1 of 249

Semantic Category Induction

Aaron Steven White

University of Rochester

Colloquium Talk

Rutgers University

11 November 2022

2 of 249

Slides

aaronstevenwhite.io 

Data + Code 

megaattitude.io 

3 of 249

Kyle Rawlins

Johns Hopkins University

Ellise Moon

University of Rochester

Hannah An

University of Rochester

Ben Kane

University of Rochester

Will Gantt

University of Rochester

Yu’an Yang

Amazon

Zhendong Liu

University of Southern California

Nick Huang

National University of Singapore

Ben Van Durme

Johns Hopkins University

Rachel Rudinger

University of Maryland

4 of 249

Overarching Question�In using a particular linguistic expression, what can we mean and what must we mean?

5 of 249

I remembered that I went a few days ago, but I’m now realizing I forgot to grab beer.

Jo:

[to Jo] I thought you were heading out to get groceries.

Bo:

Bo no longer thinks that Jo is heading out to get groceries.

Jo went to get groceries a few days before.

Jo did not grab beer.

Cessation inference

Veridicality inferences

6 of 249

Observation�What we can mean in using an expression is constrained by lexical knowledge.

7 of 249

I remembered that I went a few days ago, but I’m now realizing I forgot to grab beer.

Jo:

[to Jo] I thought you were heading out to get groceries.

Bo:

Bo no longer thinks that Jo is heading out to get groceries.

Jo went to get groceries a few days before.

Jo did not grab beer.

Cessation inference

Veridicality inferences

describes a mental event grounded in experience

8 of 249

Observation�What we can mean in using an expression is constrained by lexical knowledge.

in conjunction with structural knowledge

9 of 249

I remembered that I went a few days ago, but I’m now realizing I forgot to grab beer.

Jo:

[to Jo] I thought you were heading out to get groceries.

Bo:

Bo no longer thinks that Jo is heading out to get groceries.

Jo went to get groceries a few days before.

Jo did not grab beer.

Cessation inference

Veridicality inferences

10 of 249

I remembered that I went a few days ago, and I’m now realizing I forgot that I even grabbed beer already.

Jo:

[to Jo] I thought you were heading out to get groceries.

Bo:

Bo no longer thinks that Jo is heading out to get groceries.

Jo went to get groceries a few days before.

Jo did not grab beer.

Cessation inference

Veridicality inferences

11 of 249

Question�What knowledge undergirds what we must mean in using an utterance?

12 of 249

Language

NP

to VP

Concepts

forget

NP not VP

13 of 249

forget

Language

Concepts

NP

that S

S

14 of 249

forget

Language

Concepts

NP

that S

S

15 of 249

Question�What types of concepts does language “see”?

16 of 249

Prior Work�For some areas of the lexicon, we have a solid understanding what language ”sees”.

17 of 249

Generalization #1 Barwise & Cooper 1981�Determiners are conservative: if D is a determiner then D expresses a relation R between sets A and B s.t. R(A, B) iff R(A, AB).

18 of 249

Every greyhound is happy.

Every greyhound is a happy greyhound.

Some greyhound is happy.

Some greyhound is a happy greyhound.

Most greyhounds are happy.

Most greyhounds are happy greyhounds.

19 of 249

Generalization #1 Barwise & Cooper 1981�Determiners are conservative: if D is a determiner then D expresses a relation R between sets A and B s.t. R(A, B) iff R(A, AB).

Language only “sees” relational concepts of this form.

20 of 249

Generalization #2 Gärdenfors 2000, Jäger 2010�Color terms express convex regions in color space.

21 of 249

Language only “sees” convex color concepts.

22 of 249

Challenge�As we expand to larger and more open classes of words, generalizations tend to be harder to find.

Reason�Standard methodologies for discovering lexical generalizations do not scale well because we don’t have good sampling methodologies.

23 of 249

White, Aaron Steven. 2021. On Believing and Hoping WhetherSemantics and Pragmatics 14 (6): 1–18.

24 of 249

Proposed Generalization #1 Egre 2008 see also Hintikka 1975�A predicate triggers veridicality inferences…

25 of 249

I remembered that I went a few days ago, but I’m now realizing I forgot to grab beer.

Jo:

[to Jo] I thought you were heading out to get groceries.

Bo:

Bo no longer thinks that Jo is heading out to get groceries.

Jo went to get groceries a few days before.

Jo did not grab beer.

