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Transport economics�in policy and practice

Jonas Eliasson

Director of Transport Accessibility, Swedish Transport Administration

Professor of Transport Systems, Linköping University

Vice chair, Governmental Expert Group in Public Economics (ESO)

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Something about me

  • MSc Engineering Physics, 1994
  • PhD Transport and location analysis, 2000
  • Professor transport systems KTH 2007-2017, LiU 2018-present
  • Applied transport policy (e.g. congestion pricing, national and urban transport plans, transit systems, investment appraisal, railway capacity allocation…)
  • Director Stockholm City Transport Administration, 2016-2019
  • Director Transport Accessibility, Swedish Transport Administration, 2019-
  • Chair of Civil Engineering division, Royal Academy of Engineering Sciences (2019-2022) etc.

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Agenda

  • How transport economists think (apologies for generalizations)
  • Problems (according to economists)
  • How the public, planners and politicians think (apologies again)
  • Root causes of the problems
  • What can be done?
  • Things which often need to be repeated
  • Low-hanging fruits

  • Some references at the end – thanks to coauthors and collaborators (Maria, Mattias, Mogens, Karin, Morten, James, Emanuel, Abdou, Stef, Peter...)

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How transport economists think

  • Facts are good, and necessary for policy-making
    • Correct descriptions of the world and of policies’ effects are desirable and useful
  • Efficiency is good
    • More aggregate benefits for a given budget is generally better
    • …even if we may disagree about relative benefit weights, fairness, and distribution
  • It’s all about tradeoffs – free lunches are very rare
  • Individuals’ usually behave in line with their preferences
    • Look for market failures, but otherwise don’t interfere (much) with people’s lives and choices

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Problems

Common deficits in transport decision making (according to most transport economists)

  • Inefficient choice of infrastructure investments
  • Too little money is spent on infrastructure maintenance
  • Cost overruns are endemic
  • Lack of efficient pricing
    • Emissions, congestion pricing, transit fares, parking charges, road and railway charges…
  • Inefficient public allocation and supply
    • Railway capacity allocation, transit network design, …

  • Trust in public institutions is important
    • Trust is nurtured by transparency, balanced analyses and truthfulness

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Example: Investment choices tend to be inefficient

Benefit/cost ratio of ~ 500 investment candidates

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Example: actual selection of investments

Benefit/cost ratio of ~ 500 investment candidates

Politicians’ selection

(planners)

(planners)

Planners’ selection

Planners’ selection 2

Excluded

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Example 2: Sweden’s infrastructure investment plan

In the plan

Excluded

Almost in the plan

Investment cost

Benefit/cost ratio

BCR=1

Road

Railway

High-speed rail

Sea

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Example: Cost overruns are endemic�(Welde & Odeck 2014)

Planning and decision

Building

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How the public, planners and politicians think

  • The public:
    • Attention threshold
    • Care about different things, but few care about efficiency as such
  • Planners:
    • Three kinds: analysts – doers – activists (incl. activist “think”-tanks)
    • Tend to be paternalistic
    • Tend to be overconfident wrt how much they know
  • Politicians:
    • Judged on what can be seen.
    • Interfering almost by definition
    • What they want usually comes first; analyses come later

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A typology of planners

Analysts

Doers

Activists

Verbs

Analyze

Understand

Learn

Produce

Get things done

Don’t overcomplicate

Change

Adjectives

Complicated

Uncertain

No straight answers

Focused

Effective

Certain

Persuasive

Communicative

Typical behaviour

“On the one hand…”

“It’s a good question…”

“The process is… “

“The deadline is…”

“X is necessary”

“X is clearly our top priority”

“All evidence supports X”

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Root causes of the problems (1)

  • The attention threshold
  • Not many people care about efficiency
  • Planners tend to be paternalistic, and overestimate their gut feeling
  • In politics, what matters is what can be seen
  • Political visions often become too detailed (mixing solutions and goals)

