|Main Author||Co-author (if any)||Title||Abstract|
|Abigail Parrish, Bishop Grosseteste University||Which languages? The dilemma of diversifying provision||The English National Curriculum currently stipulates that ‘any modern foreign language’ may be taught up to the age of 14, beyond which language study is optional (Department for Education, 2013, p.2). This, combined with the freedom from following the national curriculum granted to academies, leaves a great deal of flexibility for schools in the implementation of their own language policies. Nevertheless, exam entry and schools data suggests that most schools continue to offer one or more of French, German & Spanish without offering any further choices, and take-up continues to decline (Tinsley & Board, 2016).|
This paper reports on questionnaires and interviews conducted in English secondary schools, which found students (n=666) would like to learn a much wider range of languages. Their reasoning was often very personal, and related particularly to their views of usefulness. Staff (n=189) were found to value remarkably similar languages, and usefulness was also a key concern.
The dilemma facing schools which will be discussed is whether or not to take a chance on changing the range of languages offered. What might the consequences be? Given the pressures of league tables and performance measures, how much risk is too much? Further data collected in the study found that staffing was a big concern for schools when making choices regarding their language provision, and the range of languages that can be taught in the future is naturally impacted by those that can be learned in the present. In light of the findings of the study, this paper will consider possible ways forward for UK schools’ language teaching.
|Adam Dahmer, University of Edinburgh||Social and ideological tensions among early and late acquirers of Scottish Gaelic||Gaelic has been taught at Scottish universities since the 1880s, but on a relatively small scale. In twenty-first-century Scotland, Gaelic is taught at four higher education institutions – the Universities of Aberdeen, Edinburgh, and Glasgow; and Sabhal Mòr Ostaig and Lews Castle College, both part of the University of the Highlands and Islands. Programmes at these institutions have played an important role in Gaelic scholarship, and many of their graduates have become prominent in Gaelic organisations and Gaelic cultural life. However, there has as yet been no detailed research on the trajectories of Gaelic graduates in terms of language use in later life. |
Drawing on methodologies developed in order to investigate the linguistic beliefs and practices of former Gaelic-medium primary school pupils (Dunmore 2015), this research seeks to discover how people who have earned Gaelic-related four-year undergraduate degrees apply their Gaelic language skills after graduating. The study focuses on individuals who graduated between 1990 and 2006 and have therefore have had significant life experience since completing their undergraduate study. The total number of graduates involved is approximately 300. Research instruments used for the study include a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews.
This paper will discuss some early findings of the ongoing research, focusing specifically on the differences in ideology and language use between Gaelic speakers who learned Gaelic in early childhood, and those who began learning later in life.
|Alex Baratta, University of Manchester||The need for standard accents in British teacher training||Within British teacher training, there is an established language policy, which is the need for teachers to use, and teach, the dialect known as standard English. Standard English can be spoken in any accent, but are all accents created equal? Based on the results of four studies involving the views of 35 British teachers and 55 students, collectively representing primary and secondary teaching and a range of accents, it is suggested that, under the guise of being understood by one's students, many teachers are being told to modify their accents for teaching. The focus tends to be more on Northern/Midlands teachers and for some teachers, the practice is based purely on the linguistic preferences of mentors and leaves some teachers feeling fraudulent. Thus, I wish to initiate a discussion within this subject in order to determine if indeed accent needs to be addressed within the Teachers' Standards. If so, what is the best way forward to gather the conflicting views and ideologies thus far expressed by teachers and mentors? Given the results, it appears that accent is indeed a live issue and if this subject can be addressed with input from both mentors and teachers, then this can be a step forward in ensuring all voices are heard. The suggestion is that, while Britain does not need a standard accent (does one exist anymore?), there are in fact standard versions of regional accents and this might be one way to address the issue, so that teachers can still feel a sense of their personal linguistic identity within their identity as professional teachers.|
|Ana Raquel Matias, CIES-IUL; ISCTE-IUL; CES-UC, Portugal||Fabio Scetti, Université Sorbonne-Nouvelle Paris III / CLESTHIA, France||Is Portuguese a dominant language? Language policies involving Portuguese in three different contexts of migration||This paper focus on the linguistic consequences of migration phenomenon in terms of power relations, i.e., on the understanding of the processes implied in the social differentiation of languages that impact on individuals, families and institution choices and attitudes. For this purpose, we analyze the social status of the Portuguese Language in different contexts, as a Dominant language in Portugal for people with Cape Verdean immigrant background who are potential Cape Verdean speakers; and as a Non-Dominant language within the Portuguese communities in Montreal, Quebec and in Newark NJ, USA.|
In the first case, the European Portuguese (EP) norm is the main reference as the official language, both in the parents’ country of origin (Cape Verde) as well as their children’s country of birth (Portugal). This means that EP holds the main social function within language policies in public schools, despite family language uses and practices being more diverse in both contexts. In the second and third cases, Portuguese is perceived as an amalgam of different varieties, finding in EP (continental) its “norm of prestige” and in the particular case of Quebec, fighting for power in a complex context where two languages are dominant: French and English.
Using language policy analysis at institutional, family and individual levels, through non-participant observation, biographic interviews and policy analysis, we will put into dialogue the results of three different empirical contexts. This contribution aims to explore perceptions on the social relevance of the EP norm when in contact with other variants and languages, focusing on individuals’ self-reported repertoires, their processes of integration in new societies and official policy approaches. Education is here taken as one of the main tools to assess migrants’ integration at different levels, either promoting Heritage languages in a new context of communication, or focusing on political claims for assimilation.
|Andrew Linn, University of Westminster||Bezborodova Anastasiya|
& Saida Radjabzade, Westminster International University in Tashkent
|Developing a language policy in Uzbek higher education||Westminster International University (WIUT) is a private higher education institution in Tashkent. It was founded in 2002 in collaboration with a UK partner university and currently offers undergraduate and postgraduate degree programmes to over 3000 students in applied social science disciplines. Uzbekistan is multilingual with Uzbek as the only official language, but Russian remains in widespread use as a lingua franca. As an international university there are additional languages represented on campus, but English is the medium of instruction and the official language of all formal university activity.|
Given the complex language ecology, the institution faced the dilemma of how to maintain a commitment to English while recognising the autonomy and value of other languages. The main author of this paper has undertaken to develop a language policy for the institution based on a detailed study of the attitudes and experiences of all staff and students.
To date (December 2017) we have held a workshop exploring issues of language and identity and the lived reality of operating through the medium of English vis-à-vis other language resources. This informed the generation of an online questionnaire which has elicited nearly 1200 responses, is currently being analysed and will be followed by a series of interviews.
In this paper we will present those findings and insights which will inform the policy development stage. We will compare them, and the experience of language policy development in HE, with those of Norway which has had such policies for over a decade and which the main author knows well from previous research. We will share with delegates our dilemmas as policymakers and the hopes of both the institution and the researchers for what this project can achieve for WIUT and offer as a case study for other contexts.
|Anna Solin, University of Helsinki||Analysing language policy as a local practice – a case study on the regulation of research writing||This paper reports on research into language policy in academic settings. It draws on data collected for a research project which looks at how the writing of L2 English users is intervened in and managed in institutions of higher education (“Language regulation in academia”; www.helsinki.fi/project/lara).|
Most research on language policy in university settings has focused on language choice and particularly the use of English as an academic lingua franca. Our project is also interested in how “language quality” is managed, i.e. what kinds of Englishes are perceived and ratified as acceptable and functional in different genres. We wish to propose the concept of “language regulation” as useful in describing the diversity of mechanisms through which language is intervened in, the multiplicity of directions of regulatory intervention and the variety of participants who are involved in such processes (cf. Hynninen & Solin 2017).
In the paper we describe a case study conducted in a department of computer science at a multidisciplinary Nordic university. We explore the affordances and constraints provided by the organisational setting (e.g. the language policies and guidelines in place, the financial support available) as well as the practices of researchers writing for publication in English. English was the only language our informants published in; we analyse how and when they sought help with writing in English, what forms this “literacy brokering” took (cf. Lillis & Curry 2006) and who the writers perceived as being relevant sources of language authority. The analysis draws primarily on interview and document data.
Hynninen, N. & Solin, A. 2017. Language norms in ELF. In Jenkins, J., Baker, W. & Dewey, M. (eds), Routledge Handbook of English as a Lingua Franca. Routledge.
Lillis, T. & Curry, M.J. 2006. Professional academic writing by multilingual scholars. Written Communication 23: 1.
|Astrid Adler, Institut für Deutsche Sprache||Language questions in censuses as a mirror for language policy: the case of Germany||Knowing more about the languages spoken in a country and the number of their speakers is informative and useful not only for linguists but also for politicians, i.e. language policies. One way to assess the number of languages and/or speakers is via a country’s national census. In Germany, a question on language has been omitted since 1939 for politico-historical reasons. In 2017, almost 80 years later, the national German census added one single question about language – possibly due to the high flux of migrants in 2015. However, the language question in the German census displays similar shortcomings as the language question in the UK census in 2011 (cf. Sebba 2017).|
Language questions in a census (as well as the provided answers) reflect concepts of language ideology; the latter however, often clash with their social reality. Although for instance Germany has a presumably large proportion of multilingual residents it is conceptually monolingual. The presumed multilingualism is not at all acknowledged in the census question on language, thus, aggravating the lack of knowledge on multilingualism and the perception thereof. To tackle this shortcoming, we are currently conducting a representative survey including questions on language repertoire.
In this paper, I will give a brief overview of language policy in Germany as well as address the dilemmas concerning the current census question. Finally, I will present the currently conducted representative survey.
|Ben Ó Ceallaigh, University of Edinburgh||Language policy in Ireland – ten years after the 2008 economic crash||The dramatic social and political consequences of the economic crisis which began in Ireland in late-2008 have been frequently discussed over the last ten years. In spite of this, the implications of the state’s far-reaching programme of austerity for the area of language policy, has, to date, remained notably absent from such discussions – despite the well documented linguistic crisis currently facing Irish-speaking (“Gaeltacht”) communities. |
This paper, based on ongoing PhD research, will attempt to rectify this deficit by examining how the crisis provided the state with an opportunity to radically reform its revitalisation-oriented Irish language policy. I will discuss the differential treatment of Irish-language institutions – which have been hit much harder by austerity measures than comparable institutions which operate through English – and contend that this treatment is a product of the neoliberal opposition to “culturalist” endeavours such as language revitalisation. I will argue that the 20-year Strategy for Irish 2010-2030 and the Gaeltacht Act 2012 can too be seen as products of the neoliberal paradigm, with the drastic neoliberal reforms of the Irish public service implemented in the wake of the crisis creating a policy environment inimical to effective language revitalisation measures.
I will then explore how such policy reforms have been contested by Gaeltacht communities, particularly regarding the current controversies surrounding the local language planning measures stipulated in the 2012 act, as well as community efforts to overcome the drastic cuts made to Irish language provision via recourse to unorthodox, non-state funding sources.
