A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | I | J | K | L | M | N | O | P | Q | R | S | T | U | V | W | X | Y | Z | AA | |
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1 | Date | Event | Pages referenced | Actor | Action | Tools | Effects | Uncertainty | |||||||||||||||||||
2 | July 2 1964 | Civil Rights Act of 1964 Signed Into Law | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
3 | July 4-5 1964 | Two SNCC workers arrested for trying to desegregate the Thirsty Boy restaurant, Seventy-one African Americans arrested while attempting to register to vote. | Page 15 | Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark | Two SNCC workers arrested for trying to desegregate the Thirsty Boy restaurant, Seventy-one African Americans arrested while attempting to register to vote. | Arrest Power | |||||||||||||||||||||
4 | [some time in 1964, perhas still July] | Circuit Court issues injunction against gatherings of three or more in Selma | Page 15 | Circuit Court Judge James Hare | Circuit Court issues injunction against gatherings of three or more in Selma | injunction | Gave legal legitimation to the actions Jim Clark was likely to take regardless. | Should a more progressive Sheriff be elected, they could ignore the injunction. | |||||||||||||||||||
5 | January 2 1965 | King arrives in Selma to challenge the injunction (in the streets, not the court) | Page 16 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
6 | January 18 1965 | SNCC and SCLC team up to lead joint voter registration marches | Page 16 | SNCC + SCLC | Organize African Americans in Dallas County to march down to the Dallas County Courthouse to register to vote. | Organizational procedure and leadership structure | Force the issue. EIther they will register, and therefore increase the power of the black vote in Dallas County, or they will have to be stopped over and over, day after day, in front of cameras. | Other than the fact that the issue will be forced, the possibilities were many, among them that the confrontation would stir up a riot, that they will simply be killed on the spot, and all of it without advancing their cause. | |||||||||||||||||||
7 | February 1 1965 | "King and five hundred schoolchildren were thrown in jail." | Page 16 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
8 | February 18 1965 | Marion protest attacked by Alabama State Troopers | Page 16-17 | 200 protesters | marched from Zion United Methodist Church to the Perry County jail to protest the arrest of SCLC worker James Orange | Organizational procedure and leadership structure | |||||||||||||||||||||
9 | State Troopers | attacked the protesters, shot and killed Jimmie Lee Jackson (protester) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
10 | March 5 1965 | King and Johnson meet again | Page 17 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
11 | March 5 1965 | rough draft of voting rights bill finished by DOJ | Page 17 | DOJ Civil Rights Division | |||||||||||||||||||||||
12 | March 6 1965 | SNCC Debates whether to march from selma to Montgomery | Page 17 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
13 | March 7 1965 | King sent Young to Selma to cancel the march | Page 19 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
14 | March 7 1965 | Bloody Sunday | 19-20 | John Lewis, Hosea Williams, 600 others | Marched towards Montgomery from Selma | ||||||||||||||||||||||
15 | Alabama State Troopers, Sheriff Jim Clark and his deputies | Inflicted violence on the marchers and arrested them | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
16 | Lafayette Surney | Reported minute by minute to SNCC headquarters | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
17 | March 7 1965 | ABC Shows footage of Bloody Sunday on prime time TV | 3 | ABC Producers (who made this call??) | Interrupting a prime time premier of Judgment at Nuremburg to show footage from Selma, because of the fame of the actors in the cast, an estimated 48 million Americans were watching (credible source) (OK source) | prime time spot in the big three networks era, film crew on the ground putting together 15 minutes of potent footage, a premiere of a movie with a celebrity cast to draw an even bigger audience, the thematic parallels (was this intentional?) | A very well delivered punchline by an expert comedian. The "room," which was public opinion, was completely transformed. A political window of opportunity was created. Page 21: everyone was telling Johnson he was moving TOO SLOW on a voting rights bill | ||||||||||||||||||||
18 | March 8-9 1965 | "In the forty-eight hours following Bloody Sunday there were sympathy marches in eighty American cities, sit-ins at the Justice Department, twenty-four-hour pickets outside the White House, and all-night vigils at Brown Chapel. Hundreds of white ministers heeded King’s call and descended on Selma, many demonstrating in the civil rights movement for the first time. Fifteen thousand people marched in Harlem; white sisters from the Nuns of Charity in their black habits linked arms with radical black activists from SNCC. In solidarity Wisconsinites walked fifty-four miles from Beloit to Madison, the same distance as Selma to Montgomery. Olympic medalists ran from New York to Washington along U.S. 1 carrying an unlit freedom torch to deliver to the president." | 20-21 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
