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​

Gender Differences in Voting:

Evidence from the 2019 General Election

​

Stephen Drinkwater

Business School

University of Roehampton, London

​

Colin Jennings

Department of Political Economy

Kings College London

​

​

​

​

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Research on Political Polarisation from WISERD (Civil Society 2) Project: 2019-24

Blackaby, D., Drinkwater, S. and Robinson, C. (2020). Regional variations in the Brexit vote: Causes and potential consequences. IZA Discussion Paper No. 13579.

Drinkwater, S. (2021). Brexit and the ‘left behind’: Job polarization and the rise in support for leaving the European Union. Industrial Relations Journal, 52(6), 569-588.

Drinkwater, S. and Jennings, C. (2022). The Brexit referendum and three types of regret. Public Choice, 193(3), 275-291.

Drinkwater, S. and Robinson, C. (2023). Brexit and the NHS: voting behaviour and views on the impact of leaving the EU. British Politics, 18(4), 557-578.

Clark, K. and Drinkwater, S. (2024). Self-interest or self-defeating? How the self-employed voted in the EU referendum. International Small Business Journal, forthcoming. => Is a gender aspect.

Drinkwater, S., Blackaby, D. and Robinson, C. (2024). What mattered most in the Brexit vote? Evidence from detailed regression and decomposition analysis. IZA Discussion Paper No. 16841.

​

  • Project is ongoing with recent appointment of a RA in Swansea
  • focusing on political polarisation within household => no results yet�

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Outline

  • Introduction/Motivation

​

  • (Brief) Literature Review

​

  • Data: Understanding Society

​

  • Descriptive Statistics: incl. some from polling companies

​

  • Results from statistical/econometric analysis
  • focusing on reason for why voted for particular party

​

  • Conclusions�

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Introduction/Motivation

  • Early studies across countries tended to report that women were less likely to participate in politics and more conservative than men
  • But Inglehart and Norris (2000) found that gender differences re-aligned in the 1990s with women moving to the left of men

​

  • Gender differences in turnout now tend to be small in many countries including the UK
  • but women tend to vote less in second-order elections (Kostecka et al. 2019; Dassonneville and Kostecka, 2021)
  • although surveys may overestimate voting by males (Stockemer and Sundstrom, 2023)

​

  • Evidence from the UK that more recent cohorts of women voters are now more supportive of Labour than men (Shorrocks, 2016)
  • Fairly large gaps in 2017 and 2019 (Campbell and Shorrocks, 2021)

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Introduction/Motivation

  • Several reasons have been identified for why people vote for particular parties (Blais and Daoust, 2020)
  • Partisanship
  • Issue Voting (e.g. Brexit)
  • Strategic Voting
  • Negative Voting
  • Cleavage Voting
  • Economic Voting

​

  • But little known about reasons why individuals/groups (women) may vote in a certain way => our focus here

​

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Data

  • Understanding Society
  • Fairly large sample size => can sample split by demographic groups (quite unusual)
  • Oversamples ethnic minorities but weights included

​

  • Is a panel/longitudinal survey
  • but we only use a single wave (12): 2020-2

​

  • We focus on variables relating to voting at the 2019 General Election
  • especially the reason given by respondents for why they voted for the party that they voted for

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Descriptive Statistics

  • Firstly comparing Understanding Society data to IPSOS and YouGov post-election surveys
  • Self-reported voting patterns are very similar to the election results for both men and women => re-assuring
  • Bigger differences for age groups => especially ‘over-reporting’ of Labour voting amongst younger males and for Greens amongst younger females

​

  • Main tables from Understanding Society are in relation to reason why voted for a particular party
  • Several options provided: always voted that way; other people voted that way; party-driven; candidate driven; strategic; Brexit and negative
  • Could also refuse to answer or say ‘Don’t Know’

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Voting Intentions and Patterns in the 2019 General Election by Party and Gender

Sources: IPSOS, YouGov and Understanding Society

 

IPSOS

 

YouGov

 

UndSoc - Weighted

​

Male

Female

​

Male

Female

​

Male

Female

% Conservative

46

43

 

46

44

 

43

42

% Labour

31

34

​

31

35

​

34

35

% Lib. Dem.

