1 of 703

Pamela E. Foster, M.S.J.

Ph.D. Teaching/Research Assistant

Georgia State University

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1sepy89l6NKAFxtrkC0YnkJXeYnckL0-g/view?usp=sharing

Sanctifying Home:

How Rhetoric of the Nineteenth-century Hit Song “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny”

Still Works Despite Resistance

Carry Me Back to Old Virginny--696

Sanctifying Home 696

Echoes from the Swamp: Descendants, Resistance, and Restoration

International African American Museum

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kf-KDykC9KU

Text analysis Coded text usapublishinghub.com

Aimé Césaire. Notebook of a Return to the Native Land. 978-0819564528 or Cahier d’un retour au pays natal for students reading in French. 978-2708704206 Toward a Virtuous Memorial to the Enslaved Bryan Stevenson on honoring the good and commemorating and repairing the damage at sites of lynching and enslavement https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kn8KR8KOgR8

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1x8LQY3YiZBqjEP7tjIwfYbvk71oIqnIhFibO2syPo_k/edit

Social history of “We Shall Overcome” https://www.coursera.org/learn/the-south/lecture/yzJOs/the-key-to-southern-culture

The Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society (AAHGS)

36th National Conference--Virginia, Where African-American Roots Run Deep:

Family History and the National Narrative

October 15-18, 2015, Richmond, Virginia

NGS May 2016

VA Musical Museum Colonial Williamsburg

College of William and Mary

2 of 703

3 of 703

4 of 703

5 of 703

6 of 703

7 of 703

June Cara Christian

Lexington Books, May 1, 2014 - Social Science - 182 pages

Understanding the Black Flame and Multigenerational Education Trauma: Toward a Theory of the Dehumanization of Black Students

https://books.google.com/books?id=lgiLAwAAQBAJ&dq=mansart+trilogy&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Abstract/Details

The “Black Flame” trilogy, multigenerational educational trauma, and the dehumanization of Black students

Christian, June Cara. University of Missouri - Saint Louis, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2011. 3473947.

Other formats: Order a copy

Abstract (summary)

This study identifies W.E.B. Du Bois' theory of education as put forth in his Black Flame trilogy (BFT). A longitudinal survey of culture and society—specifically educational disparities in the United States from 1863 through 1956, the BFT, through close textual analysis, reveals how the processes of racialization and colonization as well as the movement toward globalization influence education and its contribution to the dehumanization of students. Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome and critical race theory are theoretical tools of analysis that create a multi-generational dialectic that understands Du Bois' BFT as a socio-historical analysis of White supremacy that establishes a theory of dehumanization in education. African critical theory (ACT) provides the frame that privileges the words of the elders and people sharing a common response to the dominant narrative surround Black students, the achievement gap, and the myth of Black inferiority. Using Du Bois' voice throughout the analysis creates a dialectic counter-story to understand and identify existing symptoms of dehumanization, particularly in education so that we may finally seek remedy and redress.

Unlike any text to date, this revolutionary study surveys Black research and literature to determine the processes formal education uses to dehumanize Black students. This is a socio-historical analysis of the Black Flame trilogy (BFT), W. E. B. Du Bois’s unparalleled, thirty-year study of Atlanta, Georgia from Black Reconstruction (1860 – 1880) to 1956. W.E.B. Du Bois is one of the most prescient sociologists of the twentieth century in his research of Black people in America. These ground-breaking novels establish racialization, colonization, and globalization as processes that continue to dehumanize Black students in education. Africana critical theory (ACT), critical race theory (CRT), and Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS) privilege the research, voice, and experiences of Blacks. These theoretical frames speak to the pain and effects of the impact of unchecked, gross, voyeuristic violence that helps define the White supremacist patriarchal culture in which we live.

Straight forward and direct, this book show how the processes of dehumanization contribute to the legacy of trauma White supremacy exacts upon Black people and their humanity. This study is aimed at highlighting the stark disparities in Black and White education over times. This book offers a candid look at how the myth of Black inferiority and the metaphor of the achievement gap describe conscious economic deprivation, mob violence and intimidation, and White supremacist curricula, yet continues to imply long-standing cultural notion of Blacks intellectual inferiority. This research is offered to help mitigate the multigenerational education trauma Blacks have experienced since Reconstruction to envision a educational system that is efficacious and socially just in the distribution of resources, expanding diversity in curricula, and exposing pedagogical biases that traumatize not only Black people but all people.

8 of 703

9 of 703

10 of 703

11 of 703

12 of 703

13 of 703

14 of 703

15 of 703

16 of 703

17 of 703

18 of 703

19 of 703

20 of 703

21 of 703

22 of 703

23 of 703

24 of 703

25 of 703

https://www.google.com/search?q=norman+rockwell+carry+me+back+coca-cola+print&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=jrQMuDiirtEVfM%253A%252CwlDajHUBTGcguM%252C_&usg=__p177qKPl1_MdOyVe5XVAAoD4TlM%3D&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjBzqij6tDbAhVDxVkKHeyNBcEQ9QEIKzAA#imgrc=jrQMuDiirtEVfM:

http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-05-02/coca-cola-is-looking-for-its-lost-norman-rockwell-paintings

Coca-Cola Is Looking for Its Lost Norman Rockwell Paintings

By Claire Suddath May 02, 2012

Coca-Cola (KO) wants its paintings back. The soft-drink company has launched a campaign to locate three Norman Rockwell oil paintings that it commissioned from the famous illustrator in the 1920s and ’30s but which, between then and now, have somehow gone missing.

