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Stealing interpretations?�Failed investigations into structural reanalysis

Prof E. Matthew Husband

25 January 2023

@ Edinburgh University

Linguistics Society

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While the man hunted the deer ran into the woods.

Did the man hunt the deer?

YES NO

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Misinterpretation in Garden-path Sentences

Christianson, et al, 2001

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Verb Type

Structure

Sentence

Optionally Transitive

Control

While Susan wrote the letter that was long and eloquent fell off the table.

Garden-path

While Susan wrote, the letter that was long and eloquent fell off the table.

Reflexive

Control

While Anna dressed the baby that was small and cute spit up on the bed.

Garden-path

While Anna dressed, the baby that was small and cute spit up on the bed.

Misinterpretation

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The horse raced past the barn fell.

Paraphrase?

‘The horse raced past and the barn fell.’

Fodor & Inoue (1994)

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Main Idea

  • We can use the products of language comprehension to investigate intermediate stages of language processing.
    • Systematic misinterpretation as evidence for certain misanalyses of garden-paths.

Road Map

  • Garden-paths and misinterpretation
    • Adopt the Diagnosis Model of Reanalysis (Fodor & Inoue 1994, 2000)
    • Temporary surface constituents (subordinate object/main clause subject ambiguity)
    • Temporarily derived constituents (reduced relative clause ambiguity)
      • ‘Steal’ as a reanalysis operation
  • Three sentence-question studies investigating the comprehension of reduced relative clauses
  • Conclusions and future directions

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Diagnosis Model of Reanalysis

  • Assumes a Garden Path Model for initial (first-pass) parsing
    • Incrementally builds and maintains a single structural parse.
    • Ambiguity resolved by Late Closure & Minimal Attachment.

Fodor & Inoue 1994, 2000

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Parsing Mechanisms

  • Attach
    • Connect incoming words and constituents to the current syntactic structure such that resulting syntactic structure is grammatically well-formed.
    • Ambiguity? Resolve using the following principles:
      • Minimal Attachment (assume a minimal amount of additional structure when making an attachment)
      • Late Closure (attach to the more recently constructed phrase if grammatically possible)

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Subordinate-Main Construction

8

S

VP

S

NP

S’

NP

the man

NP

the deer

V

hunted

VP

NP

Late Closure

Early Closure

C

While

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Subordinate-Main Construction

9

VP

S

NP

S’

NP

the man

NP

the deer

V

hunted

VP

S

C

While

Interpret

∃e ∃x ∃y [hunt(e) & Ag(e,x) & man(x) & Th(e,y) & deer(y)]

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Diagnosis Model of Reanalysis

  • Assumes a Garden Path Model for initial (first-pass) parsing
    • Incrementally builds and maintains a single structural parse.
    • Ambiguity resolved by Late Closure & Minimal Attachment.

  • A repair strategy for reanalysis
    • Reanalysis is restructuring and repairing of the initial parse.

  • The difficulty of reanalysis is related to how well the symptom (the error signal) is linked to the repair (what needs to be reanalyzed).
    • Successful reanalysis guides the parser back to the source of the garden-path.

Fodor & Inoue 1994, 2000

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Repair Mechanisms

  • Attach (Anyway)
    • When attachment of new word cannot be made in a grammatical way, attach it to least sever attachment site.

  • Adjust
    • When an attachment creates conflict between two nodes, eliminate the problem by minimally altering the one less recently acted on
  • Steal
    • Allows the parser to pull out constituents from the current structure.
  • Reaccess
    • Allows the parser to reaccess lexical items.

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Subordinate-Main Construction

12

VP

S

NP

S’

NP

the man

NP

the deer

V

hunted

VP

S

V

ran

C

While

Attach (Anyway)

∃e ∃x ∃y [hunt(e) & Ag(e,x) & man(x) & Th(e,y) & deer(y)]

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Subordinate-Main Construction

13

S

VP

ran

S

NP

?

S’

NP

the man

V

hunted

VP

Steal

C

While

NP

the deer

∃e ∃x ∃y [hunt(e) & Ag(e,x) & man(x) & Th(e,y) & deer(y)]

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Subordinate-Main Construction

14

NP

?