Cessation inference

Veridicality inferences

26 of 249

Proposed Generalization #1 Egre 2008 see also Hintikka 1975�A predicate triggers veridicality inferences iff it takes both declarative and interrogative clauses.

27 of 249

Triggers veridicality inferences

Takes both declaratives and interrogatives

White & Rawlins 2018, White 2021

28 of 249

Proposed Generalization #2 Zuber 1983, Theiler et al. 2017, 2019�If a predicate triggers neg-raising inferences, it does not take interrogative clauses.

29 of 249

Challenge�As we expand to larger and more open classes of words, generalizations tend to be harder to find.

Reason�Standard methodologies for discovering lexical generalizations do not scale well because we don’t have good sampling methodologies.

30 of 249

This Talk�Inducing semantic categories from lexicon-scale acceptability and inference judgment datasets.

31 of 249

forget

Language

Concepts

NP

that S

S

32 of 249

Part 1: Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

English

33 of 249

Jo hated that Bo left. ⇝ Bo left.

NP   V           S     ⇝    S    

Veridicality inference

Jo hated that Bo left. ⇝ Jo believed Bo left.

Doxastic inference

NP   V           S     ⇝ NP believe     S    

Jo hated that Bo left. ⇝ Jo didn't want Bo to have left.

Bouletic inference

NP   V           S     ⇝ NP    not want        S        

34 of 249

Predicate

NP V S ⇝ S

NP V S ⇝ NP believe S

NP V S ⇝ NP want S

think

0

+

0

doubt

0

-

0

hope

0

0

+

hate

+

+

-

35 of 249

Part 1: Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

Part 2: Generalizing Inference Patterns�How do we determine which inference patterns are cross-linguistically active and which are only marked in a particular language?

English

36 of 249

Inference Patterns

37 of 249

Ben Kane

University of Rochester

Will Gantt

University of Rochester

38 of 249

Approach

  1. Cluster predicates based on measures of their inferential properties.

39 of 249

Predicate

NP V S ⇝ S

NP V S ⇝ NP believe S

NP V S ⇝ NP want S

think

0

+

0

doubt

0

-

0

hope

0

0

+

hate

+

+

-

40 of 249

NP V S S

Veridicality inference

Doxastic inference

NP V S ⇝ NP believe S

Bouletic inference

NP V S ⇝ NP want S

NP not V S ⇝ (not) S    

NP not V S ⇝ NP (not) believe S

NP not V S ⇝ NP (not) want S

(not)

(not)

(not)

Neg-raising inference

NP not V S ⇝ NP V not S

41 of 249

Approach

  1. Cluster predicates based on measures of their inferential properties.
  2. Determine optimal # of clusters based on how well particular clusterings predict syntactic distribution.

42 of 249

Roadmap

  1. Measuring distribution
  2. Measuring inference
  3. Discovering inference patterns
  4. Investigating inference patterns

43 of 249

Inference Patterns�Measuring Distribution

44 of 249

Kyle Rawlins

Johns Hopkins University

45 of 249

MegaAcceptability dataset

Acceptability for 1,000 verbs in 50 syntactic frames focused on clause-embedding.

White & Rawlins 2016, 2020

46 of 249

think

know

wonder

love

surprise

tell

say

start

stop

...

Verbs

47 of 249

Bleaching method

Frame templates (e.g. NP __ that S) instantiated by semantically bleached fillers.

48 of 249

Someone __ed something happened

Someone __ed that something happened

Someone __ed whether something happened

Someone __ed which someone something happened

Someone __ed someone that something happened

Someone __ed someone whether something happened

Someone __ed to someone that something happened

Someone __ed to do something

Someone __ed someone to do something

...

think

know

wonder

love

surprise

tell

say

start

stop

...

x

Verbs

Frames

49 of 249

50,000 total items x 5 judgments per item

MegaAcceptability dataset

Acceptability for 1,000 verbs in 50 syntactic frames focused on clause-embedding.

White & Rawlins 2016, 2020

50 of 249

Question

Is bleaching a valid method for capturing the acceptability of a verb in a frame?

Validation Strategy

Compare judgments for bleached items against judgments from trained linguists. 

51 of 249

Validation data

  1. Select 30 verbs from across Hacquard & Wellwood's (2012) classification
  2. Gather judgments for these verbs in all 50 syntactic frames from:
    1. trained linguists
    2. naïve speakers 

52 of 249

Comparison

Correlation between judgments from LI and Sprouse et al.'s (2013) dataset

53 of 249

Sprouse Linguistic Inquiry

MegaAcceptability

Correlation

54 of 249

Conclusion

Safe to use bleaching to collect acceptabiliy judgments focused on capturing selection.