“Coke is very conscious of its heritage,” says Ted Ryan, Coca-Cola’s director of heritage communications. “In the 1960s we were one of the first companies to establish a corporate archives, and we now have 2,000 to 3,000 pieces of original Coca-Cola oil paintings in our collection. But somehow these three managed to slip away.”

In 1928, Rockwell was already a well-known illustrator, most famous for his Saturday Evening Post covers, when Coca-Cola hired him to create several billboard and calendar ads. Back then, the advertising process worked like this: An artist would paint an actual oil painting and send it to Coke, which then shipped it to a printing company to be turned into a billboard or printed advertisement. When it was done, the company would return the original work to Coke.

But Rockwell was so well-known that sometimes his pieces went missing. He completed six paintings for Coke from 1928 to 1935, only one of which, Out Fishin’, the company successfully kept in its possession. Over the past decade or so, two more have found their way back to Coca-Cola thanks to the descendants of the people who originally sneaked off with them. One, Carry Me Back to Old Virginny, had been taken home by an employee; his grandchildren sold it back.

“The second call just came out of the blue,” says Ryan. “The grandson of the president of the calendar printing company called us and said, ‘Hey, we have this painting, we think it’s real.’” Ryan says he receives calls like this all the time from people, but it usually turns out to be an extremely old print. This time, it really was a Rockwell original. “You could see the brush strokes and everything,” he says. Coca-Cola won’t disclose how much it bought the paintings back for, but a recent Antiques Roadshowsegment on the Coke Rockwells appraised the works at $400,000 to $600,000 each, a number that Ryan says is “pretty close” to the real price. “Let’s just say the family sent their kids through college with that painting,” he said.

Of the three Rockwells still missing, two are print advertisements and one is from a calendar. They were all made between 1928 and 1932. “The calendar is probably just in somebody’s house and they don’t know they have it,” says Ryan. “But the billboards are the two I’m worried about, because back then companies that produced them were not necessarily good at keeping the art after the fact.” Coke’s historians have searched through museum collections, auction catalogs, and the official Norman Rockwell archives, but found nothing. Ryan says he’s starting to get worried. “We’ve looked everywhere,” he says. “I would have thought that one of those two would have shown up already.”

http://iml.jou.ufl.edu/projects/spring08/Cantwell/invention.html

In 1886, Coca-Cola was invented by a pharmacist named John Pemberton, otherwise known as "Doc." He fought in the Civil War, and at the end of the war he decided he wanted to invent something that would bring him commercial success.

Usually, everything he made failed in pharmacies. He invented many drugs, but none of them ever made any money. So, after a move to Atlanta, Pemberton decided to try his hand in the beverage market.

In his time, the soda fountain was rising in popularity as a social gathering spot. Temperance was keeping patrons out of bars, so making a soda-fountain drink just made sense.

And this was when Coca-Cola was born.

However, Pemberton had no idea how to advertise. This is where Frank Robinson came in. He registered Coca-Cola's formula with the patent office, and he designed the logo. He also wrote the slogan, "The Pause That Refreshes."

Coke did not do so well in its first year. And to make matters worse, Doc Pemberton died in August 1888, meaning he would never see the commercial success he had been seeking.

Asa Griggs Candler

After Pemberton's death, a man named Asa Griggs Candler rescued the business. In 1891, he became the sole owner of Coca-Cola.

It was when Candler took over that one of the most innovative marketing techniques was invented. He hired traveling salesmen to pass out coupons for a free Coke. His goal was for people to try the drink, like it, and buy it later on,

In addition to the coupons, Candler also decided to spread the word of Coca-Cola by plastering logos on calendars, posters, notebooks and bookmarks to reach customers on a large stage. It was one step in making Coca-Cola a national brand, rather than just a regional brand.

A controversial move on the part of Candler was to sell Coca-Cola syrup as a patent medicine, claiming it would get rid of fatigue and headaches.

In 1898, however, Congress passed a tax in the wake of the Spanish-American war. The tax was on all medicines, so Coca-Cola wanted to be sold only as a beverage. After a court battle, Coca-Cola was no longer sold as a drug.

26 of 703

Travel

and tourism booklet prepared

by the Virginia Department of

Conservation and Development,

Division of Publicity and

Advertising.

27 of 703

In 1969, Wilder successfully ran for the Virginia State Senate, becoming the first African American to hold a position there in almost one hundred years.

In his first speech in the Virginia state senate, in February of 1970, Wilder called for dropping the state song, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginia," claiming its lyrics glorified slavery and were offensive to blacks. He told his fellow legislators that he and his wife had walked out of an official dinner when the song was played, with its warm words about "old massa" and the state where "this old darkey's heart am long'd to go." His bill never passed.

In 1985 Wilder won an election to become the first black lieutenant governor in the United States. He took 46 percent of the white vote and squeaked out a 51.8 percent victory.

November 7, 1989, elected and January 13, 1990, inaugurated governor of Virginia, the first African American to become governor of a state in United States history.

His father, a salesman for a black insurance company, was the son of freed slaves.

Segregation was something that Wilder "never could understand," he says, but he understood only too well what it meant to live with it. Barred from the University of Virginia because of his color, he worked his way through all-black Virginia Union University waiting tables at Richmond hotels. When he graduated in 1951 with a degree in chemistry and applied for a job with the state health department, he was offered a position as a cook. Wilder joined the Army instead and won a Bronze Star at Pork Chop Hill in Korea

28 of 703

1:50-2:08

29 of 703

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kwXKB4rIqPU

30 of 703

0:04-0:46

31 of 703

https://youtu.be/ZhjTfAKxeZU?t=47

32 of 703

Paul Robeson

33 of 703

“Stephen Foster’s ‘Way Down Upon the Swanee River’ and ‘My Old Kentucky Home,’ (--2--)

Daniel D. Emmett’s ‘Dixie’ -- the musical inspiration of the Southern Confederacy--

James A. Bland’s ‘Carry Me Back to Old Virginny’ and Dvorak’s ‘Going Home’ express with lyric power the Negro’s endearment for locality and attachment to home and birthplace.”