VP

ran

S

NP

the deer

S’

NP

the man

C

While

V

hunted

VP

Reaccess

S

∃e ∃x ∃y [hunt(e) & Ag(e,x) & man(x) & Th(e,y) & deer(y)]

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Subordinate-Main Construction

15

VP

ran

S

NP

the deer

NP

the man

S

S'

C

While

VP

hunted

Interpret

∃e ∃x ∃y [hunt(e) & Ag(e,x) & man(x) & Th(e,y) & deer(y)]

∃e1 ∃x [hunt(e1) & Ag(e1,x) & man(x)]

∃e2 ∃y [run(e2) & Ag(e2,y) & deer(y)]

Interpret

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Subordinate-Main Construction

  • There is a temporary surface state where [the man hunted the deer] is a constituent.
    • This appears to be the source of misinterpretation.

Christianson, et al, 2001

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Question

Structure

Sentence

Question

Licensed

Control

The steak that was brown and juicy fell to the floor as Harry chewed.

Did the steak fall to the floor?

Garden-path

As Harry chewed the steak that was brown and juicy fell to the floor.

Did the steak fall to the floor?

Unlicensed

Control

The steak that was brown and juicy fell to the floor as Harry chewed.

Did Harry chew the steak?

Garden-path

As Harry chewed the steak that was brown and juicy fell to the floor.

Did Harry chew the steak?

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Reduced Relative Clauses

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S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

S

VP

NP

Op

NP

Minimal Attachment

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Reduced Relative Clauses

18

S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

PP

past the barn

Attach

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Reduced Relative Clauses

19

S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

P

past

V

fell

NP

the barn

PP

S

NP

?

Steal

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Reduced Relative Clauses

20

S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

P

past

V

fell

NP

?

PP

S

NP

the barn

Reaccess

Steal

Interpret

∃e ∃x [fall(e) & Th(e,x) & barn(x)]

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Reduced Relative Clauses

21

S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

P

past

V

fell

NP

the barn

PP

S

NP

?

∃e ∃x [fall(e) & Th(e,x) & barn(x)]

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Reduced Relative Clause

  • There is not a temporary surface state where [the barn fell] is a constituent.
    • But there may be a temporary stage of processing where [the barn fell] is a constituent!
    • Question: Is this a source of misinterpretation?

  • If yes, this would be strong evidence for Steal as an operation, and for repair models in general.

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Sources of Misinterpretation

Temporary Surface Interpretations

  • Misinterpretation arises from the availability of a temporary surface constitutent.
  • Although this constituent is undone during reanalysis, the interpretation it temporarily licensed lingers in memory.

Temporarily Derived Interpretations

  • Misinterpretation arises from a constituent that is temporarily entertained during reanalysis.
  • Although this constituent is undone during reanalysis, the interpretation it temporarily licensed lingers in memory.

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Studies

  • Pilot Study:
    • 2 (Garden-path vs Control) x 2 (Licensed Q [expect Yes] vs Unlicensed Q [expect No])

  • Follow-up Study 1: Verb/preposition transitivity
    • 2 (GP vs Ctrl) x 2 (Licensed Q vs Unlicensed Q) x 2 (Obligatory vs Optional transitivity)

  • Follow-up Study 2: Semantic association
    • 2 (GP vs Ctrl) x 2 (Licensed Q vs Unlicensed Q) x LSA (continuous)

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Press spacebar to continue

The wine spilled from the decanter was expensive.

Was the decanter expensive?

Sentence Reading Time

Question Response

and

Question Response Time

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Pilot Study

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Structure

Question

Sentence

Question

Garden-Path

Unlicensed

The wine spilled from the decanter was expensive.

Was the decanter expensive?

Licensed

The wine spilled from the decanter was expensive.

Was the wine expensive?

Control

Unlicensed

The wine that was spilled from the decanter was expensive.

Was the decanter expensive?

Licensed

The wine that was spilled from the decanter was expensive.

Was the wine expensive?

  • 14 Subjects, 24 Items
  • Measured
    • Sentence reading time
    • Question response and response time

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Pilot: Sentence Reading Times

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.072

0.088

0.818

.423

Question

0.064

0.075

0.857

.406

Str * Que

0.178

0.136

1.313

.209

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Pilot: Question Accuracy

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

-1.893

0.675

-2.804

.005***

Question

0.595

0.649

0.917

.359

Str * Que

-1.537

1.331

-1.154

.248

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Pilot: Question Response Time

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.137

0.065

2.128

.051

Question

0.062

0.065

0.954

.349

Str * Que

0.010

0.127

0.077

.939

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Summary of Pilot Study

  • No evidence for Misinterpretation
    • No interaction between Structure and Question on question accuracy (or question response time).