19 | March 8-9 1965 (unclear from text) | Federal Court injunction against marching in Selma | 21 | Alabama Governor George Wallace | Seeking injunction in federal court against a march from Selma | Filing a motion | Obtained an injunction | ||||||||||||||||||||
20 | Federal court | granted injunction | Injunction, a statement of the court banning certain actions. Can only be enforced by the exective. | Providing formal legal sanction for cracking down on the Selma protesters, but is not self-enforcing. | |||||||||||||||||||||||
21 | March 9 1965 | March to bridge | 22-23 | Attorney General Nicolas Katzenbach | Called MLK to talk him out of marching | Failed | |||||||||||||||||||||
22 | MLK and two thousand marchers | Marched to bridge, prayed, turned back so as not to violate injunction | Forced another confortation with law enforcement but kept to letter of law | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
23 | Alabama State Troopers, Sheriff Jim Clark and his deputies | Allowed marchers to proceed this time | Did not create the possibility of another national broadcast with violence against the protesters, but also created the impression of having been defeated by the first march | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
24 | March 9 1965 | Jim Reeb assaulted | 23 | four locals | assaulted Jim Reeb, a white Unitarian minister, and his friends | Reeb died and suddenly there was a white casualty in the news. This had a different rhetorical impact than the white on black violence (unfortunately). | |||||||||||||||||||||
25 | March 12 1965 | Johnson meets with civil rights leaders | Johnson | "The Episcopal bishop Paul Moore, Jr., of New York asked the president why it had taken so long for legislation to reach Congress. “Two reasons,” Johnson replied. “First, it’s got to pass. We can’t risk defeat or dilution by filibuster on this one. This bill has got to go up there clean, simple and powerful. Second, we don’t want the law declared unconstitutional. unconstitutional. This can’t be just a two-line bill, as somebody suggested. The wherefores and therefores are insurance against that.”" | |||||||||||||||||||||||
26 | March 13 1965 | Johnson announces intention to introduce VRA | 24 | Johnson | |||||||||||||||||||||||
27 | March 15 1965 | Joint session of Congress | 25-27, http://www.lbjlibrary.org/lyndon-baines-johnson/speeches-films/president-johnsons-special-message-to-the-congress-the-american-promise | Johnson | Speech introducing the bill, making the case for it, while 70 million Americans tuned in | the power to introduce bills, the "bully pulpit" of being able to address the joint session in front of cameras | Bill introduced for Congress to debate, amend, pass or vote down. Rhetorical effects skyrocketed Johnson's popularity, 4/5ths of Americans supported the bill according to a Gallup poll. | ||||||||||||||||||||
28 | March 17 1965 | March to Montgomery authorized | 27 | Judge Frank Johnson | (probably the result of Johnson's speech and the general media scrutiny) | ||||||||||||||||||||||
29 | March 18 1965 | First hearings on the VRA in the House | 30-32 | House Judiciary Committee Subcommittee Number 5, Emanuel Celler | |||||||||||||||||||||||
30 | Katzenbach | https://twitter.com/adamgurri/status/1348381939737231363?s=20 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
31 | March 23 1965 | Senate Judiciary Committee hearings begin | 32-33 | Senate Judiciary Committee | |||||||||||||||||||||||
32 | March 25 1965 | KKK murders white activist Viola Liuzzo | 33 | https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/retropolis/wp/2017/12/15/a-white-mother-went-to-alabama-to-fight-for-civil-rights-the-klan-killed-her-for-it/ | Kept support for bill | ||||||||||||||||||||||
33 | March 28 1965 | Senate votes to limit Judiciary Committee Debate | 33 | Senate vote | 67-13 vote to limit the Judiciary Committee debate to three weeks | motion to limit debate | Made it impossible to kill the bill by eating up time | ||||||||||||||||||||
34 | May 25 1965 | Senate passes the bill | 33 | Senate floor vote | 73-19 vote to pass | floor vote | If House agrees, bill goes to President. If not, Senate and House work to harmonize. | ||||||||||||||||||||
35 | July 9 1965 | House passes the bill | 33 | House floor vote | 333-85 to pass | floor vote | |||||||||||||||||||||
36 | August 5 1965 | Doar sets aggressive schedule for agents to enforce VRA as soon as the law is on the books | 37-39 | Trained 100 agents and gave them field manuals and made them ready to head to the biggest areas of resistance ASAP | |||||||||||||||||||||||
37 | August 6 1965 | VRA signed into law | 34 | Johnson | Signs the bill | requirement that president sign bills to give them force of law | bill became a statute | ||||||||||||||||||||
38 | August 11-16 1965 | Watts Riots | 55, 63 | Rioters | Rioting | ended the political window that had made VRA possible (but after VRA passed). Radicalized the civil rights movement | |||||||||||||||||||||
39 | August 9 - unclear 1965 | Federal officials sent to register voters in Selma | 39-41 | Timothy Mullis and his staff | "The examiners set up registration offices in county government buildings, local post offices, or makeshift trailers if they couldn’t find any other space." "The examiners registered 1,733 voters on day two, easily surpassing in two days the 1,764 black voters who had been registered in the nine counties before the VRA took effect. By the close of business on Friday, 7,000 black voters had been registered, four times as many as were previously on the rolls. That number jumped to 20,000 by August 21, when the Civil Service Commission’s president, John Macy, briefed LBJ at his ranch in the Texas Hill Country." | Federal official issuing voter certificates directly, without involving state and local officials | African American voters obtaining paperwork with the force of law. They were on the official voter rolls. | ||||||||||||||||||||
40 | August 11 1965 | New Orleans parish registrar files lawsuit challenging constitutionality of VRA claiming the 24th amendment only banned poll taxes for federal elections but left states the power to set qualifications for state and local elections | 43 | New Orleans parish registrar Albert P. Gallinghouse | |||||||||||||||||||||||
41 | August 18 1965 | injunction preventing six Alabama counties from adding voters to the rolls | 43 | George Wallace | Asked local probate judge for injunction | filing a request | received injunction | ||||||||||||||||||||
42 | local probate judge | filed injunction against adding voters to rolls in six counties | injunction | formally calls for federal and state election officials to cease registering in those counties until the matter can be heard in court | federal agents could simply opt to ignore, but this in turn might embolden local officials to ignore the voter rolls as the means of establishing registration. | ||||||||||||||||||||||
43 | October 22 1965 | South Carolina files suit challening the constitutionality of VRA | 43 | filed suit, "alleging that the law “arbitrarily, unconstitutionally and unlawfully” restricted the state’s right to “exercise her sovereign power to prescribe fair and reasonable qualifications for registration of her electorate and the conduct of her elections.” | Suit | ||||||||||||||||||||||
44 | January 17 - March 7 1966 | South Carolina v Katzenbach | 44-46 | Supreme Court | heard the case directly with no prior appeal from lower courts | Discretion over what cases to hear including whether to hear cases that have yet to go through lower courts | Dispel uncertainty over the Court's stance on the new law | Court cannot act alone; even if they stake out a strong and consistent stance, an ineffective executive will change the character of the law, and they may in the future be undermined by lower courts, which hear many more cases per year. | |||||||||||||||||||
45 | Found in favor of Katzenbach | Court majority deciding the winner of the case | VRA provisions remained in force | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
46 | Affirmed the constitutionality of the VRA tools under litigation | Majority opinion | Sent clear signal of the Court's support for the law and the grounds on which lower courts ought to rule on future cases | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
47 | March 28 1966 | Supreme Court struck down poll tax in Virginia | 46 | Supreme Court | |||||||||||||||||||||||
48 | May 3 1966 | Alabama Democratic Primaries | 46 | DOJ | The DOJ set up field offices in Birmingham, Montgomery, and Selma to monitor the Alabama elections and sent attorneys to twenty-one high-risk counties. The Civil Service Commission dispatched 375 workers as federal observers to seven counties with the worst records of voting discrimination, including Dallas County. Katzenbach sent letters to 4,000 election officials urging them to comply with the law. If there was foul play, the department was going to find it. Berman, Ari. Give Us the Ballot (p. 47). Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Kindle Edition. | ||||||||||||||||||||||
49 | 46 | Martin Luther King, Jr | Campaigned throughout Alabama ahead of the primary | Driving turnout | high uncertainty, no clear way to tell if turnout was influenced by his actions | ||||||||||||||||||||||
50 | 49 | Black voters | 80 percent turnout | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
51 | 49 | DOJ | monitored elections and vote counting | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
52 | 51-52 | George Wallace | led a huge registration drive for whites | campaigning; sent pamphlets to every white high school in the state, set up a commission to encourage registration | signed up 110,000 new white voters in nine months, Lurleen Wallace absolutely crushed her opponent in the governor's race | ||||||||||||||||||||||