--Kelly Miller 10-31-1939,

Emory University collection

Kelly Miller (1863-1939)

Howard University professor, prolific speaker, and syndicated columnist for many black newspapers

Reflections of home and family themes associated with the banjo are innocuous enough. But the reverence for rural life on the plantation and homelife carried out between owners and owned repel many people from this music, making it seem unworthy of exploring in their family history.

Ever since we started leaving plantations and the South we’ve been leaving the banjo and fiddle behind. Regular banjo and fiddle contests gave way to rare banjos in jazz bands, which then also fizzled out. Only country music, including in its folk and bluegrass forms now highlights these instruments of our culture.

During the 1950s and ’60s Civil Rights era there was a precipitous decline in our reverence for these instruments. The 2013 book Hidden in the Mix includes some of the reasons for resistance.

In the essay

A great example of home and family themes is in the song “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny,” published as late as 1878 by James A. Bland.

So, second I’ll go into detail about this James Bland song, one of the quintessential country songs, adopted as state song of Virginia in 1940.

First we’ll have a listen and look at the lyrics, then we’ll talk more about it.

5

Expressing love for people on the owning side of slavery is inconsistent with some people’s core make-up. This song has been re-recorded with so many word changes that it is a study in black culture in and of itself. Master and misses changed to mother and father and the like in Ray Charles version.

34 of 703

35 of 703

1-17-26

Shelley Murphy Dismal Swamp

The "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" song by Howard University-educated Black composer James A. Bland memorializes the Dismal Swamp. One verse in the song is:

"Carry me back to old Virginny,

There let me live till I wither and decay,

Long by the old Dismal Swamp have I wander'd,

There's where this old darkey's life will pass away."

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8UVs3ceqC0g

he "swamp" reference in "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" isn't a specific place but symbolizes the rustic, natural, and simpler life of Tidewater Virginia, evoking the beauty of marshes and rivers where enslaved people worked, representing a bittersweet longing for home and a romanticized past, even as a freed person. Composer James A. Bland, inspired by a friend's memories, created the song to reflect a freed person's idealized memories of plantation life, focusing on natural imagery like swamps and fields.

36 of 703

37 of 703

38 of 703

vi

39 of 703

40 of 703

vi

Cover photo for Memories of Childhood's Slavery Days

Annie L. BURTON (c. 1858 - ?)

This is a short and simple, yet poignant autobiography of Annie Burton, who recounts her early carefree childhood as a slave on a southern plantation while the Civil War raged around her, and after the Emancipation Proclamation, how her life changed as she struggled to maintain herself and family, manage her finances, and develop as a free person of color. The last half of the narrative relies heavily upon speeches, poems, and hymns written by others that stirred Annie's religious passions and increased her pride in her heritage, including a very powerful speech by Dr. P. Thomas Stanford, "The Race Question in America", which no doubt gave Annie some historical perspective, boosted her pride, and offered much food for thought to her readers upon that important subject. (Summary by audiobook reader Michele Fry)

About the 15th of June, 1879, I arrived at the Old Colony Station in

Boston, and had my first glimpse of the country I had heard so much

about. From Boston I went to Newtonville, where I was to work. The

gentleman whose service I was to enter, Mr. E. N. Kimball, was waiting

at the station for me, and drove me to his home on Warner Street. For

a few days, until I got somewhat adjusted to my new circumstances, I

had no work to do. On June 17th the family took me with them to

Auburndale. But in spite of the kindness of Mrs. Kimball and the

colored nurse, I grew very homesick for the South, and would often

look in the direction of my old home and cry.

41 of 703

42 of 703

James A. Bland was buried in a pauper's grave after his death in 1911 from tuberculosis. In 1946, Virginia governor William Tuck presided at the dedication of this granite monument placed at Bland's rediscovered grave in Merion Cemetery, Merion, Pennsylvania.

43 of 703

44 of 703

45 of 703

46 of 703

47 of 703

James A. Bland (1854-1911)

48 of 703

Carry Me Back to Old Virginny

Just as it is a human longing to embark on voyages of discovery, so, too, is it ingrained upon the human spirit to return home and rediscover its hidden pleasures, relish in its blatant ones, and explore new ones. This research examines the concept of journeying home in black American history as communicated in the classic and highly controversial country song Carry Me Back to Old Virginny.

Published in 1878 as one of more than 700 songs by prolific black composer James A. Bland (1854-1911) until his 1911 death, this song served as the Virginia state song from 1940 to 1997, when the 27-year efforts by the state’s first black governor prevailed in removing it. It has been recorded by hundreds of musicians that include Ray Charles, Marian Anderson, Paul Robeson, an array of minstrels, and Louis Armstrong and the Mills Brothers.

Despite fostering joy and nostalgia in millions, the song stirs ire in people uncomfortable with the notion of enslaved and formerly enslaved black Americans and their descendants returning to the plantations and other enslavement sites of the South to savor the pleasures of their homes.