Referring to literature on both language revitalisation and public policy studies, I hope to demonstrate what Ireland can teach us about the challenges neoliberal policy regimes present for revitalisation-focused LPP efforts, as well as how such regimes can potentially be subverted by micro-level community organisation.
|Buddug Hughes, Prifysgol Aberystwyth University||Researching children’s language use during key stage 2 and key stage 3 transition||Welsh language continuity during primary-secondary school transition is a subject of concern in some areas of Wales. This paper reports on a study of language use practices and patterns of a sample of primary school pupils from various language backgrounds in Anglesey, North Wales, who were followed through the primary-secondary transition period.|
A variety of linguistic backgrounds can be observed amongst school pupils in classrooms in many Welsh schools, including pupils who speak Welsh, pupils who speak English, pupils who speak both languages and also pupils who speak other languages at home. These linguistic backgrounds are reflected amongst the pupils who formed part of this study. By combining theories from the fields of language policy and planning, linguistics, sociology and education, the study analyses data collected in three schools in Anglesey: two primary schools and a secondary school. The study examines pupils’ range of language use and Welsh language skills, and attempts to analyse how decisions, choices and experience of education, in particular language medium in secondary school, affects continuity and progression or deterioration and loss in pupils’ use of the Welsh language.
This study contributes to the fields of bilingualism in education and language planning and policy in the education sector in Wales and discusses aspects of developing language policy on education, bilingualism and educational achievement. The study was designed using qualitative research methods, in particular linguistic ethnography research methods.
|Cátia Verguete, Goldsmiths College||Appropriating Portuguese language policy in England: exploring lessons from the life story of a Portuguese teacher||The provision for Portuguese language in England is secured by teachers trained overseas, directed and fully maintained by the Portuguese government through the Camões Institute. Portuguese policy has evolved from serving the immigrant community in the 1960s to offering an international language integrated into the local curricula, aimed at a wider and more diverse audience. There is a need for substantive research on how this affects local policies and pedagogical practices. How do Portuguese educators working for Camões Institute in London interpret and implement macro-level Portuguese policies whilst engaging in the language learning ideologies and policy landscape in England? |
Combining intertextual analysis of policy texts with collection of life stories, interviews and observations of four teachers and their coordinator as part of my doctoral research at Goldsmiths College, I provide an ethnographic account theoretically underpinned by a multi-layered language planning and policy framework that connects macro-level policy to meso-level institutional practices and micro-level language ideologies and practices (Ricento 2006, Hornberger 2006, Johnson 2013).
In my presentation, I will reveal some preliminary thoughts on the interpretation of Portuguese policy by one interviewee. I will argue that the life-story and perceptions of this experienced Camões’ teacher reveal important lessons about their understated role as a language policymaker in the field (Menken and García 2010).
|Christina Wagoner||Offering and delivering bilingual services: language capacity building and strengthening of the workforce||This talk will define language capacity building and language capacity strengthening and how together they are needed to create a workforce that is both willing and able to deliver bilingual services. Boisvert and LeBlanc (2003, p. 9) define capacity and use concerning official languages in the workplace: capacity “means the ability of an organization to function in both official languages” and use “refers to the effective use in organizations of the official languages”. Boisvert and LeBlanc (2003, pp. 9-10) further creates an analytical model focusing on capacity and use in which capacity and use are illustrated to be in a “virtuous cycle of mutual reinforcement” with the cycle contributing to the language of work which then affects the language of service. As a result of conclusions found whilst researching Welsh language training of professionals in the Welsh statutory education and health and social care sectors, it was determined that the model should be modified. The terms language capacity building and language capacity strengthening need to be included and defined within the cycle of capacity and use. Language capacity building concerns “increasing the bilingual capacity of an organization, e.g. through recruiting bilingual speakers and/or increasing the fluency levels of the current workforce through language training”, and language capacity strengthening describes “increasing the use of the language, e.g. building the confidence of the current workforce to use their language skills” (Wagoner 2017, p. 279). In terms of language policy and workforce planning, combined language capacity building and strengthening models are needed to ensure the workforce has the ability and willingness to provide bilingual language services. Case studies will be discussed concerning an example of this model in the Welsh statutory education sector: the Welsh National Sabbatical Scheme.|
|Dave Sayers, Sheffield Hallam University & Cardiff University||Charlotte Selleck, University of the West of England & Cardiff University||Career mobility after Welsh- and English-medium education||Population data show that geographical mobility among young people in Wales is significantly lower among Welsh-speakers, a palpable form of inequality. Why is this?|
Drinkwater & Blackaby describe a “net brain drain from Wales”, an “outflow of well qualified Welsh residents” after education (2004:19; see also Bristow et al. 2011); and that “Wales loses a disproportionate share of its younger and more educated people, even after controlling for other personal characteristics” (Drinkwater & Blackaby 2004: 21). H. Jones (2007) points out the exception to this rule, finding that “Welsh-speakers are less likely to out-migrate, especially as adults, than those who cannot speak Welsh”. We aim to explore the reasons for this difference, comparing Welsh first-language speakers, second-language speakers, and non-speakers.
From the statistics above, it is unclear whether the difference in mobility represents a free choice (Welsh speakers are keener to stay in Wales) or a limitation (they are somehow less able to move); and vice versa for Welsh non-speakers. Either of these conclusions could be inferred from existing macro-level data sets. Statistically, Welsh-speakers have “higher employability and higher earnings than non-Welsh speakers”, partly linked to Welsh being “in demand within the labour market” (Blackaby et al. 2006: 84). There are also survey data among final stage secondary school students showing that “competence in Welsh … is significantly associated with level of affiliation [to Wales]” (Coupland et al. 2005: 15). But on the other hand, the most recent PISA educational attainment results put graduates of Welsh-medium schools lowest within Wales; indeed, Wales overall ranks lowest in the UK (Jerrim & Shure 2016: 120). Here Welsh speakers appear less competitive than their English-medium educated peers in Wales, and all their peers in the UK more broadly. That in turn suggests a constraint on mobility, not a free choice.
In our talk we offer some much-needed ethnographic insights into these population trends. We present the results of a preliminary study among young people in Wales who have recently left full-time education (19-25), comparing those educated through English and Welsh. We explore their feelings about employment opportunities; their personal motivations to move to different areas (inside and outside Wales); and the perceived role of education in shaping these views. We also outline our early discussions with Careers Wales about how our data could be put to use in addressing these inequalities.
This research is at an early stage and we hope for constructive feedback from colleagues as we progress the study.
|Dennis Baron, Univ. of Illinois||What's your pronoun? -- or, are nonbinary pronouns and singular they ruining the language or making English great again?||Recently, a transgender Florida teacher was dismissed for asking students to refer to them with Mx and singular they. When the University of Tennessee Diversity Office recommended asking students, “What’s your pronoun?” to make everyone feel included, the state legislature banned the use of taxpayer dollars for gender-neutral pronouns.|
Writers have been lamenting the lack of a common-gender pronoun since the 1790s. Generic he, though approved by grammarians, raised questions because sometimes he means “no women allowed.” Singular they was condemned as an error. And the co-ordinate he or she was rejected as cumbersome. 19th-century laws declaring that masculine terms included women didn’t help, as courts continued to deny women the vote. And so, in the past 230 years, over 100 invented gender-neutral pronouns have been proposed, including ou, um, and ip. Thon (1884) and he’er (1912) were even recognized by dictionaries. 1970s feminism brought jhe, per, and xe. Today, the movement for marriage equality and growing awareness of gender nonconformity has renewed interest in nonbinary pronouns to the point where “Ask me about my pronouns" is the new, “Hi, my name is _______.”
Invented pronouns still seem strange to the uninitiated, and there’s little agreement about which coinage to adopt, or how to secure its success. Nonetheless these new words usefully foreground the politics of gender and give people more control over how others refer to them. But as gender nonconformity becomes uncontroversial, the need for high-profile pronouns may decline. In the end, singular they is the form most likely to succeed. It has evolved naturally since the 14th century, like the more-recent singular you. And unlike invented words, whose spelling and pronunciation may pose problems, singular they is unobtrusive. It’s gaining acceptance in style and usage guides. And it’s popular both with people committed to gender equality and with those who give the matter very little thought at all.
|Donald Allison, Washington State University||Language use and confianza: Implications in language policy for migrant farmworker men||Lack of health access and health care services are major concerns for those who provide healthcare for Mexican migrant and seasonal farmworker communities (MMSF). Health risks related to several deadly illnesses generate a challenge in providing services. HIV/AIDS continues to be a major health burden for all ethnicities especially marginalized migrant populations. Language policy has direct implications on health literacy. Studies have demonstrated a mixed review as to the effect of low English proficiency on health care access, however health literacy may have greater implications than access alone.|
This discussion is a part of a larger study evaluating perceptions and experiences male MMSF living in the US have surrounding HIV/AIDS. As part of this study, a qualitative, ethnographic approach, including participant-observation and interview, is utilized to examine gender and culture. Data collected from a MMSF community in Colorado were analyzed using narrative analysis in order to answer three research questions surrounding language, gender, and culture reflected in the way MMSF talk about HIV/AIDS. Help seeking practices demonstrated by this study implicates the importance of language on confianza (trust) in help seeking behavior. Though there are policies regarding health care access and language in the US, several participants of this study discuss lack of confianza in the monolingual medical care provider, thus limiting access and appropriate health literacy. The use of medical translators in caring for low English proficient patients is an essential component of health literacy but can provide a challenge for the monolingual health provider in maintaining patient confianza. Ultimately, the need for effective expansion and enforcement of these language policies will likely improve issues related to confianza, health care access, and subsequent health outcomes.
|Drew Hancock-Teed, University of Toronto||Reconciliation and Language Movements: The Impacts of Treaty Making||As Canada begins on a journey towards reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples (First Nations, Inuit, and Métis) it is important to look back on the impacts of modern Treaty-making. Those coming to the table for modern Treaties (Final Agreements) have had disparate goals and unequal power. Although the federal government has used these agreements to address outstanding land claims and fortify their assertions of sovereignty, Indigenous Nations have attempted to use Treaties to secure their inherent rights to self-determination as expressed through self-government, economies, culture, and language. This paper addresses the impacts of the Sahtu Dene and Metis Comprehensive Land Claim Agreement (1993) and the Nisga'a Final Agreement (1998) on the language movements of the respective First Nations, namely: Sahtú Dene First Nations, and Nisg̱a’a Nation.|
Critical to the notion of reconciliation is the decolonization of ways of knowing. With that in mind, this paper uses the decolonized methodologies present in the works of Shawn Wilson’s (2008) Research Is Ceremony and Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s (2012) Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. These works promote relational knowledge-making and the pivotal nature of Indigenous control over research agendas and outcomes. By centring the voices and lived experiences of Indigenous people, this paper presents an analysis of the effects of the Final Agreements on language revitalization firmly within the decolonial tradition.