  • Other potential issues:
    • No evidence of a garden-path effect in sentence reading times.
      • Could be a trade-off between reanalysis cost (for garden-paths) and sentence length (for controls).
      • Any garden-path effect could be swamped by reading time variability (~3.5 ± 2.5 sec).
    • Perhaps other factors obscured the expected misinterpretation effect.
      • Transitivity of the (relative) clause
      • Semantic association between the NP and the main clause verb

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Follow-up Study 1: Verb/prep transitivity

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Transitivity

Structure

Question

Sentence

Question

Obligatory

Garden-Path

Unlicensed

The artist painted for the family left.

Did the family leave?

Licensed

The artist painted for the family left.

Did the artist leave?

Control

Unlicensed

The artist who was painted for the family left.

Did the family leave?

Licensed

The artist who was painted for the family left.

Did the artist leave?

Optional

Garden-Path

Unlicensed

The barrel rolled over the dam cracked.

Did the dam crack?

Licensed

The barrel rolled over the dam cracked.

Did the barrel crack?

Control

Unlicensed

The barrel that was rolled over the dam cracked.

Did the dam crack?

Licensed

The barrel that was rolled over the dam cracked.

Did the barrel crack?

  • 25 Subjects, 24 Items
  • Measured
    • Sentence reading time
    • Question response and response time

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Follow-up 1 (VPT): Sentence Reading Times

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.097

0.059

1.646

.105

Question

-0.074

0.057

-1.303

.198

Transitivity

0.060

0.100

0.604

.552

Str * Que

-0.093

0.109

-0.855

.393

Str * Trans

-0.150

0.113

-1.329

.187

Que * Trans

0.142

0.112

1.265

.210

Str * Que * Trans

-0.139

0.218

-0.639

.523

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Follow-up 1 (VPT): Question Accuracy

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Est

StdErr

z

p

Structure

-1.682

0.315

-5.336

<.001***

Question

0.181

0.314

0.574

.566

Transitivity

0.001

0.464

0.002

.998

Str * Que

0.267

0.610

0.438

.662

Str * Trans

1.056

0.617

1.711

.087

Que * Trans

-1.001

0.627

-1.598

.110

Str * Que * Trans

1.348

1.225

1.100

.271

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Follow-up 1 (VPT): Question Response Times

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.110

0.052

2.120

.041*

Question

0.094

0.050

1.882

.067

Transitivity

-0.027

0.060

-0.443

.661

Str * Que

-0.112

0.090

-1.237

.216

Str * Trans

-0.123

0.090

-1.361

.174

Que * Trans

0.001

0.090

-0.009

.993

Str * Que * Trans

0.049

0.180

0.271

.787

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Summary of Follow-up 1 (VPT)

  • No evidence for Misinterpretation
    • No interaction between Structure and Question on question accuracy.

  • Instead, question accuracy affected by Transitivity.
    • Obligatory transitivity increased question accuracy in the garden-path condition.

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Follow-up Study 2: Semantic association

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Structure

Question

Sentence

Question

LSA

Garden-Path

Unlicensed

The woman offered the baby cried.

Did the woman cry?

.30

Licensed

The woman offered the baby cried.

Did the baby cry?

.23

Control

Unlicensed

The woman that was offered the baby cried.

Did the woman cry?

.30

Licensed

The woman that was offered the baby cried.

Did the baby cry?

.23

Garden-Path

Unlicensed

The cat stood by the path twisted around.

Did the path twist around?

.36

Licensed

The cat stood by the path twisted around.

Did the cat twist around?

.07

Control

Unlicensed

The cat that was stood by the path twisted around.

Did the path twist around?

.36

Licensed

The cat that was stood by the path twisted around.

Did the cat twist around?

.07

  • 24 Subjects, 24 Items (all with Optionally Transitive verbs/prepositions)
  • Measured
    • Sentence reading time
    • Question response and response time

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Follow-up 2 (LSA): Sentence Reading Times

37

Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.200

0.097

2.069

.044*

Question

0.013

0.088

0.148

.883

LSA

-0.001

0.003

-0.201

.841

Str * Que

-0.378

0.153

-2.470

.016*

Str * LSA

0.009

0.006

1.624

.107

Que * LSA

0.004

0.006

0.633

.527

Str * Que * LSA

-0.025

0.011

-2.210

.029*

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Follow-up 2 (LSA): Question Accuracy

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Est

StdErr

z

p

Structure

-1.956

0.415

-4.713

<.001***

Question

-0.457

0.461

-0.993

.321

LSA

0.003

0.019

0.179

.858

Str * Que

0.889

0.831

1.070

.285

Str * LSA

-0.027

0.032

-0.826

.409

Que * LSA

-0.016

0.035

-0.445

.656

Str * Que * LSA

-0.011

0.064

-0.166

.868

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Follow-up 2 (LSA): Question Response Times