--Pamela E. Foster, M.S.J., Ph.D. Student

The presentation first situates the song within the country music genre, as it is written for banjo and depicts a common genre theme of pastoral home life. It then situates the song within the pantheon of stories of black people returning or staying home, as depicted in genealogies, literature, and other communication forms. Next it surveys the political fight to ban the song, led by Virginia’s first black governor, L. Douglas Wilder. Then it explores an array of recordings of the song. And it ends with a look at the life of the composer and the song’s enduring legacy.

Affective Relations in

America’s Most Controversial Classic Country Song

49 of 703

Carry Me Back to Old Virginny

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8UVs3ceqC0g

Carry me back to old Virginia,

There let me live till I wither and decay,

Long by the old Dismal Swamp have I wander'd,

There's where this old darkey's life will pass away.

Heart longs to go Love no place on earth more sincerely

Old Missis Old Massa Land Dismal Swamp

Long since Labored so Birthplace Springtime Wandered

dead hard for

Birds warble sweet

Soon will see in heaven Cotton Corn ’Taters

Never part again Want to die there

Happy and free

from all sorrow

Carry me back to old Virginia,

There's where the cotton and the corn and 'taters grow,

There's where the birds warble sweet in the springtime,

There's where the old darkey's heart am long'd to go.

There's where I labor'd so hard for old Massa,

Day after day in the field of yellow corn,

No place on earth do I love more sincerely,

Than old Virginia, the State where I was born.

Carry me back to old Virginia,

That's where the cotton and the corn and 'taters grow,

There's where the birds warble sweet in the springtime,

There's where this old darkey's heart am long'd to go.

Carry me back to old Virginia,

There let me live till I wither and decay,

Long by the old Dismal Swamp have I wander'd,

There's where this old darkey's life will pass away.

Massa and Missis have long gone before me,

Soon will we meet on that bright and golden shore,

There we'll be happy and free from all sorrow,

There's where we'll meet and we'll never part no more.