This paper concludes with recommendations on how to better foster language movements through the Final Agreement process and self-government.
|Eduardo Faingold, University of Tulsa||Language and secession in Catalonia: Negotiating an expansion of devolution powers with Spain||This paper argues that a possible course of action to protect the language rights of Catalonian citizens does not need to be limited to either choosing unilateral secession or maintaining the current status quo between the Self-governing region and the Spanish state. The two sides may seek to negotiate a mutually agreed expansion of devolution powers for Catalonia. To this end, the central government in Madrid needs to allow an open debate that might facilitate the smoothing of tensions with Catalonia, a debate which, until now, has been rejected by both major political parties, socialist and conservative. Spain needs to allow for referenda to take place, whether binding or non-binding, as permitted by paragraph 32 of Article 149 of the Spanish Constitution, to avoid antagonistic nationalism and feelings of resentment among minorities in Spain. Article 148 of the Spanish Constitution provides the legal mechanism necessary to start a discussion about expanding devolution rights for Catalonia. For example, by expanding taxation rights (as it exists in the Basque country) and, most important, linguistic rights (producing official translations from Castilian to Catalan of Spanish state documents, allowing the use Catalan in communications with national institutions, supporting the dissemination of the Catalan language and culture in the other Catalan-speaking regions, and expanding language rights for Catalan-speakers within the EU.)|
|Eileen Coughlan, University of Oxford||Irish as a language of authority in immersion education||Based on ethnographic fieldwork, along with focus groups and classroom recordings, this paper explores how Irish is constructed by students in an Irish-medium secondary school as a language of authority. While open rebellion against the school language policy is rare, and most students accept it in principle, the language of casual conversation among students is generally English. This illustrates the paradox inherent in minority language immersion education, whereby the minority language often becomes associated with authority and formal contexts and thus inappropriate for informal peer interactions, even where students express positive attitudes towards the language.|
The linguistic background of students impacts on their reaction to school language rules. Almost all students regularly experience situations where their competence in Irish restricts what they can say, meaning that a range of strategies are employed, including codeswitching and simply avoiding casual conversation in the presence of teachers. Students new to immersion education may find it difficult to acquire these strategies. The tiny minority of students who come from Irish-speaking households face an even more complex situation. As well as challenges to their legitimacy as ‘native’ speakers, they may find that their peers consider their home language to be inappropriate, restrictive, or overly formal outside of the classroom. In addition, students’ political views may influence the extent to which they wish to be identified with the language.
Minority language immersion education is increasing in popularity, and such schools are a key source of ‘new speakers’. Although minority languages are often seen as vulnerable and in many contexts are more closely associated with the domain of the home and family than with the exercise of power, immersion education reverses the balance of power between the dominant and minority languages, at least in some domains. This paper explores this phenomenon and the impact it has on how students educated through Irish perceive the language.
|Elisabeth Barakos, Aston University||Florence Bonacina-Pugh, University of Edinburgh||Language policy in the multilingual university: the case of Edinburgh.||Higher education, like other educational contexts, is being shaped by globalisation, transnational flows of people and services as well as a commodification of knowledge and skills. In the UK, many higher educational contexts have developed in this regard an internationalisation strategy, which aims usually at adapting and enhancing the teaching and learning environments transformed by a growing international student and staff population. In the internationalisation agenda, one aspect that interests us is the (lack of) attention given to language despite the fact that staff and students often come to teaching and learning with a multilingual linguistic repertoire. Indeed, given the increasing multilingual profile of staff and students in higher education in the UK, the question arises as to what language policy the international university adopts both in its discourse and its practices. To address this question, we take the case of the University of Edinburgh, which claims to have “a strong international tradition and reputation” (The University of Edinburgh, 2012). We focus more specifically on two masters that attract annually a “multilingual elite” (Barakos & Selleck in prep), in particular Chinese students. To shed light on existing covert and overt top-down language policies as well as on actual “practiced language policies” (Bonacina-Pugh, 2012), we have conducted a Critical Discourse Analysis of institutional policy documents related to the internationalisation agenda of Edinburgh university and a Conversation Analysis of a set of interactional data in workshops. This paper presents some preliminary findings with a view to understand the extent to which multilingualism is shaping Edinburgh’s internationalisation policy. It is also hoped that this paper will illustrate a methodological argument that we would like to pursue, namely the possibility of integrating Conversation Analytic (Bonacina-Pugh 2012) and Critical Discourse (Barakos 2016) approaches to language policy research, with a view to critically link language policy discourses and ideologies with agents’ situated practices.|
|Eloise Ebersold, Université de Strasbourg||From Family Language Policy (FLP) into Bilingual Language Policy in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC): Multilingual parents’ dilemmas, challenges and hopes||As a result of globalization, multilingual experience is the norm even in families (Wei, 2012). Most parents with different first languages desire to transmit their languages to their children. Since the one person, one language (OPOL) policy is extensively described in studies on bilingual family language planning (Barron-Hauwaert, 2004; Grosjean, 2010), most bi/multilingual parents choose OPOL with the belief that it is the most effective language policy towards children’s bilingual acquisition. Moreover, this opinion pervades the conceptualization of bilingual education as many teachers adhere to language separation. Thus, it is not surprising that in a multilingual ECEC setting, the same language policy is chosen (Caporal-Ebersold & Young, 2016). |
Based on the ethnographic data collected in an English-French bilingual crèche in the multilingual city of Strasbourg, I will present the process in which parents transformed their FLP into a bilingual language policy for implementation in this parent-managed childcare setting. An analysis of their discourses reflects their dilemmas and hopes that prompted the choice of the one person, one language policy. Then, I will provide examples of how educators implement OPOL. Furthermore, will discuss the constraints and challenges this language policy imposes on everyday interactions. Finally, I will examine the educators’ agency in negotiating OPOL in this collective context.
|Ernesto Vargas Gil||Language, ideology and interest: an analysis of the linguistic ideology in the New National English Strategy in Mexico||The unprecedented influence of English under the current processes of globalization is frequently used as an argumentative resource for its discursive naturalization (Bourdieu, 1991). In spite of the existence of a wide critical literature about the ideological character of the (economic) discourses of this language, there are relatively few 'empirical' linguistic studies of this topic, especially in the area of public political discourse.|
In this presentation, I intend to reflect on the linguistic ideology implicit in the new National English Strategy in Mexico (recently presented), based on a linguistic analysis of the 'internal relations' and also of the 'external relations' (Fairclough, 2003) of its discursive practices (Foucault, 1991). In both cases, I try to elucidate the connections among language, ideology and interest. In this analysis, I will argue that this strategy is not only strongly influenced by the logic of the market (more than based on pedagogical, didactic or methodological reasons), but that it fundamentally contributes to perpetuate dominant ideologies, discourses and practices of longer duration such as Anglocentrism and / or Academic Capitalism (Slaughter, 1997 & 2004; Cantwell & Kauppinen, 2014). Finally I will suggest some possible lines of research and political action.
|Facundo Reyna Muniain, University Bremen||Diaspora Family Language Policy in Argentina||The aim of this talk is to present the role of heritage language education based on the relationship between minority languages, ideologies and strategies of family language policies (FLP) in the context of the Galician diaspora in Argentina.|
The present work has as a goal to try to understand the family language trajectories in diaspora context and in particular how the family language policies are developed, through narrative interviews with descendants of Galician emigrants. In the family trajectories of the consultants seem to coincide in two historic stages, first in the process of assimilation and second in the process of linguistic and cultural recovery of the Galician community of Buenos Aires. In addition, the coincidences and divergences between the public policies of the Argentine national state and family experiences for a deeper understanding of the phenomenon are very relevant.
Furthermore, the case of Galician in Argentina in last two decades refers to language revival and maintenance in a diaspora context where a community language is being revitalised through heritage language schools.
Thus, it seems very important to explore the role of the heritage language schools on the language revitalisation strategies in diasporic contexts. In this frame the primary focus will be new speaker parents and the importance assigned by them to the community school.
Also, no less important is to review the linguistic ideologies present in the discourse of the interviewees taking into account a broader framework such as the phenomena of loss of identity references within the framework of the globalized world
Therefore, the corresponding contextualization within the framework of Argentine society, taking into account the historical-social moments that undoubtedly affect the interviewees, such as the dictatorial regimes in Argentina and Spain or the economic and social crisis of 2001 plays an important role as well in this case.
|Fiona Willans, University of the South Pacific||Dilemmas of navigating and researching institutional language policy and planning||In critiquing ‘canonical models’ of language planning, Bamgbose (1987, p.9) noted that “in quite a number of developing countries […] one has to reckon not with parliaments and democratic processes of decision-making, but with military rulers and arbitrary decisions and decrees which are supposed to be ‘with immediate effect’”. A similar observation could be made about policy and planning in many institutions within such contexts. While it is common to conduct ethnographic research that delves into the “spaces of unplanned language planning” (Ramanathan, 2005, p.98), in the case of institutions that appear to operate an ad hoc approach to policy, is such research done in the service of the institution itself (revealing what could be done differently) or in the service of a wider academic readership (revealing the apparently absurdities of one particular context for the gratification of others)? From the perspective of the participants themselves - generally, the orientation taken in ethnography - thick description and colourful vignettes of decision-making episodes may be considered neither useful for internal purposes nor appropriate to make public to outsiders. This presentation will think through the logistical, ethical and impact-related issues of conducting institutional ethnographic research into language policy at my own university. I talk through these issues as a staff member, as an applied linguist who is often called upon to advise on language policy, and as a relatively inexperienced supervisor attempting to guide her PhD student through this minefield.|
|Han-Yi Lin, National Taipei University of Technology||English-Medium Instruction at Universities in Taiwan: Language Policy, Institutional Practices and Individual Responses in the Globalized World||The late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have seen a significant transformation of higher education driven by the interwoven forces of globalization, marketization, and Englishization. Aiming for globalization as well as Englishization of tertiary education, English-medium instruction (EMI) has become a recognized component of English language policy prevailed in non-English speaking contexts. In a way, the implementation of EMI is not only an educational issue related to pedagogy and the effectiveness of teaching and learning but also a sociolinguistic phenomenon that requires further contextual investigation. Focusing on EMI at tertiary level in the non-English speaking context, this research investigates the implication of EMI practices for various academic disciplines and for different types of universities in the Taiwanese higher education system. It draws on Spolsky’s (2004) theoretical framework of language policy and employs semi-structured interviewing as research method. Individual participants from the four major types of HEIs in Taiwan are selected as informants, including instructors, local students and foreign students who have experiences of participating in EMI courses of various disciplines. By exploring institutional practices and participants’ perceptions, the following aspects are examined: the global and local contexts of EMI as language policy; the implementation and appropriation of EMI practices; perceptions of language and language use; factors affecting EMI practices; the implication of EMI. The main results reveal that practices of EMI are confined to as well as adapted for the socioeconomic, sociolinguistic, institutional and disciplinary context. Although EMI as a language policy denotes the perceived value of English as an academic lingua franca, practices of EMI implicate a reality of multilingualism and translingualism in higher education where communication and knowledge are transacted by available and accessible linguistic and pedagogical resources.|
|Ichen Hsieh, University of Warwick||Language Rehabilitation vs. Language Utilization in East Asia: Taiwan, Hong Kong and South Korea||In Taiwan, adding English as a second official language has been a heated debate for the last two decades. This October (2017), the new premier Lai declared that to enhance the international competitiveness of its citizens, the ministry of education would first formulate a series of bilingual education (English and Chinese) policies, which is considered as a consequential foundation for making English a second official language in the future. However, this language initiative seems to be in contradiction to the principles of ‘National Language Development Act’ drafted by the ministry of culture this June earlier. The act aims to respect every language and dialect spoken by various ethnic groups and strive to protect endangered languages in Taiwan. The political discrepancy between language rehabilitation and language utilization manifests the language policy dilemma in Taiwan. |
This talk will be discussing the Taiwanese context, and then adopting comparative method, analysing the contexts and effects of the English language policy implemented in Hong Kong and South Korea in recent years. The two countries are chosen because they share common characteristics with Taiwan in terms of the cultural backgrounds and global economic importance. The talk will be concluded by the comparative results of Hong Kong and South Korea, trying to draw some implications for future English language policy in Taiwan.