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Est

StdErr

t

p

Structure

0.276

0.085

3.240

.002***

Question

0.135

0.097

1.402

.169

LSA

-0.002

0.004

-0.665

.510

Str * Que

-0.225

0.168

-1.343

.185

Str * LSA

0.004

0.006

0.731

.468

Que * LSA

-0.005

0.007

-0.730

.471

Str * Que * LSA

-0.011

0.012

-0.991

.326

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Summary of Follow-up 2 (LSA)

  • No evidence for Misinterpretation
    • No interaction between Structure and Question on question accuracy.
    • No effect of LSA on question accuracy either.

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Review of question accuracy

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Structure

Question

Str * Que

Pilot

Yes

No

No

Follow-up 1: Transitivity

Yes

No

No

Follow-up 2: LSA

Yes

No

No

  • Pilot: Did we find evidence for misinterpretation?
    • Nope!

  • Follow-up 1 (VPT): What if we took transitivity into account?
    • Nope!

  • Follow-up 2 (LSA): What if we measure semantic association between NP and predicate?
    • Nope!

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What does this mean for theories of reanalysis?

  • Option 1: Reanalysis is not repair of an existing parse.
    • Steal does not form a temporary constituent.

  • Option 2: Temporary constituents entertained during reanalysis are not interpreted.
    • Steal forms the relevant constituent, but this constituent is abandoned before it can be interpreted.
    • Such constituents are only interpreted when the parser gives up.
      • Perhaps this is what happens in the particular case of “The horse raced past the barn fell.”

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Other avenues?

  • Assuming Option 2 is on the right track, we need to think about other effects to reveal the intermediate stages of reanalysis.

  • Evidence from memory retrieval?
    • Some preliminary evidence that reanalysis may use ‘steal’ from memory retrieval paradigms (Suckow & van Gompel, 2017; Martin & McElree 2018).
    • Ongoing research on whether retrieval cues influence garden-path reanalysis (e.g. Fang & Husband 2022 HSP Short Talk).

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Some lessons

  • Sometimes really clear theoretical ideas fail to bare empirical fruit.

  • When to call it quits?
    • Probably not when the first study fails.
    • But when several studies all point against the idea, it may be worth reevaluating.

  • Reevaluation may then lead to better outcomes.
    • Theorizing about ‘steal’ as memory retrieval may yet prove useful for theories of reanalysis.

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Many thanks to several groups of Final Honors Schools students from 2018, 2019, and 2020

Thank you!

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46

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Reduced Relative Clauses

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S

NP

The horse

V

raced

VP

P

past

V

were

NP

the barns

PP

S

NP

?

Cue-based Retrieval

[+N]

[+pl]

Partial match

Cue-based Retrieval

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Number Attraction and RRCs

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Structure

Question

Sentence

Garden-Path

NumMismatch

The wagon smashed into the gate were sturdy to the owner’s relief.

NumMatch

The wagon smashed into the gates were sturdy to the owner’s relief.

Control

NumMismatch

The wagon that was smashed into the gate were sturdy to the owner’s relief.

NumMatch

The wagon that was smashed into the gates were sturdy to the owner’s relief.

  • 72 Subjects, 40 Items
  • Measured
    • Self-paced reading time

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Number Attraction and RRCs

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31 msec

t=1.909; p=.060

6 msec

t=0.514; p=.609

Str: t=5.749; p<.001

Agr: t=1.832; p=.070

Str*Agr: t=1.248; p=.214

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Subordinate-Main Construction

50

S

VP

were

S

NP

?

S’

NP

the men

V

hunted

VP

C

While

NP

the deer

[+N]

[+pl]

Cue-based Retrieval

Partial match

Cue-based Retrieval

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Number Attraction and Sub/Main

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Structure

Question

Sentence

Garden-Path

NumMismatch

Because the employee negotiated the contact were changed very soon.

NumMatch

Because the employees negotiated the contact were changed very soon.

Control

NumMismatch

Because the employee negotiated, the contact were changed very soon.

NumMatch

Because the employees negotiated, the contact were changed very soon.

  • 72 Subjects, 40 Items
  • Measured
    • Self-paced reading time

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Number Attraction and Sub/Main

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18 msec

t=2.503; p=.012

3 msec

t=0.452; p=.651

Str: t=2.040; p<.051

Agr: t=1.454; p=.146

Str*Agr: t=2.082; p=.037