50 of 703

http://www.musicnotes.com/sheetmusic/mtd.asp?ppn=MN0109346

51 of 703

http://www.musicnotes.com/sheetmusic/mtd.asp?ppn=MN0109346

52 of 703

Company	Matrix No.	Size	First Recording Date	Title	Primary Performer	Description
Berliner	4250	7-in.	Jan. 1898	Moonlight medley	Diamond Four	Male vocal quartet
Berliner	01159	7-in.	4/3/1900	Carry me back to old Virginny	S. H. Dudley	Male vocal solo
Victor	[Pre-matrix A-]656	7-in.	2/7/1901	Carry me back to ole Virginnie	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	[Pre-matrix B-]656	10-in.	5/12/1902	Carry me back to old Virginny	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	[Pre-matrix B-]3087	10-in.	2/7/1901	Carry me back to ole Virginie	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	[Pre-matrix B-]3511	10-in.	7/17/1901	Medley of plantation songs	American Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	A-599	7-in.	10/27/1903	Carry me back to old Virginny	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	B-599	10-in.	10/27/1903	Carry me back to old Virginny	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	B-1047	10-in.	2/25/1904	Golden slippers medley	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet
Victor	B-2451	10-in.	4/6/1905	In the evening by the moonlight	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	E-2453	8-in.	9/12/1906	Carry me back to old Virginny	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	B-2453	10-in.	4/6/1905	Carry me back to old Virginny	Haydn Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	B-2792	10-in.	10/10/1905	Carry me back to old Virginny	Orthian Ladies' Trio	Female vocal trio
Victor	C-15397	12-in.	11/13/1914	Carry me back to old Virginny	Alma Gluck	Soprano vocal solo, with male vocal quartet and orchestra
Victor	C-17855	12-in.	6/13/1916	Songs of the past, no. 15	Victor Mixed Chorus	Vocal chorus and soloists, with orchestra
Victor	B-18440	10-in.	9/19/1916	Carry me back to old Virginia	J. Worth Allen	Banjo solo, with orchestra
Victor	B-18569	10-in.	10/20/1916	Carry me back to old Virginny	Orpheus Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	C-20600	12-in.	8/8/1917	Evening by the moonlight medley	Boston Quintet	Male quintet (vocal quartet and piano)
Victor	B-20603	10-in.	8/8/1917	Medley of old songs	Boston Quintet	Male quintet (vocal quartet and piano)
Victor	B-25317	10-in.	5/24/1921	When you and I were young, Maggie	Victor Band	Band (for vocal accompaniment)
Victor	B-25646	10-in.	10/11/1921	Carry me back to old Virginny	Horace Davis ; Sam Moore	Guitar and octo-chorda duet
Victor	B-25647	10-in.	10/11/1921	My old Kentucky home	Horace Davis ; Sam Moore	Instrumental duet
Victor	BVE-27008	10-in.	10/12/1925	Carry me back to old Virginny	Michel Gusikoff	Violin solo, with orchestra
Victor	B-27008	10-in.	10/4/1922	Carry me back to old Virginny	Michel Gusikoff	Violin solo, with orchestra
Victor	B-28210	10-in.	6/22/1923	Oh Susanna	Hugo Frey ; Great White Way Orchestra	Jazz/dance band, with male vocal chorus
Victor	CVE-32856	12-in.	6/2/1925	Carry me back to old Virginny	Rosa Ponselle	Soprano vocal solo, with male vocal quartet and orchestra
Victor	BVE-33015	10-in.	6/23/1925	Carry me back to old Virginny	Shannon Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	BVE-35444	10-in.	5/4/1926	In the evening by the moonlight	Peerless Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Victor	BVE-38151	10-in.	3/9/1927	Golden slippers	Vernon Dalhart ; Carson Robison	Male vocal duet, with instrumental quartet
Victor	BVE-38619	10-in.	5/22/1927	Carry me back to old Virginny	Wendell Clark Glover	Organ solo
Victor	CVE-43383	12-in.	3/20/1928	Southern melodies waltz, no. 2	Walter Kolomoku’s Honoluluans	Instrumental ensemble (Hawaiian)
Victor	CVE-49077	12-in.	1/18/1929	Minstrel show of 1929	Victor Minstrels	Minstrels, with orchestra
Victor	BVE-53011	10-in.	4/15/1931	Carry me back to old Virginny	Renée Chemet ; Anca Seidlova	Violin solo, with piano
Victor	BVE-56726	10-in.	9/27/1929	Carry me back to old Virginny	Robert MacGimsey	Whistling solo, with orchestra
Victor	BVE-57668	10-in.	12/10/1929	In the land of the sky blue waters	Blanche Arter Myers	Female vocal solo, with piano
Victor	BVE-67766	10-in.	1/7/1931	Carry me back to old Virginny	Jean Tennyson	Soprano vocal solo, with piano
Victor	BS-068386	10-in.	12/4/1941	Carry me back to old Virginny	Emile Coté ; Victor Mixed Chorus	Mixed vocal chorus, with instrumental ensemble
Victor	BVE-Test-186	10-in.	7/11/1929	Jump back, honey	Show Boat Four	Vocal quartet, with piano
Victor	[Trial 1919-09-23-04]	Not documented	9/23/1919	Carry me back to old Virginia	Ada Pratt	Female vocal solo, with piano
Columbia	511	7-in.	ca. Jan.-Sept. 1902	Carry me back to old Virginia	Artists vary	Male vocal quartet, with piano
Columbia	511	10-in.	ca. Jan.-Sept. 1902	Carry me back to old Virginia	Artists vary	Male vocal quartet, with piano
Columbia	45793	10-in.	6/19/1915	Carry me back to old Virginia	Columbia Stellar Quartette	Male vocal quartet, unaccompanied
Columbia	47039	10-in.	9/22/1916	Oh! Dem golden slippers	Harry C. Browne ; Knickerbocker Quartet	Male vocal solo and male vocal quartet, with banjo and orchestra
Columbia	77277	10-in.	8/20/1917	Carry me back to old Virginny	Nellie Hoone Wetmore	Cornet solo, with orchestra
Columbia	78170	10-in.	10/31/1918	In the evening by the moonlight	Columbia Stellar Quartette	Male vocal quartet
Columbia	79309	10-in.	6/25/1920	In the evening by the moonlight	Columbia Stellar Quartette ; Margaret Romaine	Female vocal solo and male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Columbia	80827	10-in.	2/2/1923	Southern medley	Harry Reser ; Shannon Four	Male vocal quartet, with banjo and orchestra
Columbia	81849	10-in.	6/27/1924	Carry me back to old Virginny	Duci De Kerékjártó	Violin solo, with piano
Columbia	30782	12-in.	5/29/1911	Fireside minstrels	Arthur Collins ; Minstrels [Columbia Records group]	Minstrels, with male vocal solo and orchestra
Columbia	37484	12-in.	12/24/1915	Carry me back to old Virginny	Oscar Seagle	Baritone vocal solo, with orchestra
Columbia	49123	12-in.	2/13/1917	Carry me back to old Virginny	Louis Graveure	Baritone vocal solo, with orchestra
Columbia	49273	12-in.	11/20/1917	Carry me back to old Virginny	Columbia Stellar Quartette ; Lucy Gates	Soprano vocal solo and male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Columbia	49497	12-in.	ca. 1918	Carry me back to old Virginny	Columbia Stellar Quartette ; Barbara Maurel	Mezzo-soprano vocal solo and male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Columbia	W141059	10-in.	9/29/1925	Carry me back to old Virginny	Cyrena Van Gordon	Contralto vocal solo, with orchestra
Columbia	W142485	10-in.	7/31/1926	Carry me back to old Virginny	Shannon Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with cello
Columbia	W142584	10-in.	8/31/1926	In the evening by the moonlight	Shannon Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with orchestra
Columbia	W146424	10-in.	6/11/1928	Oh dem golden slippers	Vernon Dalhart ; Carson Robison	Male vocal duet, with instrumental ensemble
Columbia	W146462	10-in.	6/19/1928	O dem golden slippers	The Lions Quartet	Male vocal quartet, with guitar
Columbia	W146596	10-in.	6/28/1928	Them golden slippers	Vernon Dalhart	Male vocal solo, with instrumental quartet
Columbia	W148909	10-in.	8/20/1929	Carry me back to old Virginny	Franklyn Ferris ; Sidney James	Organ solo, with male vocal solo
Columbia	98580	12-in.	9/5/1928	Carry me back to old Virginny	Sophie Braslau	Contralto vocal solo, with male vocal quartet and orchestra
OKeh	S-7468	10-in.	May 1920	Carry me back to old Virginny	The Three Virginians.	Vocal trio, with orchestra
OKeh	9382	10-in.	Sept. 1925	Carry me back to old Virginny	W. W. Macbeth	Harmonica solo
OKeh	W80460	10-in.	2/21/1927	Hand me down my walking cane	Dixie Entertainers ; Earl Johnson	Instrumental trio, with male vocal solo
OKeh	W400474	10-in.	3/12/1928	Carry me back to old Virginny	Zack and Glenn	Male vocal duet, with fiddle (violin) and guitar

http://adp.library.ucsb.edu/index.php/talent/detail/40404/Bland_James_A._composer

53 of 703

https://tabs.ultimate-guitar.com/r/ray_charles/carry_me_back_to_old_virginny_crd.htm