|Iker Erdocia, Dublin City University||Diversity and language recognition: the challenging case of Melilla||Western societies are witnessing social changes with potential effects on the minority rights debate. Increasing immigration trends are configuring new cultural and language correlations within territorial boundaries that might challenge the discourse on language rights. This article will focus on one of the most significant cases in the European context: the city of Melilla.|
Located in the north of the African continent, this enclave represents a political exception in terms of territorial sovereignty. Shaped by centuries of historical and political vicissitudes under Spanish military rule, it was not until the 20th century that the city acquired a complete civil dimension. Since then, Melilla has been marked by continuous multidirectional flows of people from different ethnic, religious and linguistic backgrounds. Currently, the long-lasting majority of Melillan population of Spanish origin is shrinking while the percentage of North African people is gradually increasing (estimated at 45-50% of the population).
The acquisition of Spanish citizenship and the enlargement of the Berber community resulted in a progressive cultural awakening. However, the attempts at regional and national level to gain official recognition of Tamazight have been unsuccessful. Based on the political arguments for and against institutional recognition, I will begin by analysing the legislation at a regional (Statute of Autonomy of Melilla), national (Spanish Constitution) and supranational level (ECRML). I will place the Melillan case within the liberal framework of language rights and, more specifically, in the relation between minority rights and immigrant groups, a topic traditionally neglected by scholars. I will then examine the voluntary acceptance theory (Kymlicka, 1995), its criticism (Weinstock, 1999; Bauböck, 2001; Rubio-Marín, 2003) and a recent development (Patten, 2014), and how these apply to the autonomous city. I will argue that the historical and territorial specificities of Melilla along with the group size factor might challenge both the institutional and legislative denial of language recognition and the theoretical proposals targeting immigrant/minority groups.
|Jaime Usma, Universidad de Antioquia, Colombia||Janeth Ortiz & Claudia Gutiérrez, Universidad de Antioquia, Colombia||Searching for inclusive language policies and practices for indigenous students at times of English colonialism in higher education: A case from Colombia||Economic, political, and cultural transformations associated to what is now called “globalization” are driving unprecedented changes in education and foreign language policies and practices around the world. In the case of Colombia, and as part of economic, social, and political agendas being negotiated by the national government at the local and international level, and more recently the invitation to be a member of the OECD, a number of education and language policies and programs have been adopted by the Ministry of National Education in the last ten years, including the introduction of new discourses about English-Spanish versions of “bilingualism” in Colombia; the exclusion of indigenous communities and languages in the country; as well as the import and definition of English standards for all academic levels. In this session, we account for this conflicting reality, and specifically address several dilemmas faced by students, teachers and administrators as they work on a curricular and pedagogical proposal to avoid that English language learning may hinder indigenous students’ possibility to complete their tertiary education in conditions of equity, respect, and language revitalization.|
This session include the presentation of a critical and decolonial perspective for the study of education, culture, and language adopted in this study. Additionally, researchers will elaborate on a sociolinguistic profile carried out in this institution with the active participation of more than 300 indigenous students, and how researchers have investigated the multiple and challenging views of indigenous students around languages, learning, English, culture, and higher education, among other topics, to propose a number of inclusive pedagogical and curriculum principles and institutional decisions that should be considered for a sensitive and effective appropriation and implementation of this type of reforms in higher education, not only in Colombia but across countries, where these complex challenges are present, but do not receive enough attention.
|James Fong, Tung Wah College, Hong Kong||Digraphia for the Chinese language in Hong Kong: Diversity management of language at a time of changing political and social realities||This study analyses the current power relations in Hong Kong, as reflected in conflict over the choices of two Chinese scripts. It proposes potential solutions to current challenges regarding language management at a time of shifting political and socio-economic realities in the city. As a consequence of the continuing high influx of immigrants from mainland China into Hong Kong, the language environment of the city, where traditional Chinese orthography is practised as the de facto Chinese script, is being transformed. There has been an emerging presence of simplified Chinese orthography, which is the standard textual form of Chinese in mainland China. The practice of the language has been characterised by an emerging digraphia, which refers to the practice of two writing systems in society. This has led to increasing conflict over the choice of the written forms of the language. Surprisingly, given the current linguistic tension, there is a dearth of academic literature on the study of the increasing popularity of simplified Chinese characters in Hong Kong. To investigate this would contribute to a more thorough understanding of the evolution of language policy in the city. This relates to the issue of diversity management of language for Hong Kong, as immigrants from mainland China who have settled in the city since its change of sovereignty in 1997 account for 20% of Hong Kong’s population. Mainland immigrants will account for an even larger share of the city’s population in years to come. Whether simplified Chinese characters should be accommodated in the society’s multilingual practices depends on the extent to which the use of the simplified script would be part of what defines Hong Kong linguistically. Scholarly investigation into language policy in Hong Kong would offer insights into the macro-sociolinguistic impact of these ongoing changes on the city’s demographic and sociolinguistic profile.|
|Janet Enever, Reading University UK/Umeå University, Sweden||The process of policy-making: between philosophy and pedagogy||In this paper I review the key dilemmas experienced by a team engaged in formulating a national policy for primary FLs in Uruguay, drawing on evidence from both the newly-created national curriculum framework and documentation of the first stages in drafting the primary languages framework.|
Lukes’ (2005) three-dimensional view of power offers a useful tool for investigating the ways in which power is applied in behaviours during the decision-making process. In my analysis I discuss instances when power was observable as potential conflicts remained latent as a consequence of who was permitted to enter the room and contribute to the decision-making process. However, in the strongly-democratic tradition of Uruguay, power is to be widely devolved to teachers in the subsequent consultation process, with the expectation that the final policy document will effectively then be implemented in schools.
In my presentation I will briefly explore my experience as an adviser to this procedure, elaborating on the uncertainties that arose for all members of the policy team. I review the challenges of working with a tradition of a strongly philosophical approach to policy documentation and discuss the process of converting the initial document into a draft framework designed to provide clear guidance to teacher groups in formulating a clear pedagogical focus. As a final theme I will briefly raise questions related to the practice of policy borrowing (Parmenter & Byram, 2012) and global alignment for further discussion during the meeting.
|Jeremie Bouchard, Hokkai Gakuen University, Sapporo, Japan||Agency in Language Policy and Planning||This presentation reports on the main findings from an edited book project entitled "Agency in Language Policy and Planning: Critical Inquiries", submitted to the Routledge Critical Studies in Multilingualism Series, and aimed for publication in 2018. The presenter will draw conceptual threads between nine contemporary studies of agency in LPP by (a) locating important empirical and conceptual points of convergence and divergence across studies, and (b) drawing insight from work on agency in the field of social theory. In the process, he will attempt to broaden current understanding of agency in LPP. Integral to the work conducted in this book project is the development and sophistication of a critical perspective which pays due attention to the structural and cultural conditions of social life – i.e. the broad range of constraining and enabling forces involved in the complex interaction between language, language policy and language practice. This particular brand of criticism begins with the understanding that ideologies embedded in LPP discourses and processes (a) are stratified social realities situated within a stratified social realm, (b) constitute both constraining and enabling forces, (c) can often move within and between social strata and domains, and (d) possess powers which are activated through LPP agents’ reflexive engagements with the forces of structure and culture. A guiding question in this type of critical inquiry asks: While agents situated within and across various domains of LPP possess reflexive capacities which are distinct from structure and culture, why is it that some individuals and collectivities find themselves in situations where their ability to protect, learn and use specific languages in specific situations is considerably constrained by forces somewhat beyond their control?|
|Jessica Lueth, King's College London||Context-sensitive interpretations and implementations - dilemma or hope for European language education policy?||When we talk about language education policy in the context of Europe, we often refer to the same policies and objectives, and use the same terms. But do we really mean the same things?|
With the proposed presentation, I want to present findings from my PhD project that explores how European language education policy is interpreted and implemented in different European contexts. Since language education policy is a term of wide comprehension, the project focuses on the following two objectives proposed by European institutions:
1. The Barcelona Objective, also known as one-plus-two (L1+2). It refers to the objective that all European citizens should have the opportunity to learn at least two languages in addition to their first language – if possible from an early age on.
2. The maintenance of linguistic diversity. Languages are seen as a part of the European cultural heritage and therefore need to be maintained. Furthermore, it is also widely recognized that the first language (or languages) of speakers –European or not – ought to be respected and supported, so speakers are able to retain an affinity with their cultural roots.