53 | 49 | Dallas County Executive Committee | At Clark's prompting, rejected six boxes of ballots from black wards in Selma as invalid | The discretion granted over the local party primary to the local party committee | Shrink the difference between Clark and Baker small enough to fall below the threshold that requires a runoff election | Practically begged for a response from the DOJ, given the scrutiny, and even then no guarantee Clark would have won the runoff | |||||||||||||||||||||
54 | May 5 1966 | 50 | DOJ files a complaint | Filed complaint with Alabama Southern District Court. Judge was out, so drove to Montgomery and found a friendly judge. | Complaint | Formally asks judge to take action to counteract the rejection of the ballot boxes | Judge could simply deny their request | ||||||||||||||||||||
55 | 50 | Judge Frank Johnson | filed restraining order against the Dallas County Executive Committee, ordered a trial | restraining order, ability to schedule trials | Stopped the primary election results from being certified until the trial | Unclear what would have happened if the committee had simply ignored the judge and moved forward | |||||||||||||||||||||
56 | May 18 1966 | Judge Frank Johnson | Rules for the DOJ | Judge's authority to decide cases | The ballot boxes are validated and make Baker the winner, Clark loses his job | very very little uncertainty | |||||||||||||||||||||
57 | June 6(?) 1966 | Allen v. State Board of Elections | 54 | Mississippi legislature | Changes the rule from requiring a majority of voters to approve county consolidation to simply requiring two thirds of the legislature, one of 13 changes [see quotes section of draft for specifics, or simply consult pages 54-55] | The power to introduce and pass bills which set the procedure for drawing county lines | "As a result of the legislative change, the two counties Whitley had won, Claiborne and Jefferson, would be consolidated with larger white counties, effectively ensuring that black candidates would not be elected to office." | the DOJ could get involved, the Courts might ultimately rule against the change | |||||||||||||||||||
58 | Sometime between June 1966 and October 1967 | 56-57 | Civil Rights Attorneys | Challenged 3 Mississippi election law changes | |||||||||||||||||||||||
59 | October 1967 | 56-57 | Three-judge district court in Mississippi | Ruled against the challenge | challengers appealed to the Supreme Court | ||||||||||||||||||||||
60 | October 16-17 1968 | 57-58 | The Supreme Court | three Mississippi cases joined together with one Virginia one to make Allen v. State Board of Elections | |||||||||||||||||||||||
61 | March 3, 1969 | 58-61 | The Supreme Court | Ruled 7-2 in favor of challengers, that the law changes needed to be submitted for preclearance. | |||||||||||||||||||||||
62 | March 3, 1969 | https://www.oyez.org/cases/1968/3 | The district courts | on the instruction of the Supreme Court, they issued "injunctions restraining further enforcement of the enactments until such time as the states adequately demonstrated compliance with the approval requirements of the Act." | |||||||||||||||||||||||
63 | March 3, 1969 | 61 | Mississippi legislature | Submitted three challenged law to DOJ for preclearance | |||||||||||||||||||||||
64 | March 3, 1969 | 61 | DOJ | Rejected the Mississippi laws | |||||||||||||||||||||||
65 | March 1969 | Hadnott v. Amos | 76-78 | The Supreme Court | "The Court ruled, 6–2, that the Alabama law, which was similar to the restrictions on independent candidates in Mississippi challenged by Clifton Whitley in the Allen case, was unlawful because it had not been submitted to the federal government under Section 5. The Court ordered new elections for July and instructed a district court in Montgomery to examine whether to hold Herndon in contempt." | The power to rule on cases, the contempt power | A new election is called with all the candidates on the ballot. | Locals had already defied a direct order from the Supreme Court. Adding the order for the district court to look into holding Herndon in contempt gave it some teeth. Ultimately federal examiners were dispatched to watch the election, ensuring the Court's orders would be followed this time. Hard to say what would have happened without them. | |||||||||||||||||||
66 | June 1969 | 1970 VRA ReAuthorization | 75 | Nixon | Introduces proposed VRA extension which covered the entire country rather than specific jurisdictions, and removed Section 5 (which included preclearance) | the power to introduce legislation, the threat of a veto | Sets the terms for the legislative process around the VRA renewal | Democrats control Congress and aren't going to just go along with it. Tons of congressional actors and interest groups highly interested in the outcome of this process. No telling where things will land, but the power of the veto is quite potent, and with southern members of congress it's impossible there'd be a veto-proof majority against him. | |||||||||||||||||||
67 | July 1969 | 81 | The House Judiciary Committee | Approved an extension of the existing VRA, ignoring the bill introduced by Nixon. | Power to advance a bill through the House internal procedures | Brings a bill closer to a vote. In this case, closer than the President's bill. | Many procedural methods of keeping it from making it to a floor vote. Then it's got to clear the Senate, who may have their own version. | ||||||||||||||||||||