54 of 703

https://tabs.ultimate-guitar.com/r/ray_charles/carry_me_back_to_old_virginny_crd.htm

55 of 703

https://www.loc.gov/item/ihas.200000735/

56 of 703

57 of 703

This doctoral study includes a case study of transforming conflict surrounding a memorial that honors formerly enslaved Americans’ acts of kindness to owners, humility, and service. While kindness, humility, and service generally are Christian acts to revere, when performed in the cesspool of enslavement they become in the eyes of many acts to revile. The emotions surrounding descendants’ comprehension that one or more of their ancestors engaged in these behaviors are so intense that some reactions to the knowledge include disinterring an ancestor buried beside an owner, removing Confederate memorabilia from gravesites, and repurposing stories to transform an ancestor into an abolitionist hero. These responses by descendants and many others are because the responders have learned via previous stories communicated about real or fictional enslaved people in America that the only acts to be honored among this group are ones of rebellion, such as leading a revolt, running away, slowing down work, or at a minimum spitting in the lemonade.

Anchor of Connection: The Simple Cure for Loneliness | Baya Voce |

TEDxSaltLakeCity

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KSXh1YfNyVA

58 of 703

Synopsis:

Arguably, one of the most significant occurrences in the last century of Black life, history and culture is L. Douglas Wilder’s election as America’s first black governor since the reconstruction-era governorship of P.B.S. Pinchback (a Louisiana Republican who served his state for just over a month from December 9, 1872, to January 13, 1873).

Before Democrat Wilder served from 1990 to 1994 as governor of Virginia, the birthplace of American slavery, he served from 1986 to 1990 as lieutenant governor. Afterward, he served from 2005 to 2009 as mayor of Richmond, the former Confederate capital. He began his political career as a Virginia state senator, serving from 1970 to 1986, and in his first speech on the state Senate floor he launched his career-long campaign to remove Carry Me Back to Old Virginia as the state’s official song.

This research is a historiographical study of that song, published by venerable Black composer James A. Bland as Carry Me Back to Old Virginny in 1878 and adapted and adopted by Virginia legislators as the state song in 1940. In five parts, this research explains why Wilder made removing the song the foundation of his political career (with success in 1997 leaving Virginia with no state song until it adopted two songs in 2015); why and how hundreds of singers, including the Mills Brothers and Ray Charles, have recorded the song; the socio-political construct of the “carry-me-back” notion as it relates to enslavement; the both revered and reviled life of the composer; and a digital way to honor virtues of the enslaved as expressed in the song.

Banjo

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1n0T3htMiA3QBfEZflmznWmQFiCoyYG_0hLTLyaaCkHo/edit

59 of 703

Go back in glory

Preparing for conference presentations, journal articles,

and doctoral research

The Center for Popular Music at Middle Tennessee State

University contains at least 142 items related to Carry Me

Back to Old Virginny

Princeton University’s Firestone Library Carry Me Back

to Old Virginny holdings

Award-winning, publicly funded online slavery game

Mission US: Flight to Freedom

Roland Hayes

James A. Bland bio

Pennsylvania Center for the Book

http://pabook2.libraries.psu.edu/palitmap/bios/Bland__James.html

60 of 703

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezproxy.gsu.edu/subscriber/search_results?q=carry+me+back+to+old+virginny&button_search.x=36&button_search.y=7&button_search=search&search=quick

61 of 703

http://web.b.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.gsu.edu/ehost/results?vid=6&sid=7e1cdb12-0091-428f-92c3-6bdc61eaa907%40sessionmgr104&bquery=carry+me+back+to+old+virginny&bdata=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%3d

62 of 703

63 of 703

64 of 703

W.E.B. Du Bois says in “The Talented Tenth” that before black people organized into a group of anti-slavery authors, journalists, attorneys, public speakers, and other gentlemen of accomplishment, “the country only saw here and there in slavery some faithful Cudjoe or Dinah, whose strong natures blossomed even in bondage, like a fine plant beneath a heavy stone” (Du Bois 1903, 41).

for three long centuries this people lynched Negroes who dared to be brave, raped black women who dared to be virtuous, crushed dark-hued youth who dared to be ambitious, and encouraged and made to flourish servility and lewdness and apathy. But not even this was able to crush all manhood and chastity and aspiration from black folk. A saving remnant continually survives and persists, continually aspires, continually shows itself in thrift and ability and character. (Du Bois 1903, 43-44)

65 of 703

http://www.mountaindulcimer-1-3-5.com/Working_Files/Carry%20Me%20Back%20to%20Old%20Virginny.pdf

June Cara Christian

Lexington Books, May 1, 2014 - Social Science - 182 pages

Understanding the Black Flame and Multigenerational Education Trauma: Toward a Theory of the Dehumanization of Black Students

https://books.google.com/books?id=lgiLAwAAQBAJ&dq=mansart+trilogy&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Abstract/Details

The “Black Flame” trilogy, multigenerational educational trauma, and the dehumanization of Black students

Christian, June Cara. University of Missouri - Saint Louis, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2011. 3473947.

Other formats: Order a copy

Abstract (summary)

This study identifies W.E.B. Du Bois' theory of education as put forth in his Black Flame trilogy (BFT). A longitudinal survey of culture and society—specifically educational disparities in the United States from 1863 through 1956, the BFT, through close textual analysis, reveals how the processes of racialization and colonization as well as the movement toward globalization influence education and its contribution to the dehumanization of students. Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome and critical race theory are theoretical tools of analysis that create a multi-generational dialectic that understands Du Bois' BFT as a socio-historical analysis of White supremacy that establishes a theory of dehumanization in education. African critical theory (ACT) provides the frame that privileges the words of the elders and people sharing a common response to the dominant narrative surround Black students, the achievement gap, and the myth of Black inferiority. Using Du Bois' voice throughout the analysis creates a dialectic counter-story to understand and identify existing symptoms of dehumanization, particularly in education so that we may finally seek remedy and redress.