My project encompasses a case study of six primary schools in London (UK), Hamburg (Germany), and Madrid (Spain), and findings from interview data that show that the understanding of certain terms related to languages and language education as well as the interpretation of objectives in language education policy highly depends on the surrounding context. In consequence, the schools' language education policies, offers, and practices vary considerably. The remaining question is: Do such diverse interpretations and implementations of policies represent a dilemma that impede the idea of a common European language education policy, or are they promising examples of how European language education policy could actually work?
|John Edwards, St Francis Xavier University & and Dalhousie University||Current Language Planning and Policy for Irish and Gaelic||Concerns for Irish and Scottish Gaelic (indeed, for all of the Celtic languages) are not new, and the critical issues are familiar in most ‘small’-language contexts. One is simply the fragility of any language community that has shrunk substantially in the face of a neighbour, particularly when that neighbour is not only of immediate or local importance, but is also of broad and increasing global scope. Another is the dubious but continuing reliance upon educational intervention in behalf of language maintenance. A third is that efforts on behalf of ‘at-risk’ varieties are typically made by a small ‘core’ group of activists, many of whom are not native speakers. And a fourth is the difficulty involved in trying to galvanise what is often a broad but passive goodwill towards the language into something more dynamic. There are, of course, still others.|
In this paper I provide a very cursory overview of the current state of affairs, and then go on to discuss two new directions, applicable for both varieties. The first is a pronounced emphasis upon ‘new speakers’ of the languages. The second is a re-examination of what has been termed ‘aspirational thinking’ – often embodied in official or semi-official ‘top-down’ activities – coupled with a call for renewed and strengthened grass-roots organisation.
|Josep Soler, Stockholm University||Language policy dilemmas and hopes of Catalan universities today||Language policy scholarship has in recent years turned to universities as key sites to explore compelling issues of applied linguistic nature. One of the main reasons for that is that while being key state (i.e. national) institutions, universities are also increasingly portrayed as international key players in a global educational market. As a result, many higher education institutions today are cut through by a range of different discourses that result into important sociolinguistic tensions and ambiguities, dilemmas and hopes that may crystallise into the formulation of specific language policy documents by university councils. The goal of this presentation is to provide an overview and analysis of the conceptual discourses in place (Hult 2015) in connection to the internationalisation of higher education and the role of language as depicted in the language policy documents of eight major universities in Catalonia. Known generally as “Pla de Llengües” (“Language Plan”), these documents have recently been drafted and adopted by university councils in Catalonia in order to settle the institutional stance in connection to the status and use of the different languages at play in each of the respective universities. In general terms, LPP documents in Catalan universities tend to place emphasis on the idea of ensuring a good level of competence across different languages, something that reveals that more often than not, the debate around language(s) in higher education is seen essentially in terms of a problem of linguistic competence. This is something that can be read as potentially specific of the Catalan case, although when it comes to the stance vis-à-vis the English language in particular, this this type of discourse can be also present in other non-Anglophone areas where English has made less important societal inroads (e.g. in Southern and South-Eastern Europe); more general conclusions, then, are attempted at the end.|
|Kelly Guzman, Wichita Children's Home||Rachel Showstack, Amy Chesser, Nikki Keene Woods, Wichita State University||Spanish Language Healthcare Interpreters in Kansas: Gaps in Inter-Disciplinary Education, Resources, and Policy||The State of Kansas has no healthcare interpreter competency requirements and only reimburses healthcare entities for interpreter services associated with Medicaid managed care (Chen, Youdelman, and Brooks, 2007). Federal law (i.e., Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964) requires any agency receiving federal funding to provide interpreters to patients with limited English proficiency, leaving some rural hospitals and clinics in Kansas with extraordinary financial responsibility and unable to conform due to lack of resources. Limited English proficient (LEP) persons, primarily Spanish speakers, are left to navigate through complex hospital systems without guidance in their language. Communication barriers are exacerbated due to the lack of Spanish-speaking healthcare providers in many Kansas hospitals and clinics. Despite the resource drought, the State of Kansas has not presented legislation to mandate hospitals to employ full-time interpreters in the most needed language of certain areas with high LEP demographics. Furthermore, the state does not require health professionals to participate in trainings that help them collaborate, interact with, and effectively use interpreters, or trainings on the effects of language barriers on patient outcomes. In this paper, we analyze the policies and ideologies that cause the healthcare interpreter profession to be disconnected and devalued in Kansas, focusing on two main problems: (a) the fact that ad hoc interpreters are accepted in many healthcare contexts, and (b) there is no official national, regulated certification for healthcare interpreters. As a result of these policies, untrained interpreters, such as family members and office staff, often take the place of trained professionals, a practice that can lead to emotional difficulties and sometimes dangerous errors in communication (Martínez, 2010). In addition, interpreters hired professionally may not be familiar with key medical terminology. To conclude, we present implications for language teaching and the training of health professionals in higher education.|
|Kirsten Rosiers, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Ghent University||Monolingual language policy in Flemish education and its impact on policy, practices and beliefs||Based on linguistic-ethnographic fieldwork in a linguistically diverse secondary school in Brussels (Belgium), this research analyses (1) policy texts (macro level), (2) the school’s language policy (meso level), and (3) teachers’ attitudes and practices (micro level).|
Multilingual practices are a reality in the officially bilingual French-Dutch capital of Belgium, however, Brussels’ schools are either monolingual Dutch or French. This paper focuses on a Dutch-medium school that emphasizes a strict language management (Spolsky 2004): policy documents highlight a Dutch-only policy and indicate that pupils will be punished when speaking other languages. However, teachers’ language beliefs and practices differ from this prescribed and reprimanding policy. They adopted ambiguous strategies to reconcile monolingual expectations with the reality of multilingual pupils and often resorted to merely prefiguring the possibility of detention without following suit, to calling for silence regardless of what language pupils were speaking, besides drawing on pupils’ home languages.
Various reasons why teachers do not implement the strict policy, their attitudes towards multilingualism and their practices will be unraveled in a language policy analysis, the latter being a process in which the different levels interact (Spolsky 2004, Ricento & Hornberger 1996, McCarty 2011). Hereby, teachers orient to dilemmatic aspects of a monolingual ideology viz., themselves, the pupils, the school as an institution, the education system (Jaspers, forthcoming) and they practice policies within the classroom (Young 2014).
|Kristina Hultgren, The Open University||The Drive towards English as a Medium of Instruction in non-English-Dominant European Universities: A Call for Reframing Language Policy and Planning||Despite speculation that English as an international language might be in retreat because of recent surges of nationalism, associated with Trump and Brexit, in major English-speaking countries (Altbach and de Wit 2017; Modiano 2017), so far, the global spread of English shows little sign of abating. Flying in the face of the EU’s policy to respect ‘linguistic diversity’, the number of university degree programmes taught in English in non-English-dominant Europe has risen by more than 1,000% in the past decade, replacing or partially replacing the official language, e.g. German in Germany or French in France (Hultgren et al. 2015; Wächter and Maiworm 2014; Brenn-White and van Rest 2012). The shift to English as a Medium of Instruction (EMI) has prompted concerns over the educational, linguistic and cultural consequences of learning and teaching in a language that is not the first for the majority of speakers. Despite the furore, Language Policy and Planning (LPP), conceived both as a practice and as a scholarly field of inquiry, has failed to both explain and curb the drive towards EMI (Hultgren 2014).|
This paper calls for a radical reframing of LPP. In doing so, it echoes calls for greater engagement with factors in the political economy (Piller and Cho 2013; Ricento 2015; Block 2018). In the case of EMI, the reframing entails bringing past decades’ neoliberalist restructuring of higher education – and the obsession with competition, international benchmarking, performance-based funding structures and other metrics regimes – to the forefront of theory and analysis. It will be argued that it is only by engaging in conceptual, theoretical and methodological innovation that we can truly understand not only why EMI but also the global spread of English happens, and, if desired, have any hope of devising language policies that are effective enough to combat it.
|Lisa McEntee-Atalianis, Birkbeck, University of London||Rachelle Vessey, Birkbeck, University of London||Language Policy & Diplomacy: A Diachronic Corpus-assisted Discourse Analysis of the United Nations’ General Debates on Language(s) and Multilingualism||Since the first General Assembly Resolution 2 (I) in 1946, the United Nations Headquarters in New York has promoted multilingualism through the support of six official languages and two working languages. However despite this de jure arrangement the de facto reality has seen a continued imbalance between these languages and the linguistic practices of its membership, with English becoming dominant (Piron 1980; McEntee-Atalianis 2006, 2015, 2016). Attempts have been made at Headquarters to review and promote multilingualism within the organization and internationally through various activities and resolutions and these have increased in intensity following the appointment of a Coordinator for Multilingualism (pursuant to the General Assembly resolutions 54/64 of 1999 and 61/266 of 2007) and an organization-wide inspection in 2011. Despite these ‘top down’ organizational initiatives and research on the language practices of UN officials within the Organisation, the prevalence of ‘language’ issues in political debates is largely unexplored. In this paper we seek to investigate Member States’ changing approach and focus on language through an analysis of interventions made within the UN General Debates sessions. These are forums at the annual sessions of the United Nations General Assembly where senior representatives of member states deliver statements that present their governments’ perspective on major issues in world politics. These statements are akin to the annual legislative state-of-the-union addresses in domestic politics. Drawing on the UN General Debates Corpus (UNGDC) (Mikhaylov, Baturo and Dasandi, 2017), which contains 7707 files from 1970 to 2016 (over 22 million words), we will map the shifting ideological landscape and language policy discourses across political periods. Our study also highlights the merits of combining corpus and discourse analysis in investigations of policy-related texts (Fitzsimmons-Doolan, 2015), in particular their affordances in identifying markers of intertextuality, constancy and change over time.|
|Maartje De Meulder, University of Namur||Joseph Murray, Gallaudet University||The legal recognition of sign languages||Over the past two decades, sign language communities around the world have mobilized for the legal recognition of their sign languages in national laws. However, they differ in their achievements of specific language policies. Today, over 30 countries have some form of legal recognition of their sign languages in forms ranging from constitutional amendment to independent language laws (De Meulder 2015). |
The motivation to develop such legislation indirectly stems from deaf signers’ dual category status in public policy as both a linguistic minority and a group of people with a disability (De Meulder & Murray 2017). Existing anti-discrimination and disability human rights legislation only covers their rights as people with a disability. In theory, the recognition of sign languages should constitute the legal codification of their status as linguistic minorities. However, these legislative levers are often significantly less substantial than those proposed in anti-discrimination or disability human rights legislation, and are often still couched as disability and ‘access’ measures. This presents deaf signers with dilemmas and hopes: use both legislative means to advance their intersectional rights as language minorities and peoples with disabilities, while at the same time acknowledging that official language support alone is not a panacea, since formal mechanisms of support and visibility for sign languages are also critical, especially given the endangered status of many sign languages.
This presentation will highlight these issues, based on a collection of 19 national case studies documented for a forthcoming volume that surveys sign language recognition campaigns and implementation internationally (De Meulder, Murray & McKee, forthcoming).
|Maik Gibson||How relevant is standardisation for minoritised languages in the developing world?||The twenty-first century has seen a great opportunity for the democratisation of written language practices, with the advent of texting and social media. Much, if not most, writing, is no longer for formal work or educational purposes, but for social interaction and self presentation. The force of the formal standard seems to be much weaker in these contexts, in both form (e.g. textspeak in English) and the variety chosen (e.g. Tunisian rather than Standard Arabic in Tunisia). We hypothesise that this is due to norms of conversation, where solidarity may be emphasised, being more strongly evoked than those of formality or power.
We present some data - from Tunisian Arabic, Sheng (Kenya) and Rangi (Tanzania) -evidencing the way that use of Facebook, for example, eschews formal norms, and yet adopts, more loosely, other conventions. It seems that these conventions spread from below rather than being imposed by any self-appointed body. We then ask what role do formal attempts at standardisation play in the written use of minoritised languages, sketching some areas where it may be useful, and questioning its impact where the social will to enforce strict norms are weak, especially where formal functions are mainly carried out by other languages a multilingual context.
|Marija Sotnikova Stravs||Language Ideology and Language Policy in Poland, Slovenia and Ukraine (selected issues)||The paper deals with language situation, language ideology and language policy in Slavic countries through the case study of Poland, Slovenia and Ukraine. |
The purpose of the paper is to compare selected language ideology and language policy issues in three countries with particular regard to legal perspective (the legal basis, explicit/implicit ways of regulation, different types of legislative documents regulating the language policy issues in each country, e.g. language acts etc.).