12

12

​

12

11

​

12

11

% Other

11

11

​

11

10

​

11

12

% SNP

 

 

 

4

4

 

4

4

% Green

​

​

​

3

3

​

3

5

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Voting Patterns in the 2019 General Election by Age Group for Females

Sources: YouGov and Understanding Society

 

YouGov

 

UndSoc - Weighted

​

18-24

25-49

50-64

65+

​

18-24

25-49

50-64

65+

% Conservative

15

32

50

64

 

12

32

42

59

% Labour

65

45

28

18

​

65

45

32

21

% Lib. Dem.

10

12

12

10

​

8

11

11

11

% Other

10

11

10

8

​

15

13

15

9

% SNP

5

5

4

2

 

4

4

5

3

% Green

4

3

3

2

​

10

6

6

4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Voting Patterns in the 2019 General Election by Age Group for Males

Sources: YouGov and Understanding Society

 

YouGov

 

UndSoc - Weighted

​

18-24

25-49

50-64

65+

​

18-24

25-49

50-64

65+

% Conservative

28

35

51

64

 

19

35

46

56

% Labour

46

40

25

15

​

61

42

30

23

% Lib. Dem.

12

14

12

11

​

8

13

12

11

% Other

14

11

12

10

​

12

10

12

10

% SNP

7

5

3

3

 

4

5

4

3

% Green

4

3

3

1

 

5

3

4

3

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Gender

 

Male

Female

% Refusal

19.7

22.3

% Don't know

8.7

11.9

% I always vote that way

16.3

18.1

% Other people voted the same way

1.0

1.8

% Party-driven considerations

16.2

14.1

% Candidate-driven considerations

7.1

6.9

% Strategic voting

10.4

9.6

% Brexit

7.0

4.6

% Negative voting (dislike another party)

12.6

10.0

% Uncoded

1.0

0.7

% Other

0.0

0.0

Unweighted N

9,819

12,290

Source: Understanding Society

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Age Group for Females

 

18-24

25-29

30-49

50-64

65+

% Refusal

27.3

31.1

27.0

23.7

13.9

% Don't know

21.0

11.9

13.8

10.4

9.3

% I always vote that way

10.8

12.5

16.9

16.3

23.6

% Other people voted the same way

1.4

2.6

2.1

1.2

2.1

% Party-driven considerations

17.6

15.4

14.2

14.9

12.1

% Candidate-driven considerations

5.5

9.2

4.4

6.8

9.4

% Strategic voting

10.9

6.0

7.7

10.4

11.0

% Brexit

0.8

2.8

3.9

5.3

5.9

% Negative voting

4.1

7.7

9.2

10.5

12.1

% Uncoded

0.4

0.9

1.0

0.6

0.7

% Other

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

Unweighted N

899

727

3,422

3,624

3,616

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Age Group for Males

 

18-24

25-29

30-49

50-64

65+

% Refusal

24.3

27.6

20.4

21.6

13.6

% Don't know

12.0

14.3

10.0

7.6

6.2

% I always vote that way

15.9

9.8

14.4

14.4

22.3

% Other people voted the same way

3.3

1.0

0.9

0.7

1.0

% Party-driven considerations

17.4

16.6

16.5

17.0

14.5

% Candidate-driven considerations

5.4

5.2

8.7

5.8

7.6

% Strategic voting

9.5

12.2

9.5

10.7

10.8

% Brexit

4.2

4.6

6.4

7.8

8.3

% Negative voting

7.8

8.0

11.7

13.5

15.0

% Uncoded

0.3

0.7

1.5

1.1

0.6

% Other

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.1

Unweighted N

593

518

2,658

2,933

3,114

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Party for Females

 

Con.

Lab.