Unlike any text to date, this revolutionary study surveys Black research and literature to determine the processes formal education uses to dehumanize Black students. This is a socio-historical analysis of the Black Flame trilogy (BFT), W. E. B. Du Bois’s unparalleled, thirty-year study of Atlanta, Georgia from Black Reconstruction (1860 – 1880) to 1956. W.E.B. Du Bois is one of the most prescient sociologists of the twentieth century in his research of Black people in America. These ground-breaking novels establish racialization, colonization, and globalization as processes that continue to dehumanize Black students in education. Africana critical theory (ACT), critical race theory (CRT), and Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS) privilege the research, voice, and experiences of Blacks. These theoretical frames speak to the pain and effects of the impact of unchecked, gross, voyeuristic violence that helps define the White supremacist patriarchal culture in which we live.

Straight forward and direct, this book show how the processes of dehumanization contribute to the legacy of trauma White supremacy exacts upon Black people and their humanity. This study is aimed at highlighting the stark disparities in Black and White education over times. This book offers a candid look at how the myth of Black inferiority and the metaphor of the achievement gap describe conscious economic deprivation, mob violence and intimidation, and White supremacist curricula, yet continues to imply long-standing cultural notion of Blacks intellectual inferiority. This research is offered to help mitigate the multigenerational education trauma Blacks have experienced since Reconstruction to envision a educational system that is efficacious and socially just in the distribution of resources, expanding diversity in curricula, and exposing pedagogical biases that traumatize not only Black people but all people.

66 of 703

Old Crow Medicine Show

Carolina Chocolate Drops

Carry Me Back: Nostalgia for the Old South in Nineteenth-Century Popular Culture https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B32m6Kf7VYqGcWVGeHBhSjZ4OGM/view?usp=sharing

Lee Glazer and Susan Key

Journal of American Studies

Vol. 30, No. 1, The American Past and Popular Culture (Apr., 1996), pp. 1-24

Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the British Association for American Studies

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org.proxy.library.emory.edu/stable/27556057

Page Count: 24

Virginia's Senate votes to replace state song.

New York Times 11/6/2011. , 1997, Vol.146(50687), p.A12

Full text available at: LexisNexis Academic

Available from 1980

Full text available at: ProQuest Historical Newspapers

Available from 1923 until 2008

Search Emory's ejournals

Request via ILLiad

If no full text is available, Emory students, faculty, staff and authorized proxies may request via ILLiad.

Need help? Ask eJournals

67 of 703

Grove Music Online

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/public/book/omo_gmo

The ideology behind phenomenology

Ideology is, by definition, not a body of explicitly held beliefs but the unspoken, unacknowledged system of ideas that lie beneath and provide the unexamined foundation for all our explicitly held beliefs. Its purpose, then, is to bring certain things into our sphere of vision while hiding other things. ...

If you don't believe in God, you might not think this craving for validation is a problem. But if you do believe in the God of Jesus Christ, it doesn't look good at all. As Paul the apostle asks the Galatians, "Am I now seeking the approval of man, or of God? Or am I trying to please man? If I were still trying to please man, I would not be a servant of Christ" (1:10). …Our "ecosystem of interruption technologies" affects our spiritual and moral lives in every aspect. By our immersion in that ecosystem we are radically impeded from achieving a "right understanding of ourselves" and of God's disposition toward us. We will not understand ourselves as sinners, or as people made in God's image, or as people spiritually endangered by wandering far from God, or as people made to live in communion with God, or as people whom God has come to a far country in order to seek and to save, if we cannot cease for a few moments from an endless procession of stimuli that shock us out of thought.

It has of course always been hard for people to come to God, to have a right knowledge of ourselves and of God's threats and promises. I don't believe it's harder to be a Christian today than it has been at any other time in history. But I think in different periods and places the common impediments are different. The threat of persecution is one kind of impediment; constant technological distraction is another.

https://www.cardus.ca/comment/article/4868/habits-of-mind-in-an-age-of-distraction/

68 of 703

BLUEGRASS ALBUMS�. Billboard, 00062510, 1/19/2013, Vol. 125, Issue 2

Audio

Roots of the Common Good. COLLUM, DANNY DUNCAN1

Source:

Sojourners Magazine. Sep/Oct2012, p48-48. 1p.

Document Type:

Article

Subject Terms:

*SOLIDARITY

*SOCIAL problems

Reviews & Products:

GRAPES of Wrath, The (Book : Steinbeck)

CARRY Me Back (Music)

People:

STEINBECK, John, 1902-1968

CAROLINA Chocolate Drops (Performer)

OLD Crow Medicine Show (Performer)

Abstract:

The article discusses family and community solidarity in the face of economic and social hardship in response to the book "The Grapes of Wrath," by John Steinbeck, and the author's attendance at a music festival in Owensboro, Kentucky, featuring the bands Old Crow Medicine Show and Carolina Chocolate Drops. Topics include the bands' music about economic problems, the Old Crow Medicine Show's album "Carry Me Back," and the Carolina Chocolate Drops' use of string instruments.