55 of 249

Inference Patterns�Measuring Inference

56 of 249

NP V S S

Veridicality inference

Doxastic inference

NP V S ⇝ NP believe S

Bouletic inference

NP V S ⇝ NP want S

NP not V S ⇝ (not) S    

NP not V S ⇝ NP (not) believe S

NP not V S ⇝ NP (not) want S

(not)

(not)

(not)

Neg-raising inference

NP not V S ⇝ NP V not S

57 of 249

Recipe

  1. Validate a bleaching paradigm for collecting judgments for an inference type.
  2. Select a set of frames of interest.
  3. Select predicates acceptable in those frames using MegaAcceptability.
  4. Collect judgments using the paradigm.

58 of 249

Veridicality task

White & Rawlins 2018

59 of 249

Kyle Rawlins

Johns Hopkins University

Ben Van Durme

Johns Hopkins University

Rachel Rudinger

University of Maryland

60 of 249

Someone was irritated that a particular thing happened.

Did that thing happen?

no      maybe or maybe not       yes

Veridicality task

White & Rawlins 2018

61 of 249

Someone {knew, didn't know} that a particular thing happened.

NP _ that S

Someone {was, wasn't} surprised that a particular thing happened.

NP be _ that S

Someone {needed, didn’t need} for a particular thing to happen

NP _ for NP to VP

Someone {told, didn’t tell} a particular person to do a particular thing

Someone {believed, didn’t believe} a particular person to have a particular thing

NP _ NP to VP[+/-eventive]

A particular person {was, wasn’t} excited to do a particular thing

A particular person {was, wasn’t} suspected to have a particular thing

NP be _ to VP[+/-eventive]

A particular person {managed, didn’t manage} to do a particular thing

A particular person {seemed, didn’t seem} to have a particular thing.

NP _ to VP[+/-eventive]

62 of 249

Neg-raising task

An & White 2020

63 of 249

Hannah An

University of Rochester

64 of 249

If I were to say I don’t think that a particular thing happened, how likely is it that I mean I think that that thing didn’t happen?

Neg-raising task

Extremely unlikely

Extremely likely

An & White 2020

65 of 249

know that a particular thing happened.

NP _ that S

A particular person {didn’t, doesn’t}

I {didn’t, don’t}

surprised that a particular thing happened.

NP be _ that S

A particular person {wasn’t, isn’t}

I {wasn’t, ‘m not}

told to do a particular thing

believed to have a particular thing

NP be _ to VP[+/-eventive]

A particular person {wasn’t, isn’t}

I {wasn’t, ‘m not}

managed to do a particular thing

seemed to have a particular thing.

NP _ to VP[+/-eventive]

A particular person {didn’t, doesn’t}

I {didn’t, don’t}

66 of 249

If A knew that C happened, how likely is it that A believed that C happened?

Doxastic task

Extremely unlikely

Extremely likely

Kane et al. 2021

67 of 249

If A persudaded B that C happened, how likely is it that B believed that C happened?

Doxastic task

Extremely unlikely

Extremely likely

Kane et al. 2021

68 of 249

If A was appalled that C happened, how likely is it that A wanted C to have happened?

Bouletic task

Extremely unlikely

Extremely likely

Kane et al. 2021

69 of 249

If A apologized to B that C happened, how likely is it that B wanted C to have happened?

Bouletic task

Extremely unlikely

Extremely likely

Kane et al. 2021

70 of 249

A {knew, didn't know} that C happened.

NP _ that S

A {told, didn't tell} B that C happened.

NP _ NP that S

A {said, didn't say} to B that C happened.

NP _ to NP that S

A {was, wasn’t} surprised that C happened.

NP _ that S

A {hoped, didn't hope} that C would happen.

NP _ that S[+future]

A {promised, didn't promise} B that C would happen.

NP _ NP that S[+future]

A {predicted, didn't predict} to B that C would happen.

NP _ to NP that S[+future]

A {was, wasn’t} excited that C would happen.

NP _ that S[+future]

71 of 249

Question

Is bleaching a valid method for capturing inferences associated with verb in a frame?

72 of 249

Validation Strategy #1

Compare judgments for bleached items against judgments from trained linguists. 

73 of 249

Neg-raising

Non-neg-raising

NP __ that S

think, believe, feel, reckon, figure, guess, suppose, imagine

announce, claim, assert, report, know, realize, notice, find out

NP __ to VP

want, wish, happen, seem, plan, intend, mean, turn out

love, hate, need, continue, try, like, desire, decide

74 of 249

Non-neg-raising

Neg-raising

Mean rating of bleached example

75 of 249

Validation Strategy #1

Compare judgments for bleached items against judgments from trained linguists. 

Validation Strategy #2

Compare judgments for bleached items to judgments for more contentful items.

76 of 249

Implementation

For each verb-frame pair in validation set, sample five items from corpus.

77 of 249

Mean rating of corpus example

Mean rating of bleached example

r = 0.8

(p < 0.001)

78 of 249

Validation Strategy #1

Compare judgments for bleached items against judgments from trained linguists. 

Validation Strategy #2

Compare judgments for bleached items to judgments for more contentful items.

Validation Strategy #3

Compare inference judgments for bleached items to acceptability judgments for established distributional diagnostic.

79 of 249

Implementation

For each verb-frame pair in validation set, collect acceptability of strong NPI (additive either).

Jo didn’t do a particular thing, and…

…I think that Bo didn’t do that thing either.

…I don’t think that Bo did that thing either.

80 of 249

Mean rating of bleached example

Mean acceptability of strong NPI

r = 0.77 

(p < 0.001)

81 of 249

Conclusion

Safe to use bleaching to collect at least these types of inference judgments.

Important Point (again)

Be cautious in using this dataset to investigate individual predicates.

82 of 249

Inference Patterns�Discovering Patterns

83 of 249

Approach

Cluster predicate-frame pairs in inference space using a multiview mixed effects mixture model.

84 of 249

Predicate

NP V S ⇝ S

NP V S ⇝ NP believe S

NP V S ⇝ NP want S

think

0

+

0

doubt

0

-

0

hope

0

0

+

hate

+

+

-

85 of 249

know + NP _ that S

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Inference patterns

1

0

1

0

1

0

Doxastic

Bouletic

no

maybe

yes

Veridicality

Neg-raising

86 of 249

know + NP _ that S

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Inference patterns

1

0

1

0

1

0

Doxastic

Bouletic

no

maybe

yes

Veridicality

Neg-raising

87 of 249

Finding clusters

Fit model to raw that-clause data in MegaVeridicality, MegaNegRaising, and MegaIntensionality using variational inference.

88 of 249

Output

  1. A distribution over inference patterns for each verb-frame pair.

89 of 249

know + NP _ that S

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Inference patterns

1

0

1

0

1

0

Doxastic

Bouletic

no

maybe

yes

Veridicality

Neg-raising

90 of 249

Output

  1. A distribution over inference patterns for each verb-frame pair.
  2. Distributions over judgments for each inference type and inference pattern

91 of 249

know + NP _ that S

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Inference patterns

1

0

1

0

1

0

Doxastic

Bouletic

no

maybe

yes

Veridicality

Neg-raising

92 of 249

Question

How many inference patterns should we assume there are?

Idea

Only as many as we need to explain syntactic distribution.

93 of 249

Implementation

Select the smallest clustering for which no larger clustering improves prediction of the judgments in MegaAcceptability.

94 of 249

Cluster

95 of 249

Predicate

Cluster

Frame

Predicate

96 of 249

Implementation

Select the smallest clustering for which no larger clustering improves prediction of the judgments in MegaAcceptability.

Result

Optimal number of inference patterns is 15.

97 of 249

Interpretation

There are at least 15 distributionally correlated inference patterns.

Important Point #2

Enriching the distributional representation could increase the granularity of the patterns.

Important Point #1

Not all inference patterns instantiated by particular predicates will get their own inference pattern.

98 of 249

Inference Patterns�Investigating Patterns

99 of 249

know + NP _ that S

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Inference patterns

1

0

1

0

1

0

Doxastic

Bouletic

no

maybe

yes

Veridicality

Neg-raising

0

0.5

1

100 of 249

Predicate

Cluster

Frame

Predicate

101 of 249

102 of 249

Representiationals

doxastic mental states and mental processes

NP {thought, believed, suspected} that S

103 of 249

104 of 249

105 of 249

106 of 249

Preferentials 

expressions of preference for a (future) situation.

NP {hoped, wished, demanded, recommended} that S[+/-future]​

107 of 249

108 of 249

109 of 249

110 of 249

Positive internal emotives

positive emotional states

A was {pleased, thrilled, enthused} that C happened.