The paper also offers a brief description of the three language situations, taking into account the political and historical background, the political situation, the ideological context, national and language policy guidelines.
|Matt Kedzierski, University of Bristol||Tracing out the global rise of Chinese as a Foreign Language: a Cultural Political Economy approach||The past decade has seen a largely unanticipated emergence of real interest among public and private education providers worldwide in the teaching of Chinese as a modern foreign language (CFL). In some parts of the world, this interest has translated into concrete policy changes that have introduced CFL into the curriculum; in many other cases, CFL has come to be seen as a potentially ‘valuable’ linguistic resource to be encouraged outside the curriculum and in the shadow education market. Debates between policymakers and practitioners about the usefulness and teachability of CFL are on-going and are likely to continue, but our understanding of exactly how CFL has entered the policy domain and why so much time and effort is being expended to support it, remains rather poor.|
By drawing on the Critical Cultural Political Economy of Education approach advanced by Robertson and Dale (2015), this paper builds on empirical data from my doctoral work (2011-16) to propose a critical realist framework for analysing the semiotic and material practices involved in the promotion and uptake of CFL globally.
|Muhammad Arfan Lodhi||Language Policy and Planning in multilingual instructive milieu of Pakistan||Pakistan is regarded as a multilingual country with the essential implementation of different languages among children from their very early age. A toddler is motivated to use any local language being the mother tongue, use Urdu Language being the national language of country, use Arabic being the religious language, and use English being the official and international language. On the other side, Pakistan’s Language policy and planning in colonial and postcolonial era has close and interdependent connections at cognitive, social and cultural levels. English language enjoys the status of most dominant but least focused language in most of the educational institutions of Pakistan. Historical standpoint, present day imbroglio and futuristic glimpses regarding the importance and usage of English language collide with the judicial verdicts and policy makers’ decisions for last many decades. In this study, the status and importance of English and Urdu languages have been analyzed with considerate implications regarding status planning, acquisition planning and corpus planning issues as stated by Hornberger’s (2006) integrative framework. The relationship of guest language English, matrix language Urdu and many local languages along with religious language Arabic has been explored while adopting relativist ontology, emic epistemology and qualitative research framework. Research findings indicate that English language in the education system of Pakistan progresses through hierarchical stages from totally unfamiliar language to foreign language (EFL); then to second language (ESL); and later to international and global language (EIL). However Urdu, which is at present the mostly used language in the country, is facing the threat of becoming endangered and non-existent due to lack of concern of the policy makers concerned. The paper discusses language planning process, language ideologies, language attitudes and language threats in detail with an outlook to national and international languages being spoken and understood in Pakistan.|
|Nell Foster, University of Ghent||The European Schools: Multilingual Framework vs Plurilingual Reality||The European School system aims to promote linguistic and cultural pluralism andplaces the teaching of pupils in their mother tongue or dominant language at the heart of its mission. The larger schools deliver the full curriculum in up to 8 different parallel language sections and offer additional language instruction in up to 7 additional languages. All pupils are enabled to learn at least two additional languages to their own first language. The system is oft cited as a model of excellence in terms of multilingual education and the affirmation of additive bilingualism. |
This paper is partly based on a qualitative study of 20 primary pupils in a European School in Brussels and presents a critical overview of the system in terms of its commitment to language maintenance and linguistic pluralism, considering how these play out in reality. It focuses in particular on the interface between the conceptualisation of multilingualism at a policy and curriculum level and the complex, and often contradictory realities of individual plurilingual repertoires. It considers how the system’s language policy creates formal and informal opportunities for meaningful plurilingual interaction and the affirmation of a plurilingual identity but that the institutional framework can nonetheless act as a constraint to the development of bottom-up pedagogical responses to pluriligualism and even engender a certain benign neglect of specific languages or language practices.
|Nigussie Yadete||Ideological conflicts in using the Global language – English, in Ethiopian Higher Education: formal policy vs. informal practices||On different occasions, I have tried to present a broader continent level language use contestation (Negash 2011), that is, conflicting opinions between ‘experts’, who argue for caution in adopting English as a medium of instruction and the views of many non- experts who have a more positive view of the language. My present paper, reports an ethnographic research study of language use ideological contestation in tertiary level classrooms in Ethiopia.|
Unlike other African countries, English was introduced into the country’s education system in the 1940’s, for political and pragmatic reasons (Yadete 2017). Since then, this language has had frosty coexistence with the indigenous languages in the country, esp. Amharic, which is the national lingua franca and official language. English has been taught as a subject from primary to tertiary levels with the aim of helping students achieve the required level of competence to use it as a medium of instruction in the secondary and tertiary education. Nonetheless, many academics still perceive English as a ‘medium of obstruction rather than instruction.’ Normally students are proficient users of their first language (s) and Amharic, though not many of them seem to attain the required competence in English. Students and teachers, therefore, code-switch to navigate the communication difficulty they encounter in the classroom. A critical analysis, would reveal that ideological contestation or power struggle between the students and teachers underpin the code switching or translanguaging practice.
|Norbella Miranda, Universidad del Valle, Universidad del Quindio||Colombia EFL policy appropriation in the classroom: Teacher's agency in times of centralized curriculum reforms||At a time of an increasing presence of English in the official curricula in different parts of the world, teachers are often seen as a cog in the policy wheel with an urgent request to implement actions that would lead to the attainment of policy goals. The Bilingual Colombia Program (BCP) (MEN, 2004, 2016) sets English proficiency levels, establishes educational standards, recommends teaching methodologies, offers guidelines for curriculum development and proposes teaching materials. As an educational policy is not restricted to its official documents but it is mainly situated practice (McCarty, 2011), policy appropriation varies in a myriad of ways (Menken & Garcia, 2010). |
Drawing draw on the ethnography of language policy (Johnson, 2009) and classroom discourse analysis (Martin-Jones, 2015) to examine class observation fieldnotes, interviews with high school teachers and other school agents, transcripts of classroom interaction, and policy documents, I will share how two Colombian teachers interpret policy and exercise their agency during times of centralized curriculum reforms pressing to develop students’ proficiency in English. Findings show that factors such as teachers’ personal history, career trajectory and professional strengths play an important role in the choices they make for classroom practice while their decisions are also influenced, although not entirely determined, by the possibilities and restrictions in their schools, as well as by national and local policy implementation actions. What results from teachers’ agency is the adjustment of the official policy goals at the micro-level and pedagogical practices that aim to develop students’ oral proficiency at a level that seems attainable in their context.
|Oksana Afitska, Lancaster University||Supporting and promoting linguistic and cultural diversity in multilingual classrooms in England: a case of translanguaging.||Nowadays, considerable numbers of pupils across the globe (e.g. USA, Canada, Europe, sub-Saharan Africa, The Gulf, South East Asia) study the content of their national curriculum through the medium of a language that is not their first, or even second, language. Various strategies have been put forward by state and private educational organizations to support such learners through their years of schooling. However encouraging non-native English speaking learners to use their first - or other - languages in the classroom, to help them comprehend and construct the meaning of subject content, as well as to help their teachers assess these learners’ subject knowledge more accurately, is a strategy that still awaits its due recognition in many educational contexts. Garcia and Wei (2014) refer to this strategy as ‘translanguaging’. This presentation, drawing on empirical classroom data collected over a period of two years (2013-2015) from four state primary schools in Sheffield, takes the idea of multiple language use in classroom settings as its starting point and proposes 1) a framework that illustrates to teachers the power of pedagogical translanguaging, 2) highlights its strengths, 3) investigates factors that can hinder the effective use of pedagogical translanguaging in mainstream classrooms, and 4) proposes classroom practices that encourage use of translanguaging in educational contexts where teachers are largely monolingual, that is speak only the language of mainstream instruction.|
|Omola Mercy ODU, Aix Marseille Université||The French language policy in Nigeria: a quest for relevance||In the era of globalisation, it is safe to say that the French language has become a strategic language for Nigerians. French language learning in Nigeria is frequently justified as being a vehicle for promoting cooperation among the countries in the sub-Sahara region of West Africa seeing that Nigeria is mainly surrounded by French countries.|
This gave birth to the inclusion of French at secondary level in the National Policy on Education (NPE, 1977). In 1998, French language was promoted to the level of second official language of Nigeria, after English “for smooth interaction with our neighbours” (NPE, 1998:10). This decision didn’t augur well with some policy makers (Bamgbose, 2001; Omoniyi, 2003) who considered the privileging of French as problematic both pedagogically and culturally seeing that no progress has been made concerning the implementation of indigenous languages in education.
This paper is divided in three parts: first, I present the language policy in Nigeria and the French language policy. I then attempt a critical review of some institutions directly involved in teaching French language in Nigeria amongst which include the Alliance Française, CFTD, as well as the formal education sector, and the extent of their contribution in propagating French language in Nigeria. In the third part, I highlight the problems encountered during the implementation of this policy, one of which is the need to develop mechanisms for monitoring policy and evaluating implementation strategies. I end this part by proffering some possible solutions to this dilemma especially as it concerns the need to adjust the Nigerian university French curriculum to be relevant in the West African multilingual region.
|Osian Elias, Swansea University||Behavioural Language Policy? Nudging towards a million Welsh speakers.||A behavioural approach to public policy, and the use of behavioural insights, has now taken hold in the United Kingdom and further afield. Despite the transformation witnessed in many public policy areas, language policy is yet to comprehensively engage with a behavioural approach to policy design, implementation and evaluation. However, the Welsh Government’s Welsh language policy displays a nascent engagement with a behavioural approach to public policy. The 2014 policy update Bwrw Mlaen (Moving Forward) gave particular attention to changing language behaviour, while the recent Cymraeg 2050 strategy has emphasised the need to draw on the latest research in the behavioural sciences. This early engagement with the behavioural approach to public policy and the ambition of realising a million Welsh speakers by 2050 is a fruitful case study with which to consider the possible application of a behavioural approach to language policy.|
This paper explores the use of a behavioural approach to language policy efforts in relation to the Welsh language, arguing that such efforts could benefit from more comprehensive engagement with the behavioural sciences. Scattered and nascent engagement with a behavioural approach to language policy demands a more comprehensive engagement between language policy and the behavioural sciences in both theoretical and practical terms. Certain elements of language policy efforts in Wales demonstrate the potential value of engagement with a behavioural approach to language policy. As well as the potential benefits of comprehensively engaging with a behavioural approach to public policy, there are also challenges to the development of a behavioural language policy – namely, the evaluation of interventions.
|Pallavi Pallavi, The Open University||Policies versus practices: A study of multilingual classrooms of India||Universalization of education as an ideal is leading policy makers to recognize diversities based on class, ethnic groups, gender, regions, religions and languages within education policies across the globe. How well represented these diversities are within education systems, however, is often a matter of debate. India’s national curriculum framework (2005), for instance, endorses cultivation of societal multilingualism and its use as a resource within classrooms. Despite this, critics argue that the policy promotes a form of “monolingual multilingualism” (Nuemann, 2015, p 28) that disregards multilingual realities of India.|
The monolingual underpinnings of India’s education policy reflect in the fact that it has been structured around concepts such as, mother tongue, first language, and second language, the origin of which can be traced to monolingual societies wherein languages are learnt sequentially; the validity of these concepts in multilingual situations where children acquire many languages concurrently is a contentious issue. On the other hand, translanguaging practices (Garcia, 2009), or fluid and dynamic language practices such as code switching/mixing or translating, that characterize language use in Indian contexts find no reference in the policy. Being guided by monolingual ideology, the policy aims to provide for teaching-learning of “distinct” languages. The unauthentic nature of this goal in the context of India wherein languages do not exist as distinct systems separated by clear boundaries has been disregarded.