LD

Green

Brexit

Other

% Refusal

20.4

20.1

15.9

13.9

28.8

17.3

% Don't know

9.9

12.1

8.6

10.8

6.3

12.9

% I always vote that way

19.7

21.2

16.0

10.6

4.3

20.7

% Other people

2.2

2.4

0.9

0.0

0.0

1.1

% Party

10.3

18.0

7.8

39.8

7.9

17.9

% Candidate

9.2

5.4

10.4

4.4

0.0

4.6

% Strategic voting

7.7

10.0

22.0

8.7

13.1

10.2

% Brexit

7.9

1.7

6.4

1.1

18.6

2.3

% Negative voting

11.7

8.4

11.6

9.9

19.1

12.2

% Uncoded

0.8

0.8

0.4

1.0

1.9

0.7

% Other

0.0

0.1

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

Unweighted N

4,162

4,065

1,128

524

130

1,280

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Party for Males

 

Con.

Lab.

LD

Green

Brexit

Other

% Refusal

19.2

15.3

12.9

13.0

26.5

19.6

% Don't know

8.8

8.7

5.0

5.8

10.7

7.8

% Always vote that way

15.3

23.3

10.3

6.9

5.6

17.7

% Other people

0.9

1.5

0.6

0.5

0.0

0.8

% Party

13.4

18.6

15.0

46.4

9.8

19.2

% Candidate

8.2

7.2

9.1

3.3

0.0

5.0

% Strategic voting

6.9

10.8

23.9

10.3

9.2

12.7

% Brexit

11.1

2.3

10.5

0.8

25.2

4.1

% Negative voting

15.1

11.3

12.3

13.0

13.0

11.4

% Uncoded

1.2

1.0

0.4

0.0

0.0

1.7

% Other

0.0

0.1

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

Unweighted N

3,707

2,937

991

316

161

1,075

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Selected Party for Voters Aged Under 30

 

Male

 

Female

Cons.

Lab.

​

Cons.

Lab.

% Refusal

39.5

17.0

 

40.5

26.9

% Don't know

14.0

9.5

​

23.0

15.1

% Always vote that way

5.6

17.8

 

10.1

13.7

% Other people

0.8

4.4

​

3.5

2.2

% Party

10.9

20.4

​

4.1

18.1

% Candidate

5.8

8.4

​

8.9

6.6

% Strategic voting

3.0

11.5

​

1.6

10.6

% Brexit

8.8

2.5

​

2.9

1.5

% Negative voting

11.6

8.7

​

5.5

5.4

N (unweighted)

225

523

 

219

899

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Reason for Voting for a Party in the 2019 General Election by Selected Party for Voters Aged 30 or Over

 

Male

 

Female

Cons.

Lab.

​

Cons.

Lab.

% Refusal

17.8

15.1

 

19.4

18.3

% Don't know

8.5

8.7

​

9.2

11.4

% Always vote that way

16.3

24.9

 

20.4

23.5

% Other people

0.9

0.8

​

2.1

2.4

% Party

13.7

18.4

​

10.8

18.2

% Candidate

8.4

7.1

​

9.3

5.1

% Strategic voting

7.3

10.8

​

8.2

9.9

% Brexit

11.4

2.4

​

8.3

1.8

% Negative voting

15.6

12.1

​

12.2

9.4

N (unweighted)

3,449

2,370

 

3,897

3,117

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Econometric Analysis

  • Several different binary logit models initially estimated:
  • Full sample (basic and augmented specifications), under 30s and females aged under 30
  • Dependent variable=1 if no reason given for voting for party (refused or don’t know); 0 if reason provided
  • Marginal effects and associated p-values reported for gender, age group and qualification dummies
  • Models also control for marital status and region (and economic activity party voted for, ethnicity and UK born)

​

  • Multinomial logit models then estimated for the stated reason for voting – relative to ‘always vote that way’
  • Estimates reported as above using augmented spec.

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Marginal Effects from a Logit Model Estimated for No Reason Given for Voting

Notes: Marital Status and Region also included in Basic Specification. Augmented Specification also includes controls for Party Voted For, Economic Activity, Ethnicity and UK-born. Reference categories are Aged 18-24 and Graduate.

​

 

Full Sample:

Basic Spec.

 

Full Sample:

Aug. Spec.

 

All Aged 18-29:

Aug. Spec.

 

Females Aged

18-29: Aug. Spec.