Preferentials 

expressions of preference for a (future) situation.

NP {hoped, wished, demanded, recommended} that S[+/-future]​

111 of 249

112 of 249

113 of 249

114 of 249

115 of 249

Negative emotive miratives

expressions of surprise with negative valence

NP was {dazed, flustered, alarmed} that S[+future].

Negative external emotives

expressions of negative emotion with behavioral correlates

NP {whined, whimpered, pouted} to NP that S[+future].​

Positive external emotives

expressions of positive emotion with behavioral correlates

NP was {congratulated, praised, fascinated} that S.

Positive internal emotives

positive emotional states

NP was {pleased, thrilled, enthused} that S.

Preferentials 

expressions of preference for a (future) situation.

NP {hoped, wished, demanded, recommended} that S[+future/-tense]​

Negative internal emotives

negative emotional states

NP was {frightened, disgusted, infuriated} that S.​

116 of 249

117 of 249

Representiationals

doxastic mental states and mental processes

NP {thought, believed, suspected} that S

Speculatives 

communication of uncertain beliefs.

NP {ventured, guessed, gossiped} that S

Future commitment

expressions of commitment to future action or result.

NP {promised, ensured, attested} S[+future]

118 of 249

119 of 249

Weak communicatives

communicative acts with weak doxastic inferences about the source.

NP {reported, remarked, yelped} to NP that S

Representiationals

doxastic mental states and mental processes

NP {thought, believed, suspected} that S

Speculatives 

communication of uncertain beliefs.

NP {ventured, guessed, gossiped} that S

Future commitment

expressions of commitment to future action or result.

NP {promised, ensured, attested} S[+future]

Strong communicatives

communicative acts with strong doxastic inferences about the source.

NP {confessed, admitted, acknowledged} that S​

Discourse commitment

communicative acts committing the source to the content’s truth.

A {maintained, remarked, swore} that C would happen.

120 of 249

Negative emotive miratives

expressions of surprise with negative valence

A was {dazed, flustered, alarmed} that C would happen.

Negative external emotives

expressions of negative emotion with behavioral correlates

A {whined, whimpered, pouted} to B that C would happen.​

Positive external emotives

expressions of positive emotion with behavioral correlates

A was {congratulated, praised, fascinated} that C happened.

Positive internal emotives

positive emotional states

A was {pleased, thrilled, enthused} that C happened.

Preferentials 

expressions of preference for a (future) situation.

NP {hoped, wished, demanded, recommended} that S[+/-future]​

Negative internal emotives

negative emotional states

A was {frightened, disgusted, infuriated} that C happened.​

Negative emotive communicatives

communicative acts with broadly negative valence.

A {screamed, ranted, growled} to B that C would happen.​

121 of 249

122 of 249

Weak communicatives

communicative acts with weak doxastic inferences about the source.

NP {reported, remarked, yelped} to NP that S

Representiationals

doxastic mental states and mental processes

NP {thought, believed, suspected} that S

Speculatives 

communication of uncertain beliefs.

NP {ventured, guessed, gossiped} that S

Future commitment

expressions of commitment to future action or result.

NP {promised, ensured, attested} S[+future]

Strong communicatives

communicative acts with strong doxastic inferences about the source.

NP {confessed, admitted, acknowledged} that S​

Deceptives

actions involving dishonesty, deceit, or pretense.

NP {lied, misled, faked, fabricated} ((to) NP) that S.​

Discourse commitment

communicative acts committing the source to the content’s truth.

NP{maintained, remarked, swore} that S[+future].

123 of 249

124 of 249

Interpretation

There are at least 15 distributionally correlated inference patterns.

Important Point #2

Enriching the distributional representation could increase the granularity of the patterns.

Important Point #1

Not all inference patterns instantiated by particular predicates will get their own inference pattern.

125 of 249

Interpretation

There are at least 15 distributionally correlated inference patterns.

Important Point #2

Enriching the distributional representation could increase the granularity of the patterns.

Important Point #1

Not all inference patterns instantiated by particular predicates will get their own inference pattern.

126 of 249

Inference Patterns�Discussion�

127 of 249

Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

Generalizing Inference Patterns�How do we determine which inference patterns are cross-linguistically active and which are only marked in a particular language?

English

128 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

129 of 249

Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

Generalizing Inference Patterns�How do we determine which inference patterns are cross-linguistically active and which are only marked in a particular language?