The present paper draws from seventy-five hours of conversational data collected from schools situated in Delhi, India, and argues that this paradox of an overt commitment to multilingual goals but a covert association with monolingual ideology that defines India’s education policy has direct bearing upon discursive practices that manifests in classrooms. Unveiling the manifestations of the paradox, it establishes the need of aligning the education system with multilingual realities of the Indian situation rather than with policies that are based on monolingual norms and ideologies.
|Rachel O'Neill, University of Edinburgh||British Sign Language recognition across the UK: Scotland leads, others hot on their heels||As people involved in campaigns across the UK for the legal recognition of British Sign Language (BSL) we survey developments towards recognition in Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland. We ask what factors lead to top-down Acts of language revival being successful, and how language policies coming from deaf organisations, as well as third sector charities with different agendas, have played their part in bringing about the BSL Scotland Act, 2015. At first sight the Scottish Act appears empty and weak, because it only has a budget for making language plans, not implementing them. However, there is evidence from the passage of the Bill through to the implementation phase that the Act will change attitudes to BSL and improve opportunities for people who use the language. The evidence we draw on includes extracts from the Facebook Page set up by the Scottish Parliament where deaf people contributed video clips in BSL about their experiences of linguistic and social exclusion. We applaud this use of online space in a mode which suits the deaf community, but also argue there needs to be more virtual or real spaces for debate to prepare for social change in attitudes towards BSL. The BSL Scotland Act comes ten years after the Gaelic Language Act, 2005; Gaelic speakers had already established their own Bòrd na Gàidhlig and were able to gain a key monitoring role for this organisation in the legislation. In contrast, no Board existed for BSL users in the BSL (Scotland) Act, and the National Advisory Group has been a temporary group not mentioned in the legislation. Nevertheless, it has achieved the first National Plan; now local organisations, councils, health boards, colleges and universities, are drawing up their own BSL plans.|
|Rachel Showstack, Wichita State University||Drew Colcher, Wichita State University||Educational Language Policies and Family Practices Among Spanish Speakers in Kansas||This study examines the ways in which Latinx parents who reside in two different regions of Kansas, U.S.A., respond to local institutional language policies when making decisions about language use within their homes. The analysis is based on 50 video-recorded interviews with parents of Mexican family background who reside in Wichita, the largest city in Kansas, and in Garden City, a rural town in western Kansas where the majority of the population is of Hispanic origin. Participants represent three different sociolinguistic generations and diverse histories of language use at home and in their communities. Combining a grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2008) with the framework of family language policy (King, Fogle, & Logan-Terry, 2008), the study examines how participants make reference to educational language policies when describing their own linguistic practices and family language policies. Findings reveal that local language policies and resources (or lack thereof) play an important role in the ways in which participants use language and monitor their childrens’ language use within the home. Those residing in Wichita’s North End frequently made reference to the local dual language program as a force that supported their use of Spanish and participation in Spanish-language literacy practices with their children, while the parents interviewed in Garden City did not have access to this opportunity; in monolingual school contexts, parents cited school language policies when justifying the use of English at home. Some participants chose to carefully monitor the ‘purity’ of the Spanish spoken in their homes, forbidding the language mixing practices commonly known as ‘Spanglish,’ while others embraced these practices when interacting with their children. Unlike language choice, decisions about linguistic purity seemed to result from folk linguistics rather than local policies. Results suggest that there is a need to expand resources for emerging bilinguals and multilingual families in Kansas.|
|Rachel Showstack, Wichita State University||Healthcare Language Policy in a Spanish Service-Learning Program||Communication barriers in healthcare contexts can lead to serious health consequences and even death. There is a growing need for interpreters in healthcare contexts of western nations, due to the influx of immigrants from non-English speaking countries, and university language programs have the opportunity to respond to this need by training students to interpret at local community clinics through service-learning. In order to prepare students to provide interpreting services, instructors must address key issues in healthcare language policy, including the Code of Ethics for medical interpreters. An understanding of the Code of Ethics involves the ability to apply ethical guidelines to unique situations using on-the-spot judgement. Scholarship has addressed the ways in which interpreters and healthcare practitioners negotiate culturally appropriate care (Dysart-Gale, 2007), but research is needed to understand how students who provide interpreting services while still in training make sense of this process. This study examines interpreter/expert roles and patient advocacy among students who serve as interpreters in a community health clinic system in the Midwestern United States as part of a community health themed service-learning course for advanced Spanish students. Drawing on Positioning Theory (Davies & Harré, 1990), we consider the ways in which four students who participated in the program describe their roles as interpreters with reference to the Code of Ethics, negotiate their roles with the medical students also serving at the clinic, and make sense of moments in which they step outside of their roles as interpreters in order to provide additional assistance to the patients. We build on Inghilleri’s (2007) examination of the role of interpreters in the political asylum system to reconsider the role of bilingual student volunteers in community health programs, and we propose suggestions for teaching the Code of Ethics and addressing language and cultural barriers in service-learning programs.|
|Sharon Harvey, Auckland University of Technology||‘Pop up’ language policies and Asian languages education in New Zealand||Language teaching and learning is one important way countries might educate their young people to engage humanely, reflexively and productively with ethnic and linguistic diversity at home and abroad, as well as to build resilient identities connected to their home languages and cultures. Why, how, when, where, which and for whom languages are taught in schools, are therefore important questions for education policy makers. However even today, these questions are not always dealt with in a strategic way and language education initiatives can literally ‘pop up’. In this presentation we investigate a recent ‘pop up’ policy initiative that considerably boosted funding for learning Asian languages in New Zealand schools. The three year programme that is currently in place is known as ALLiS: Asian Language Learning in Schools, and our team is undertaking the national evaluation of the programme. ALLiS funding has been made available for schools on a contestable basis to initiate or enhance Asian language learning across New Zealand. Instigated following a Prime Ministerial visit to China in 2014, the fund was publicly announced via a press release stating that the National government particularly wanted to increase numbers of students learning Mandarin. In the event ALLiS has supported the teaching of Mandarin, Japanese and to a much lesser extent, Korean. Here, we attempt to define ‘pop up’ language policy’ and also examine the funding model for ALLiS and the neoliberal policy frame it sits within, including the constructions of government aspirations for and understandings about languages that are evident in the policy discourse.|
|Shivangi Priya||Language Shift or Maintenance: A Case Study of the Maithili language||The Constitution of India has made the provision of the Eighth Schedule (ES) which safeguards the interest of the language and its speakers. The list includes 22 official languages of India. It is believed that after a language is included in the ES, it gets more vocalized and is used for administrative, educational and other official purposes. This is the reason that different regional language communities across the country have frequently raised movements to get their languages included in the Eighth Schedule. This has helped them voice their concerns for the status and use of their respective languages. Although the Mathili language has gained ES status in 2003 due to cultural protests and movements, it has still not gained status as an official language. It is not being used in schools, even for elementary education in North Bihar where it is widely spoken. It is still being dominated by the Hindi language. That means just conferring the status of an official language in the ES of the constitution does not guarantee the maintenance and development of it as expected. The issue needs to be addressed about how these obscure labels/status and hierarchy of languages are making it difficult to understand the real problem. Even many official languages are in some way neglected and facing the problem of language shift due to lack of effective language maintenance policy and implementation. Sometimes demographically populated and officially recognized languages are neglected as they are not seen as a minority language. The chances are that it may become an endangered language, if necessary steps are not taken. The present paper will discuss the case of Maithili language as whether the official status is helping in language maintenance or leading to the language shift.|
|Shurli Makmillen, Claflin University, USA||Many of us who teach and respond to student writing in Historically Black Colleges and Universities are working hard to do so in ways that do not negate nor deride the linguistic repertoires that many of our students bring with them. This presentation responds to the work of some preeminent scholars in the Students’ Right to Their Own Language movement—updated recently in Perryman-Clark, Kirkland and Jackson’s edited volume in 2014. Drawing from those like Geneva Smitherman and Samy Alim, who fruitfully involve students in “sociolinguistic and ethnographic analyses of their own speech behavior” (Alim 170),and contribute empirical evidence to illustrate some of the pitfalls and promises of a field that many others have so generously theorized, and developed policy and curriculum for. I will present results of a corpus supported discourse analysis of students’ literacy narratives, collected in a first year composition class at an HBCU. Preliminary results indicate that students are conflicted when it comes to their position on language in ways that mirror the scholarship in the ongoing debate about Students’ Rights to Their Own Language (SRTOL). Using a collocation analysis, I look at how students position themselves in relation to what they often describe as “proper” English, to ultimately reveal tensions between resistance and compliance, a reflection of the tension described by David Green between the push toward social justice and the pull towards Standard English (154).|
|Subin Nijhawan, Goethe-University, Frankfurt||The role of the L1 in bilingual teaching: creating “translanguaging spaces” for more global justice||To date, Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) in Germany is mainly understood as lessons in the (foreign) target language (L2) (e.g. Breidbach & Viebrock, 2012; Diehr, 2016). However, theory and evidence suggest a paradigm change towards a systematic and functional use of the dominant school language (L1) into foreign language and CLIL classes, to improve the overall outcome of both language and subject learning, respectively (Butzkamm, 2003, 2011; Cook, 2001; Frisch, 2016; Lasagabaster, 2013; Lo, 2014). |
In my paper, I will present the results of my currently ongoing “design-based action research” (Nijhawan, 2017) in a German ‘Grade 10 bilingual Politics & Economics classroom’. Following this general paradigm change, I carefully planned, taught and evaluated lessons accordingly in so-called “translanguaging spaces” (García & Li, 2014, p. 24) I had created for German-speaking students, concomitantly increasing their language awareness. Furthermore, evidence from psychology (Keysar, Hayakawa, & An, 2012) suggests the language you think in significantly affects the judgment on controversial topics. I will argue that code-switching through bi- and multilingual education in this area creates a 'perfect equilibrium of emotional and rational thinking', as first step towards more global justice. A multilingual educational approach indeed, as I will show, enables ‘the global and the local’ not only to peacefully coexist, but make glocalization (Robertson, 1995) a realistic and living concept.
|Tae-Hee Choi, Education University of Hong Kong||Structure, agency, and the “Teaching English in English” Policy: The Case of South Korea||This paper investigates whether, why, and how agency was exerted by a policymaker when designing a language-in-education policy (LEP). The agency of “implementers” of language-in-education policies, such as teachers and students, has often been investigated in the literature on LEP and policy processes in general. However, the agency or appropriation of the policy exhibited by those entrusted with decision-making power has been under-researched. This paper aims to fill this gap. |
Drawing on three in-depth interviews and over 20 e-mail exchanges with a government officer who translated the Teaching English in English (TEE) policy in South Korea into an in-service teacher-certification scheme which was first introduced in 2009 in Seoul and then was expanded to the entire country, the paper sheds light on how a policy actor maneuvered through different forces and tensions relating to the scheme at different levels and spaces, thus revealing valuable insight into how LEP actors negotiate structural realities.