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

Female

0.057

0.000

 

0.059

0.000

 

0.122

0.000

 

_

_

Age 25-29

-0.013

0.437

​

-0.049

0.015

​

0.003

0.880

​

-0.025

0.341

Age 30-49

-0.048

0.001

​

-0.076

0.000

​

_

_

​

_

_

Age 50-64

-0.109

0.000

​

-0.148

0.000

​

_

_

​

_

_

Age 65+

-0.198

0.000

​

-0.205

0.000

​

_

_

​

_

_

A Level/Equiv.

_

_

​

0.088

0.000

​

0.095

0.000

​

0.126

0.000

Other Quals

_

_

​

0.140

0.000

​

0.166

0.000

​

0.195

0.000

No Quals

_

_

​

0.104

0.000

​

0.051

0.030

​

0.068

0.033

Pseudo R-sq.

0.024

 

0.050

 

0.038

 

0.034

N

21,771

 

15,322

 

5,754

 

3,310

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Marginal Effects from a Multinomial Logit Model Estimated for Reason for Voting

Notes: Explanatory variables based on augmented spec. Measured relative to ‘Always voted that way’.

 

Other People

 

Party

 

Candidate

 

Strategic

 

Brexit

 

Negative

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

​

M.E.

p-value

Female

0.005

0.003

 

-0.006

0.470

 

0.013

0.003

 

0.011

0.133

 

-0.025

0.000

 

-0.037

0.000

Age 25-29

0.004

0.558

​

-0.057

0.015

​

-0.006

0.776

​

-0.054

0.005

​

0.023

0.379

​

0.053

0.153

Age 30-49

-0.004

0.313

​

-0.089

0.020

​

0.002

0.941

​

-0.025

0.248

​

0.028

0.205

​

0.049

0.112

Age 50-64

-0.009

0.030

​

-0.089

0.000

​

-0.009

0.649

​

-0.019

0.401

​

0.032

0.145

​

0.050

0.099

Age 65+

-0.007

0.141

​

-0.109

0.000

​

0.017

0.477

​

-0.034

0.152

​

0.011

0.593

​

0.039

0.232

A Level/Equiv

0.010

0.005

​

-0.022

0.044

​

-0.010

0.193

​

-0.033

0.000

​

-0.011

0.076

​

0.009

0.376

Other Quals

0.121

0.003

​

-0.054

0.000

​

0.000

0.994

​

-0.026

0.004

​

-0.005

0.461

​

0.009

0.399

No Quals

0.016

0.000

​

-0.066

0.000

​

-0.001

0.887

​

-0.018

0.054

​

0.003

0.654

​

0.003

0.784

Pseudo R-sq.

0.051

N

11,095

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Conclusions

  • Females are less likely to provide a reason for why voted for a party (in a GE), especially in younger age groups
  • Having higher qualifications/degree increases the probability that a reason is given

​

  • Of those giving a reason, females ares more likely to vote for a party for candidate-driven reasons and less likely to vote negatively and about Brexit
  • Graduates are more likely to vote strategically and for party-driven reasons

​

  • Future work: examine different parts/countries of the UK (if enough observations) => can look at minority parties

�

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References

Blais, A. and Daoust, J. F. (2020). The Motivation to Vote: Explaining Electoral Participation. UBC Press.

Campbell, R. and Shorrocks, R. (2021). Finally rising with the tide? Gender and the vote in the 2019 British Elections. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 31(4), 488-507.

Dassonneville, R. and Kostelka, F. (2021). The cultural sources of the gender gap in voter turnout. British Journal of Political Science, 51(3), 1040-1061.

Inglehart, R., & Norris, P. (2000). The developmental theory of the gender gap: Women’s and men’s voting behavior in global perspective. International Political Science Review, 21(4), 441-463.

Kostecka, F., Blais, A. and Gidengil, E. (2019). Has the gender gap in voter turnout really disappeared?. West European Politics, 42(3), 437-463.

Shorrocks, R. (2016). Modernisation and government socialisation: Considering explanations for gender differences in cohort trends in British voting behaviour. Electoral Studies, 42, 237-248.

Stockemer, D. and Sundstrom, A. (2023). The gender gap in voter turnout: An artefact of men’s over-reporting in survey research? The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 25(1), 21-41.

​

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