English

130 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

Non-English distribution

Predicate

Frame

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

Mandarin

131 of 249

Generalizing Inferential Patterns

132 of 249

Yu’an Yang

Amazon

Zhendong Liu

University of Southern California

Nick Huang

National University of Singapore

133 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

Mandarin distribution

Predicate

Frame

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

Mandarin distribution

f

g

gf

134 of 249

Generalizing Inferential PatternsMandarin�MegaAcceptability

135 of 249

think

know

wonder

love

surprise

tell

say

start

stop

...

Verbs

Someone __ed something happened

Someone __ed that something happened

Someone __ed whether something happened

Someone __ed someone something happened

Someone __ed someone that something happened

Someone __ed someone whether something happened

Someone __ed to someone that something happened

Someone __ed to do something

Someone __ed someone to do something

...

x

Frames

136 of 249

Challenge #1a�No large digital lexicon of predicates in Mandarin.

137 of 249

MegaAcceptability draws verbs from VerbNet (>3,700 predicates)

138 of 249

Mandarin VerbNet is exceedingly small (~100 predicates)

139 of 249

140 of 249

141 of 249

think

know

wonder

love

surprise

tell

say

start

stop

...

Verbs

Someone __ed something happened

Someone __ed that something happened

Someone __ed whether something happened

Someone __ed someone something happened

Someone __ed someone that something happened

Someone __ed someone whether something happened

Someone __ed to someone that something happened

Someone __ed to do something

Someone __ed someone to do something

...

x

Frames

142 of 249

Verbs

Someone __ed something happened

Someone __ed that something happened

Someone __ed whether something happened

Someone __ed someone something happened

Someone __ed someone that something happened

Someone __ed someone whether something happened

Someone __ed to someone that something happened

Someone __ed to do something

Someone __ed someone to do something

...

x

Frames

相信

知道

提醒

高兴

惊讶

告诉

提醒

开始

...

认为

143 of 249

Challenge #1a�No large digital lexicon of predicates in Mandarin.

Challenge #1b�No direct mapping between English syntactic features and Mandarin syntactic features.

144 of 249

Verbs

Someone __ed something happened

Someone __ed that something happened

Someone __ed whether something happened

Someone __ed someone something happened

Someone __ed someone that something happened

Someone __ed someone whether something happened

Someone __ed to someone that something happened

Someone __ed to do something

Someone __ed someone to do something

...

x

Frames

相信

知道

提醒

高兴

惊讶

告诉

提醒

开始

...

认为

145 of 249

相信

知道

提醒

高兴

惊讶

告诉

提醒

开始

stop

...

Verbs

张三 ___ 过 李四 做了某件事

张三 ___ 过 李四 做某件事

张三 ___ 李四 为什么 做了某件事

张三 ___ 过 每个人 李四 做了某件事

张三 ___ 过 每个人 李四 会做某件事

张三 ___ 过 每个人 李四 为什么 做了某件事

张三 ___ 过 李四 会做某件事

张三 ___ 过 做了某件事

张三 ___ 过 做某件事

...

x

Frames

146 of 249

Challenge #1a�No large digital lexicon of predicates in Mandarin.

Challenge #1b�No direct mapping between English syntactic features and Mandarin syntactic features.

Challenge #1c�Only access to a small pool of Mandarin-speaking participants.

147 of 249

Cross-lingual encoder

English sentences

True English acceptability

Acceptability

Model 0

Train

Mandarin sentences

Predicted Mandarin acceptability

Cross-lingual encoder

Acceptability

Model 0

Predict

+

Mandarin sentences

True Mandarin acceptability

Mandarin-speaking linguists

Judge

148 of 249

149 of 249

Cross-lingual encoder

English sentences

True English acceptability

Acceptability

Model 0

Train

Mandarin sentences

Predicted Mandarin acceptability

Cross-lingual encoder

Acceptability

Model 0

Predict

+

Mandarin sentences

True Mandarin acceptability

Mandarin-speaking linguists

Judge

150 of 249

Cross-lingual encoder

True Mandarin acceptability

Acceptability

Model 1

Train

Mandarin sentences

Predicted Mandarin acceptability

Cross-lingual encoder

Acceptability

Model 1

Predict

+

Mandarin sentences

True Mandarin acceptability

Mandarin-speaking linguists

Judge

Mandarin sentences

151 of 249

152 of 249

Variability over cross-validation folds

153 of 249

Sprouse Linguistic Inquiry

MegaAcceptability

Correlation

154 of 249

155 of 249

156 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

Mandarin distribution

Predicate

Frame

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

Mandarin distribution

f

g

gf

157 of 249

Generalizing Inferential PatternsCross-linguistic mapping

158 of 249

Challenge #2�How do we map between English and Mandarin when neither the predicates nor the frames match?