68 | Unclear | 81 | The House Rules Committee | Approved the Nixon bill | Power to advance a bill through the House internal procedures | Brings a bill closer to a vote. | Many procedural methods of keeping it from making it to a floor vote. Then it's got to clear the Senate, who may have their own version. | ||||||||||||||||||||
69 | December 12, 1969 | 81 | The House | Passed Nixon's bill 208-203 | Power to pass bills | Brings bill closer to passing. Requires passing in the Senate too, or reconciliation with a Senate version. Then requires president's signature or two thirds of both houses. | Could be defeated in the Senate, could be modified in reconciliation, could be vetoed by the president. | ||||||||||||||||||||
70 | Unclear | 81 | Senator Hugh Scott | Introduced compromise legislation tat made the ban on literacy tests national but retained section 5 (so covered jurisdictions had to submit for preclearance). | power to introduce bills | ||||||||||||||||||||||
71 | March 1970 | 82 | Ted Kennedy | Added provision making 18-year-olds eligible to vote in federal and state elections | could become a pretext for defeating the bill overall | ||||||||||||||||||||||
72 | June 1970 | 82 | Senate | Passes their Scott-Kennedy version of the bill 64-12 | Power to pass bills | has to be reconciled with House bill | |||||||||||||||||||||
73 | June 1970 | 82 | House | Concurs with Senate bill 272-132 | |||||||||||||||||||||||
74 | June 23 1970 | 83 | Nixon | Signed VRA Reauthorization into law | Power of the pen | bill becomes a statute | It's Nixon's DOJ that has to continue enforcing the law. | Important context: "volatile situation" Nixon afraid "goddam country" will "blow up" if he doesn't sign | |||||||||||||||||||
75 | 1971? | Civil Rights Division letter leaked to the press | 86 | Civil Rights Division Lawyers | Sent letter to superiors protesting the slowdown of integration in Mississippi | ||||||||||||||||||||||
76 | Spring 1970 | Mississippi open primary law | 87 | Mississippi legislature | Passes open primary law | power to pass bills | |||||||||||||||||||||
77 | unclear 1971 | 87 | Civil Rights Division Lawyers | Urged Jerris Leonard (division head) to reject Mississippi law | |||||||||||||||||||||||
78 | unclear 1971 | 87 | Jerris Leonard | Recommended allowing the Mississippi law | |||||||||||||||||||||||
79 | unclear 1971 | https://www.clarionledger.com/story/opinion/columnists/2014/10/09/minor-open-primaries-almost-came-state/16990079/ | Three-judge court blocks the law | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
80 | unclear 1971 | New Section 5 Guidelines | 87-88 | Leonard | Drafted new guidelines transferring burden of proof for rejection to the federal government | Justified a more permissive preclearance policy | |||||||||||||||||||||
81 | unclear 1971 | Mississippi reregistration law | 88-89 | Mississippi legislature | Passed a law making everyone who was registered to vote have to register again | ||||||||||||||||||||||
82 | unclear 1971 | AG Mitchell | Did not object to the statute | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
83 | September 1971 | Section 5 Guidelines Reversed | 89-90 | Leonard | Reversed previous guidelines after pressure from both Congress and the Civil Rights Division lawyers | "The number of voting changes submitted by states under Section 5 grew from 110 in 1970 to 333 in 1971 to 1,359 in 1972, and the number of DOJ objections rose from 3 to 14 to 71." | |||||||||||||||||||||
84 | August 6 1975 | 1975 VRA Reauthorization | 109-111 | House, Senate, President Ford | Added jurisdictions, added protections for language minorities, signed into law | ||||||||||||||||||||||
85 | October 1971 | 1982 VRA Reauthorization | 135-138 | The House | Passes 389-24 a bill modifying Section 2 | ||||||||||||||||||||||
86 | June 18 1982 | 153-155 | The Senate | Passed bill 85-8 with modified Section 2 with effects test, totality of circumstances, and disclaimer that lack of proportional representation was not enough to count as a section 2 violation | |||||||||||||||||||||||
87 | June 29 1982 | 155 | President Reagan | signed the bill into law | |||||||||||||||||||||||
88 | Bush I Redistricting stuff | starting page 185 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
89 | Bush II Civil Rights division stuff | Starting page 222 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
90 | 2008 | Shelby v Holder | 268-270 | DOJ | Negated the results of 2008 election in Shelby County | ||||||||||||||||||||||
91 | 270 | Shelby County Lawyer Frank Ellis | Challenges Section 5 in court | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
92 | February 27, 2013 | 272-275 | Oral arguments | ||||||||||||||||||||||||
93 | June 25 2013 | 278 | Supreme Court | Rules Section 4's coverage formula unconstitutional | judicial review | section 5 no longer has teeth, for it applies to no jurisdiction | |||||||||||||||||||||
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100 |