  • Opportunity costs are not salient
  • Accessibility is not salient (enough)
  • In politics, conflicts are good (consensus policies have no political upside)

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In politics, what people see is what matters

Cheap vs. luxury appearance – but similar function and benefits

Opportunity cost of luxury alternative is not salient;

sends stronger signal that you care for cyclists

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Root causes of the problems (2)

  • Magnitudes are difficult
  • Confirmation bias
  • Projects/policies are prioritized based on how serious and salient a problem is perceived, rather than on their efficiency (benefits/cost)
  • Power conflicts between political levels
  • Planning takes time, election cycles are short; decisions are made too early

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Inefficient choice of investments

Too little money for maintenance

Cost overruns

Lack of efficient pricing

Design and allocation inefficient

In politics, what matters is what is seen *

X

X

X

X

X

Planners tend to be paternalistic

X

 

X

X

X

Not many people care about efficiency

X

 

 

X*

X*

The attention threshold

 

 

 

X*

X

Opportunity costs are not salient

X*

 

X*

 

X

Accessibility is not salient enough

X

 

 

X

X

Prioritization wrt “serious problem”, not BCR

X*

X

X*

 

 

In politics, conflicts are good

X*

 

X

X

X

Magnitudes are difficult

X*

 

X

 

 

Confirmation bias

X*

 

X

 

 

Power conflicts between political levels

 

 

X*

X*

 

Decisions are made too early

X

 

X*

 

 

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What can be done?

  • CBA is really, really useful – and ranking of alternatives is usually robust

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CBA is really, really useful

  • Structured analysis and thinking
  • Magnitudes of effects
  • Makes opportunity costs more salient
  • Interpersonal comparison of options and projects (1000’s of alternatives!)
  • Antedote for optimism bias & confirmation bias
  • Reduces influence of loud or well-connected special interest groups

  • Ranking tends to be robust against uncertainties in forecasts, valuations, input assumptions etc.

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Ranking of ~500 suggested investments wrt. net B/C ratio�

Top 150

The ”good” are much better than the ”bad” –

despite being shortlisted by professionals!

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Robust ranking wrt. benefit valuations and input assumptions

Changes in top 150 investments

Double emissions valuation

5

Double freight valuation

14

Double passenger accessibility

11

Double traffic safety valuation

22

Double oil price

2

Strong climate policy

3

No electric cars

1

Non-differentiated value of time

5

Trend break car ownership

2

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What can be done?

  • CBA is really, really useful – and ranking of alternatives is usually robust
  • Don't (only) be a nay-sayer: help creating a "vision"
    • Get involved before politicians decide what to pursue
  • Avoid “problem-based planning”: emphasize benefit/cost
  • Efficient selection encourages suggesting efficient candidates
  • Make opportunity costs salient
    • competition between projects as long as possible
  • Emphasize things which people care about (i.e. not (primarily) efficiency)
  • Find alliances between interest groups
  • Solve power conflicts – align political incentives
  • Postpone final decisions until benefits and costs are known
  • Explain accessibility and make it more salient
  • Carry out more ex-post evaluations of project/policies’ effects

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Things which often need to be repeated

  • CBA is really, really useful – and tend to be robust
  • Use and maintenance of infrastructure matter more than building new things
  • There are more ways to increase accessibility than shorter travel times
  • Models are usually much more reliable than (experts’) gut feelings
    • But inputs are often uncertain (especially in the long term)
  • Mode shares are not a good evaluation measure, or policy target
  • Cross-elasticities (and hence the effect of carrots) are usually rather small
  • Road traffic is not likely to spontaneously decrease
    • Internet, pandemic experience, smartphones, telegraphs, youth preferences …
  • Commuting is a small share (25-35%) of passenger kilometers traveled
  • Induced traffic is a real phenomenon – but that does not mean that all road improvements are pointless
  • There are “problems” which have no efficient “solutions” (don’t call them “problems”)