Approach

  1. View:
    1. verbs as points in frame space
    2. the lexicon as a cloud of such points

159 of 249

160 of 249

Challenge #2�How do we map between English and Mandarin when neither the predicates nor the frames match?

Approach

  1. View:
    1. verbs as points in frame space
    2. the lexicon as a cloud of such points
  2. Match the shape of those clouds in Mandarin and English by rigidly rotating one of them.

161 of 249

162 of 249

163 of 249

Challenge #2�How do we map between English and Mandarin when neither the predicates nor the frames match?

Approach

  1. View:
    1. verbs as points in frame space
    2. the lexicon as a cloud of such points
  2. Match the shape of those clouds in Mandarin and English by rigidly rotating one of them.
  3. Use the rotation as the cross-linguistic map.

164 of 249

Lower is better

165 of 249

166 of 249

167 of 249

168 of 249

Mandarin Frames

English Frames

169 of 249

DO +

marked clause

170 of 249

marked clause (no DO)

171 of 249

less marked clause

172 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

Mandarin distribution

Predicate

Frame

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

Mandarin distribution

f

g

gf

173 of 249

Inference patterns

Predicate

Pattern

Mandarin distribution

Predicate

Frame

English distribution

Predicate

Frame

Mandarin distribution

f

g

gf

174 of 249

Generalizing Inferential PatternsCross-linguistic mapping

175 of 249

Challenge #3�How do we compose our English to Mandarin mapping with our inference pattern mapping?

Approach

  1. Create a chimera predicting the acceptability of English predicates in Mandarin frames.
  2. Predict those acceptabilities using inference patterns.

176 of 249

177 of 249

178 of 249

179 of 249

180 of 249

181 of 249

182 of 249

183 of 249

184 of 249

185 of 249

186 of 249

Generalizing Inferential PatternsDiscussion�

187 of 249

Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

Generalizing Inference Patterns�How do we determine which inference patterns are cross-linguistically active and which are only marked in a particular language?

English

188 of 249

Idea

Compose inference pattern-to-distribution mapping with cross-linguistic distribution-to-distribution mapping and assess predictive performance.

189 of 249

Question

Why is the optimal number of inference patterns for English nearly three times that for Mandarin?

Subquestion #1

If we induced inference patterns in Mandarin predicates, would we find a classification of similar granularity to English?

Subquestion #2

If yes to subQ1, how different would the overall structure of the patterns be?

190 of 249

Conclusion

190

191 of 249

Question�What types of concepts does language “see”?

192 of 249

This Talk�Inducing semantic categories from lexicon-scale acceptability and inference judgment datasets.

193 of 249

Discovering Inferential Patterns�Which inferential patterns associated with lexical items are attested and “seen” by language?

Generalizing Inference Patterns�How do we determine which inference patterns are cross-linguistically active and which are only marked in a particular language?

English

194 of 249

Current Directions�How do we discover the underlying representational components?

195 of 249

Subdirection #1�Decomposition of the inference patterns themselves. 

196 of 249

Correlations across inference types

Correlations across inference patterns

197 of 249

Subdirection #1�Decomposition of the inference patterns themselves. 

Subdirection #2�Decomposition of the relationship between inference patterns and syntactic distribution. 

198 of 249

Relationship between inference patterns and syntax

Correlations across syntactic structures

199 of 249

Subdirection #1�Decomposition of the inference patterns themselves. 

Subdirection #2�Decomposition of the relationship between inference patterns and syntactic distribution. 

Subdirection #3�Decomposition of the relationship between inference patterns and lexical items. 

200 of 249

Correlations across predicates

Predicate

Cluster

201 of 249

Possible Unified Approach�Multi-task combinatory categorial grammar induction with structured denotation decoders

202 of 249

Gene Kim

University of South Florida

203 of 249

forget

Language

Concepts

NP

that S

S

204 of 249

forget

Language

Concepts

NP

that S

S

λp.λx. p(w@) &

[∃i1.END(i) < tref & BELIEVE(x, p, i1)] &

[∃i2.BEG(i) = tref & ~BELIEVE(x, p, i2)]

205 of 249

Thanks!

