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Fighting Poverty in America�What Can We Do Better?�Ed Dolan�Senior Fellow, Niskanen Center�Lions Club of Northport, MI�September 23, 2021

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  • When President Lydon B. Johnson declared his War on Poverty in 1964, a quarter of the US population lived in poverty
  • By 1978, according to the official poverty measure, that percentage had reached 11.4 percent
  • Since then it has changed little. The poverty rate was again 11.4 percent as recently as 2020

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  • International poverty rankings don’t mean much because of differing definitions
  • This chart ranks US and other high-income democracies by strength of social protection policies
    • Equality of income distribution
    • Satisfaction of basic needs
    • Social protection spending
  • The US trails the top 20 by a wide margin

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  • But doesn’t the US do better by other measures, like more personal freedoms, stronger democracy?
  • Not really. The US falls short of its peers in 4 out of 5 key measures
  • It does have a slight advantage in market institutions, allowing us to produce more billionaires

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  • Meanwhile, the federal government spends some $850 billion per year on programs intended to help people with low incomes
  • With all that spending, why do poverty and inequality remain so high?
  • What can we do better?

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Problem No. 1: Fragmentation

  • Poverty spending is fragmented among too many separate programs
  • Each one is designed to help a specific group or a specific need
  • But fragmentation leaves gaps and programs interact with unintended consequences

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Problem No. 2: Means testing

  • Means testing is intended to direct aid to those most in need
  • Benefits can be reduced by a specified amount for each dollar earned (“benefit reduction rate”)
  • … or they can cut off at a specified income threshold (“benefit cliff”)

In this example, families with no earned income receive a $6,000 benefit, which is reduced by 50 cents for each dollar earned and then cut off altogether when earned income reaches $8,000

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Unintended consequence

  • Benefit reductions of multiple programs are additive
  • Here a family gets $4,000 in food aid and $4,000 in housing aid, both with a 40% benefit reduction rate
  • The total benefit reduction rate is 80%
  • Earning $10,000 leaves the family only $2,000 better off than earning nothing

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The poverty trap

  • In the real world, benefit reduction rates of multiple programs are highest for families near and just above the poverty line
  • Work incentives are weakest for those just on the verge of making it to self-sufficiency

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Problem No. 3: Work Requirements

  • A substantial share of welfare beneficiaries who are not officially disabled do not work or work only part time
  • Work requirements are intended to deny benefits to people who could work but choose not to
    • Clinton reforms of 1990s
    • Trump proposals
  • Are they effective?

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  • In practice, the number of nonworking beneficiaries realistically available for jobs is small
    • A quarter of nonworkers have illness or disability that does not qualify for SSI
    • Caregiving and school account for half of remaining nonworkers
  • People who could work but choose not to account for less than 5% of all beneficiaries

Source: https://www.kff.org/report-section/work-among-medicaid-adults-implications-of-economic-downturn-and-work-requirements-issue-brief/

Reasons for not working among non-aged non-SSI adult Medicaid recipients

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  • In practice work requirements produce modest results if any
  • The chart shows results of 11 large-scale experiments conducted in the 1990s
  • Results showed less than 5% increase in jobs
  • Average income often fell because wages were less than lost benefits

Source: https://www.milkenreview.org/articles/earning-it-why-work-requirements-dont-work?IssueID=27

Results of 1990s Experiments

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Four reasons work requirements don’t work

  • WR incentives are offset by high benefit reduction rates for other programs
  • Jobs people get are unstable and low-paid
  • Difficult administrative rules make it hard to qualify
  • WRs work best when coupled with intensive one-on-once counseling, often not offered

Source: https://www.milkenreview.org/articles/earning-it-why-work-requirements-dont-work?IssueID=27

Results of 1990s Experiments

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How to fix it (1): Consolidate

  • Consolidate programs to avoid flat spots and kinks in the benefit reduction rate
  • Cash out as many programs as possible to give families flexibility to meet their most urgent needs (food, housing, transportation, etc.)
  • Include small minimum grant for everyone regardless of work and family status

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How to fix it (2): Wage subsidies

  • Build on EITC to give bonus incentive to those just entering job market
  • Improve on EITC
    • Monthly checks, not annual tax refund
    • Cover childless workers

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How to fix it (3): Child allowance

  • Separate child allowance from other programs
  • Monthly payments, not tax credit
  • Amount child gets should not depend on job status of parents

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What could we do with what we are spending now?*

  • Basic grant of $6,200 per adult (half of “deep poverty” income for single person)
  • Child grant $4,500 per child
  • Wage subsidy at 50 cents per dollar on first $4,800 earned
  • Combination is known as Integrated Cash Assistance

Outcomes:

  • End “deep poverty” for all Americans
  • End official poverty for any family with at least one adult working half-time or more at minimum wage
  • Lower poverty rates and stronger work incentives
  • Better than current policies which raise only 44 percent of poor above official poverty line

*Based on 2018 data

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  • Integrated cash assistance could replace much of the existing welfare system
  • However, many other social programs should continue to help with problems of
    • Health care
    • Mental health
    • Substance abuse
    • Domestic violence
    • Education

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A bit of hope:

  • During the pandemic the government made extraordinary efforts to avoid a spike in poverty
  • Why not replace those emergency measures with permanent programs?

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Further reading: