to this issue. Regards, {name} {address} | ||||||||||||||||||||||
11 | gavin.williamson.mp@parliament.uk | Make Black histories mandatory in the national curriculum | {MPemail} | Dear Secretary of State, As supporters of The Black Curriculum, we are dismayed by the events of the last few weeks which have disproportionately affected Black people in the UK - exacerbated by Covid19, and the subsequent lack of response by those in authority. Thousands of us, the British voting public are grief stricken and concerned about the existing status-quo in the UK, which disregards the lives and contributions of Black British people. We would like to bring to your attention some of the structural inequalities in the UK, especially pertaining to education and the national curriculum. As you are aware, the national curriculum excludes Black histories throughout, and omits the vast contributions Black people have made to the UK. As a result, young people who learn from the national curriculum are not given a full or accurate version of British history, which limits their opportunities and futures in an increasingly diverse landscape. Despite numerous calls over the years to reform the national curriculum to incorporate Black histories, these requests have been denied. Learning Black history should not be a choice but should be mandatory. Our curriculum should not be reinforcing the message that a sizeable part of the British population are not valued. Black people have been in Britain since Roman times, have contributed to and shaped the foundation of our society. Therefore, we are asking you to specifically include Black histories on the national curriculum from KS1 - KS4 to include Black British histories across different subject areas, including History, Citizenship, English and PSHE. By doing so, you can invest in the lives and opportunities of all young people across the UK to become fully rounded citizens and create a better, fairer society. This is in line with the DfE Strategy’s first principle as highlighted in 2015-2020 World-class Education and Care: “Our first principle is to ensure each policy puts children and young people first. We must not let anything detract from improving the lives and opportunities of those who rely on the education and children social care systems.” – p.11, DfE strategy 2015-2020 The Black Curriculum is demanding that you work with them to adequately incorporate Black British history into the national curriculum and to fulfil your goals of British education truly being able to help the government’s “commitments to social justice and economic growth.” Will you meet with the leaders of the Black Curriculum? They are ready and waiting for your response. With thanks, {name} {address} | The Secretary for Education prefers to be contacted by this form rather than by email: | https://form.education.gov.uk/en/AchieveForms/?form_uri=sandbox-publish://AF-Process-f1453496-7d8a-463f-9f33-1da2ac47ed76/AF-Stage-1e64d4cc-25fb-499a-a8d7-74e98203ac00/definition.json&redirectlink=%2Fen&cancelRedirectLink=%2Fen | ||||||||||||||||||||
12 | Patrick.Verwer@gtrailway.com | Justice for Belly Mujinga | Dear Mr Verwer, I am writing to you in regards to the recent death of Belly Mujinga, who worked for Govia Thameslink Railway. Her death follows after an assault was carried out on 21st March in which her and colleagues were spat at and coughed on during their shift at London Victoria Station. As I am sure you are aware, it was revealed on 29th May that The British Transport Police ruled that they believed there was no link between the act of assault and her death and stated that ‘no further action will be taken’, closing the case. In spite of this Ms. Mujinga’s passing on 5th April comes just two weeks after the assault had taken place and after several days having been admitted to hospital and testing positive for COVID-19. Following the outcome in regards to Ms. Mujinga’s death and The British Transport Police’s dismissal of the case, I urge you as CEO of Govia Thameslink Railway, to take action on her behalf and to that of her loved ones following her death. As an essential worker, Ms. Mujinga was failed by the Govia Thameslink Rail to be protected after she had expressed concerns for her wellbeing due to respiratory issues. Ms. Mujinga made appeals to work away from crowds at the busy station due to there being no PPE provided for railway workers, her concerns were inadequately dismissed. In spite of the assault carried out and Ms. Mujinga’s passing it was reported by The Independent in an article released on 14th May by a worker at London Victoria station that “There’s not much being done to check all the staff, today is the first day we have had masks.” Going forward, it shows that you have not prioritised the protection and the safety of your staff to prevent such an act happening again in the future. So I ask, why did you ignore Belly’s requests to work away from crowds during the pandemic as she had underlaying health issues? Further, why did it take weeks for Govia to surrender the CCTV footage to the police? As a concerned individual I urge you to recognise the needs of more effective regulations and protection of railway workers at Govia Thameslink Rail during this time and for an assault similar to that of Ms Mujinga which effectively cost her life does not take place again. Until responsible actions are taken to honour the death of Belly and prevent the future assault of your workers and you take full responsibility for your role in Belly's murder, I have decided to boycott southern rail, Gatwick express, Great northern and Thameslink. Regards {name} | |||||||||||||||||||||||
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