Supported by NSF-BCS-1748969

The MegaAttitude Project: Investigating selection and polysemy at the scale of the lexicon

206 of 249

Appendix A:�Further Validation of MegaAcceptability

207 of 249

Case Study�The vast majority of about-PPs are adjuncts�

Rawlins 2013, 2014

208 of 249

XP1 V (XP2) (XP3) about XP4

is acceptable

XP1 V (XP2) (XP3)

is acceptable

X

209 of 249

NP _ed  

NP _ed about XP  

210 of 249

Rawlins 2014

211 of 249

NP _ed about XP  

NP _ed  

212 of 249

NP _ed about XP  

NP _ed  

213 of 249

NP _ed  

NP _ed about XP  

214 of 249

NP _ed about XP  

NP _ed  

215 of 249

NP _ed  

NP _ed about XP  

216 of 249

NP _ed about XP  

NP _ed  

217 of 249

Noise variance / acceptability variance 

Proportion violations

Independence

218 of 249

Noise variance / acceptability variance 

Proportion violations

Independence

219 of 249

NP (was) _ed  

NP (was) _ed about whether S  

220 of 249

NP (was) _ed about whether S  

NP (was) _ed  

221 of 249

NP (was) _ed about whether S  

NP (was) _ed  

222 of 249

NP (was) _ed about whether S  

NP (was) _ed  

223 of 249

Acceptability threshold 

Proportion violations

224 of 249

Noise variance / acceptability variance 

Proportion violations

Independence

225 of 249

Acceptability threshold 

Proportion violations

226 of 249

Acceptability threshold 

Proportion violations

227 of 249

Appendix B:�Distribution of Inference Judgments

228 of 249

229 of 249

230 of 249

231 of 249

Appendix C:�Validation of MegaIntensionality

232 of 249

Question

Is bleaching a valid method for capturing doxastic and bouletic inferences associated with verb in a frame?

233 of 249

Challenge

Doxastic and bouletic inferences are highly sensitive to world knowledge.

234 of 249

Jo doubts that Bo left. ⇝ Jo doesn't believe that Bo left.

Jo doubts that Bo left. ⇝ Jo wants Bo to have left.

Trump doubts that he won in 2020.

Trump wants to have won in 2020.

235 of 249

Approach

  1. Norm scenarios for likelihood of prior belief or desire not conditioned on a previous sentence

236 of 249

Executives generally want their deals to go through.

Executives generally believe that their deals will go through.

Norming

237 of 249

238 of 249

Approach

  1. Norm scenarios for likelihood of prior belief or desire not conditioned on a previous sentence
  2. Test those normed schenarios in an inference task focused 24 verbs. 

239 of 249

Executives generally want their deals to go through.

Executives generally believe that their deals will go through.

Norming

The executive knew that his deal had gone through.

Contentful

240 of 249

Approach

  1. Norm scenarios for likelihood of prior belief or desire not conditioned on a previous sentence
  2. Test those normed schenarios in an inference task focused 24 verbs. 
  3. Compare to bleached variants.

241 of 249

Executives generally want their deals to go through.

Executives generally believe that their deals will go through.

Norming

The executive knew that his deal had gone through.

Contentful

A knew that C happened.

Bleached

242 of 249

243 of 249

Appendix D:�Number of possible inference patterns

244 of 249

(3 veridicality inferences)2 matrix polarities

x

(3 doxastic inferences)2 matrix polarities

x

(3 bouletic inferences)2 matrix polarities

x

2 neg-raising inferences

=

1,458 inference patterns

If any lexical knowledge relevant to any inference type is gradient (and continuous), there are an uncountable number of patterns.

245 of 249

Appendix E:�Principal Component Analysis

246 of 249

95% of variance

247 of 249

  1. The polarity of veridicality and doxastic inferences under negation is anti-correlated with neg-raising.
  2. The polarity of a belief presupposition about a recipient is correlated with the polarity of a desire presupposition.
  3. The valence of an emotive communicative is anticorrelated with veridicality.
  4. Bouletic inferences about the source and the target of a communication are anticorrelated with veridicality.
  5. Desire inferences about the source in a communication are anticorrelated with belief inferences about the target.
  6. Veridicality is correlated with belief inferences in the target of a communication but anticorrelated with desire inferences.

248 of 249

Appendix F:�Inference Patterns to Mandarin Frames

249 of 249