Thematic content analysis was conducted drawing on the agency framework suggested by Block (2012). This framework includes four dimensions through which to understand the agentive language practices of multilingual individuals in a particular context: time/history, culture, physical space, and semiotic resource use. Of the suggested dimensions, the fourth, has been reformulated as the policymaker’s self-reported positioning of English as a semiotic resource.
It is found that the policy actors can maximize their agency by creatively and reflectively engaging with the structure. The engagement involves various levels of navigation, negotiation, resistance, and transformation. These findings have both practical and theoretical implications for LEP policy actors’ agency and may contribute to future theorization of the agency of LEP policy actors with power.
|Ursula Lanvers||Public debates of the Englishization of Education in Germany: a Critical Discourse Analysis||Germany has embraced the ‘craze for English’ relatively readily, increasing the teaching of English in all sectors of education, especially Higher Education; but controversies remain over the pace, manner and degree of English teaching in Germany.|
This article investigates how the topic of Englishization in education -in the broadest sense, including English as medium of instruction, English as foreign language and content and language integrated teaching- and in all sectors (from Primary to Tertiary sector) is discussed in printed German media. Using the database Nexis, a dataset comprises 156 German language news articles on the controversies around English in the German education system was established, including news outlets with national as well as regional coverage, and spanning the time from 1/1/2000 to 23/3/2017.
Corpus Linguistics methods (frequencies, concordances) and thematic discourse analysis were used to analyse the body of texts, and the results compared across educational sector covered, and the level of geographical coverage of the newspaper source (regional, national).
The discussion asks how the debates around Englishization in education varies depending on the education sector. Results are interpreted within the context of a) contested jurisdictions pertaining to language education in Germany b) tensions between institutional (school, university), individual (staff, students), national and international agendas (e.g. Bologna, the European aim of mother tongue +2 language skills) c) tensions between attitudes of protectionism towards the German language on the one hand, and pragmatism and internationalism on the other.
|Dimitra Karoulla-Vrikki||English strikes back! English as a language of instruction in higher education in Cyprus||A qualitative investigation of documentary data demonstrates that for the last six decades language policy aimed at English-medium instruction in Cyprus higher education has been influenced by political developments, economic goals, ideological positions, and internationalization plans. |
The language of instruction at the first university to be established in Cyprus fuelled a long-lasting debate (1960s-1990s). English was perceived as an indispensable international and scientific tool by some, but a former British colonial language and a threat to Greek language and identity, by others. The debate involved the selection of one, two or three languages among Greek, Turkish or English, which would reflect the identity of the university.
Since Cyprus’s accession to the European Union in 2004, the EU language policy has largely been functioning as a catalyst to previous language conflicts by offering an overarching European identity. English as a global language in higher education has acquired a new de-ethnicised role in Cyprus. Illustrative is the 2017 parliament’s decision to modify the existing law in order to promote the internationalization of higher-education and turn the island into a regional higher-education centre. To this end, English-medium programmes have been introduced in the three Greek-medium, state-run universities. In parallel, the four English-medium private universities, which had become bilingual by adding an increasing number of Greek-medium programmes to their existing English-medium ones, are now introducing new programmes in English. In times of growing diversity, English dynamically returns as a medium of instruction in higher education in Cyprus.
|Júlia Vrábľová, Comenius University Bratislava||"In Slovakia, speak Slovak!" The presence of non-Slovak speakers in language policy||This presentation is reflected in new-coming disertation thesis “Slovak language ideology in the European context” and as located in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) field, it “examines how the microstructures of language are linked with and help to shape the macrostructures of society” (Mayr 2008).|
This presentation deals with the relationship between the concept of Slovak language and structures of society as articulated through discourses, such as the discourse which falls somewhere between the language of public administration and the language of politics (so-called institutional discourse). We set a question whether Slovak language policy system reflects current needs of non-Slovak language users which we find rational, or it follows other discourse rules. In this presentation, we make an analysis on the presence of actors with non-Slovak mother tongue ("official minorities", "immigrants) as articulated in the documents of Slovak institutional and legislative discourses. Database of the analysed texts is rich as Slovak republic´ language policy is rather specific (Slovakia is one of few countries in European context with the law on official language which includes sanctions, i.e. financial penalties for breaching the law.).
|Karen Lok Yi Wong||Increasing language diversity and language innovations in long-term care in Vancouver||There is an increasing language diversity in Vancouver, related to its increasing immigrant population. This reflects in long-term care, on its proportion of residents, families and staff. This presentation will use a long-term care facility in Vancouver, as an example, to discuss the challenges and opportunities, as well as the language innovations. |
Increasing language diversity brings challenges and opportunities to long-term care. For challenges, many residents whose primary language other than English cannot express in and understand English. This may be because they do not know English, or they knew English before, but due to cognitive decline in language ability, they can now only express in and understand their primary language. Therefore, this can affect staff to understand residents’ needs. Many families whose primary language is not English also find challenging to understand the system of and communicate with the facility.
For opportunities, there is increasing proportion of staff coming from diverse language backgrounds, who can be valuable language resources for the facility and language bridges among residents, families and the facility. The challenge is that this adds the workload of these staff for interpretation.
In response to the challenges, the facility has language innovations. They include a directory of languages which staff speak, communication book (a bi-lingual book with pictures which residents and staff can make simple communication by pointing at the pictures), Google Translate App, on top of traditional measure of inviting interpreters. Each of these innovations has strengths and weaknesses.
|Krystyna Kulak||Tomasz Paciorkowski||The two perspectives on slurs in Polish: Perception of negative group labels in formal and informal settings||Although slurs, or negative labels directed at members of socially disadvantaged groups, have attracted increasing interest in recent years (cf. Łaziński 2007), no systematic sociolinguistic investigations of their usage and evaluation in the Polish language have been carried out.|
This study aims to measure the attitudes of Polish speakers of various age groups, genders and education toward a selection of decontextualized slurs as used in two settings: formal (public) and informal (private). The slurs chosen include those which have long been present in the language, e.g. Murzyn ‘black person’, but also some related to recent hot-button sociopolitical issues, namely ciapaty ‘Middle Easterner’ and homoś ‘homosexual’. The acceptability of each term was rated on two 5-point Likert scales, one for each context. While providing their responses, the participants were encouraged to make comments, which were recorded and included in the analysis in order to provide a wider context.
The most prominent pattern observed was the extent of style-shifting between the two settings: all slurs scored higher on the negativity scale in the formal context, indicating high user awareness. Although different degrees of contextual shift were observed for different slurs, there is a general trend toward heavily negative marking in both contexts of LGBT-related terms in particular, whereas slurs suggesting low intellect show a greater gap between private and public contexts. Aside from shedding light on an understudied aspect of contemporary Polish sociolinguistics, these results may contribute to developing guidelines for inclusive language among students and teachers of Polish.
|Nirvana Bhatia||Whenever Will We Talk About Language Rights?||Language is the gateway to all of our fundamental rights: right to a name, to citizenship, to healthcare, to political participation, to fair trials, and so on. Yet the right to linguistic choice is rarely defined. Language, in fact, is only mentioned as a negative right, the principle of non-discrimination, in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948). The United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDGs) does away with that as well, reducing discriminatory practices solely to “sex, age, persons with disability, and population group” (SDG 16.7).|
Ironically, the key to achieving the SDGs lies in recognising the rights of language-speakers. From struggles to provide “decent work and economic growth” (SDG 8) for non-French speakers in West Africa, to the second-class status of Russian speakers in the Baltic States (SDG 10), to the complete lack of public services for indigenous-language speakers in Australia (SDG 16), we must acknowledge the role linguistic freedom plays in both empowering and disenfranchising the disadvantaged. In other words, to ensure “no one will be left behind” and to “foster peaceful, just and inclusive societies” (2030 Agenda Preamble), the conversation must move beyond languages (e.g., Catalan) and begin addressing language-users (e.g., Catalan-speaking Spaniards) themselves.
In dissecting the SDGs, this presentation will explore how linguistic recognition -- or the lack thereof -- impacts fundamental freedoms, while also introducing legislative efforts, such as the Donostia Protocol to Ensure Language Rights (2016) and the UNESCO-led 2019 International Year of Indigenous Languages, being made to safeguard language rights.
|Shujian Guo||A comparative study of language planning for specific purposes in Chinese academia and international journals (2000-2017)||Recent years have witnessed a surge in interest in language planning for specific purposes (e.g. business, courts, science, schools, communities, families, etc.). This paper reviews 135 articles on language planning for specific purposes on 4 preeminent international journals and 4 leading Chinese journals with a portrayal of the nature of the scholarly endeavors over the past 17 years. By extensive analyses of domains, categories, choice of languages and methodology of language planning, this review clarifies the global and local foci occurring between International publications and Chinese journals. The findings suggest that approaches to language planning vary between the Chinese literature addressing a typical top-down model and the international research seeking a bottom-up perspective primarily tied to individual agency. The findings highlight the integral role of language planning as one of the emerging fields in languages for specific studies and how future research in Chinese local contexts could be integrated into the international academia.|
|Susan Stewart||Home Language Policy Messaging||Within a multilingual society such as the UK, the overt or even subliminal messages sent to parents from health and educational professionals, from friends and family, is not always consistent with current research. Susan Stewart, Head of Multilingualism at the International School of London and MA Linguistics student at SOAS UCL, presents regular workshops entitled ‘Raising your Bilingual Child’. These workshops, which are offered free of charge, are open to parents of the school, extended family and teaching staff, as well as external professionals and parents from the local community. These workshops have been presented to over 650 participants in the past 5 years, with many parents returning years later, their questions and concerns evolving as their children grow up. The majority of the workshop participants are sequential bilinguals, who are anxious about the process of simultaneous acquisition. The workshops aim to dispel the many common myths surrounding bilingualism, and deliver a clear message on how to ensure that the process of acquiring two or more languages simultaneously should be a natural and positive experience for all. As an international school, with 17 mother tongue languages taught as part of the curriculum, ISL Surrey has become a valuable community hub, which supports multilingualism by hosting community language schools and sharing good practice. By creating a shared understanding of the process of language acquisition and resulting multilingualism, a family, a school and the community can reap the benefits of linguistic diversity.|