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Low hanging fruits

  • Optimize transit supply and transit fares
    • In particular bus traffic
  • Put a price on roadworks and other causes of delays, capacity reductions etc
  • Improve handling of traffic incidents (accidents etc.)
  • Bicycles need their own traffic legislation; they are not cars
  • Longer and heavier trucks
    • Feasible on most major roads
  • Optimize parking charges (and parking supply)
    • Tradeoff opportunity cost vs. search costs
  • Evaluate effects of interventions
    • Especially small ones – tend to be common and repeated

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Eliasson, J., Börjesson, M. (2022) Costs and benefit of parking charges in residential areas. Transportation Research B.

Eliasson, J. (2021) Will we travel less after the pandemic? Transportation Research: Interdisciplinary Perspectives.

Eliasson, J. (2021) Efficient transport pricing – why, what, when? Communications of Transportation Research 1.

Eliasson, J. (2017) Congestion pricing. In Ison, S. (ed.): Handbook of Transport Economics. Routledge.

Andersson, M., Brundell-Freij, K., Eliasson, J. (2017) Validation of reference forecasts for passenger transport. Transportation Research A 96, 101-118.

Asplund, D. and Eliasson, J. (2016) Does uncertainty make cost-benefit analyses pointless? Transportation Research A 92, 195-205.

Eliasson, J., Börjesson, M., Odeck, J., Welde, M. (2015) Does benefit/cost-efficiency influence transport investment decisions? Journal of Transport Economics and Policy 49(3), 377-396.

Eliasson, J. (2015) Problemstyrd planering: en förklaring till att effektivitet spelar så liten roll för valet av transportåtgärder. In Welde and Odeck (eds.): Ressursbruk i transportsektoren – noen mulige forbedringer. Concept Report No 44, Oslo.

Mackie, P., Worsley, T. and Eliasson, J. (2014) Transport appraisal revisited. Research in Transportation Economics 47, 3-18.

Eliasson, J. (2014) The role of attitude structures, direct experience and framing for successful congestion pricing. Transportation Research A 67, 81-95.

Börjesson, M., Eliasson, J., Lundberg, M. (2014) Is CBA ranking of transport investments robust? Journal of Transport Economics and Policy 48(2), 189-204.

Eliasson, J. and Fosgerau, M. (2013) Cost overruns and demand shortfalls: deception or selection? Transportation Research B 57, 105-113.

Eliasson, J., Börjesson, M., van Amelsfort, D., Brundell-Freij, K., Engelson, L. (2013) Accuracy of congestion pricing forecasts. Transportation Research A 52, 34-46.

Eliasson, J. and Lundberg, M. (2012) Do cost-benefit analyses influence transport investment decisions? Experiences from the Swedish Transport Investment Plan 2010-2021. Transport Reviews 32(1), 29-48. doi:10.1080/01441647.2011.582541

Eliasson, J. (2009) Expected and unexpected in the Stockholm Trial. In Gullberg and Isaksson (ed.): Congestion taxes in city traffic. Lessons learnt from the Stockholm Trial. Nordic Academic Press.

Eliasson, J. (2008) Lessons from the Stockholm congestion charging trial. Transport Policy 15(6), p. 395-404. doi:10.1016/j.tranpol.2008.12.004

Eliasson, J. (2019) 45 punkter för bättre Stockholmstrafik. Stockholms Handelskammare.

Börjesson, M. och Eliasson, J. (2015) Kostnadseffektivitet i valet av infrastrukturinvesteringar. Rapport till Finanspolitiska rådet 2015.

Hamilton, C., J. Eliasson, K. Brundell-Freij, C. Raux, S. Souche, K. Kiiskilää, J. Tervonen (2014) Determinants of congestion pricing acceptability.

Eliasson, J. (2012) How to solve traffic jams. Featured talk at TED.com, Nov 2012.

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There’s nothing more applicable than good theory.