Author Affiliations:

1Kentucky State University in Frankfort

Full Text Word Count:

674

ISSN:

1550-1140

69 of 703

92 ages

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B32m6Kf7VYqGczE5c0tNV3lieDQ/view?usp=sharing

Missing: Virginia State Song IN 1997, after nearly 60…

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B32m6Kf7VYqGVFdtU003STM5OGs/view?usp=sharing

70 of 703

Edward Christy's original

On de floating scow ob ole Virginny,

I've worked from day to day,

Raking among de oyster beds,

To me it was but play;

But now I'm old and feeble,

An' my bones are getting sore,

Den carry me back to ole Virginny

To ole Virginny shore.

[CHORUS]

Den carry me back to ole Virginny

To ole Virginny shore,

Oh, carry me back to ole Virginny,

To ole Virginny shore.

Oh, I wish dat I was young again,

Den I'd lead a different life,

I'd save my money and buy a farm,

And take Dinah for my wife;

But now old age, he holds me tight,

And I cannot love any more,

Oh, carry me back to ole Virginny,

To ole Virginny shore.

When I am dead and gone to roost,

Lay de old tambo by my side,

Let de possum and coon to my funeral go,

For dey are my only pride;

Den in soft repose, I'll take my sleep,

An' I'll dream for ever more,

Dat you're carrying me back to ole Virginny,

To ole Virginny shore. ^[6]

71 of 703

Space, Water, Memory

Slavery and Beaufort, South Carolina

Show less Show all authors

Sandra L. Richards

First Published January 5, 2010 research-article

Abstract

This article explores the tension between place, space, and memory as they relate to the trans-Atlantic slave trade and are enacted in the arena of tourism. Tourism seeks to produce an appealing, easily narrativized experience that distinguishes one locale from another, thereby attracting tourist dollars, but that project is destabilized when visitors choose to remember outside normative categories. This article scrutinizes three performances on display over the Memorial Day weekend in Beaufort, South Carolina, in 2004: the Gullah Festival’s final ceremony of ancestral remembrance, the historical map offered visitors, and the parade and memorial service sponsored by the city on Memorial Day. At issue are questions of the performance of locality or a regional, black diaspora identity (Gullah-Geechee) in problematic relationship to an American identity. The waterside Gullah ceremony locates participants in a particular place while also inviting them to the undefined space connecting the living and the departed; the fixity of the tourist map and historic buildings betray people that society has learned to forget; and local participation in Memorial Day observances manifest ongoing contestations concerning regional and national identity, freedom and democracy.

72 of 703

Washington, Booker Taliaferro. The Future of the American Negro. Boston: Small, Maynard & Co., 1899. Chaps. 4 and 5, pp. 67-126.

Not long ago I heard a conversation among three white men something like this. Two of them were berating the Negro, saying the Negro was shiftless and lazy, and all that sort of thing. The third man listened to their remarks for some time in silence, and then he said: "I don't know what your experience has been; but there is a ‘nigger’ down our way who owns a good house and lot with about fifty acres of ground. His house is well furnished, and he has got some splendid horses and cattle. He is intelligent and has a bank account. I don't know how the ‘niggers’ are in your community, but Tobe Jones is a gentleman. Once, when I was hard up, I went to Tobe Jones and borrowed fifty dollars; and he hasn't asked me for it yet. I don't know what kind of ‘niggers’ you have down your way, but Tobe Jones is a gentleman." (84-5)

https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/930cebb4-dce8-c391-e040-e00a18060b5a/book#page/21/mode/2up

https://blackamericaweb.com/2016/11/25/little-known-black-history-fact-alexander-crummells-thanksgiving-day-speech/

https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/alexander-crummell/

It is the good itself which persists, accounting for our achievement of a better future. The problem of evil is

thus a kind of misdirection; the real issue is the problem of our ignorance of the good, which indicts us, not God.

Tell a story

This is a problem--Hook with an example

Here’s why it’s interesting

Evidence that it’s unsolved

In this paper I will present/The main idea is-------a way to solve it

My idea for solving it--cite related work but don’t elaborate

Add to home training

Pass on joy, knowledge, and wisdom via stories

Intergenerational comm as standard part of human comm pedagogy

Examine how it is

Detail my syllabi

Workplace encouragement

Put the stories in the public sphere

Impact of public history

My idea works

Question Beyond obeying owners, what righteous behaviors does the Bible

instruct for enslaved people?

What stories do families tell about these behaviors among their enslaved

ancestors and to what effect?

Claim Righteousness knows no economic condition

Honor breeds honor

Methods

Sources

Proof

Here’s how my idea compares to other people’s approaches

Conversation

Impact of the horror stories

valuing of agency outside of fighting?

Conclusions

What further research needs to be conducted

73 of 703

https://books.google.com/books?id=tZocVZ8NaJkC&pg=PA60&dq=eighteenth-century+black+theologian&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiihJy9rcrSAhWIwiYKHXxJC9MQ6AEIOjAF#v=onepage&q=eighteenth-century%20black%20theologian&f=true

74 of 703

	‘Auxiliary to the Grand Army of the Republic, Women’s Relief Corps’ (n.d.) http://suvcw.org/wrc.htm; now at http://www.suvcw.org/WRC/index.htm (consulted Aug. 2009).
	Bailey, C. and C. Bledsoe ( 2000) God, Dr Buzzard, and the Bolito Man: A Saltwater Geechee Talks About Life on Sapelo Island. New York: Doubleday. Google Scholar
	Barber, K. ( 1991) I Could Speak until Tomorrow: Oriki, Women and the Past in a Yoruba Town. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Google Scholar
	Barton, C. E. (ed.) (2001) Sites of Memory: Perspectives on Architecture and Race. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Google Scholar
	Blassingame, J. W. (ed.) (1977) Slave Testimony: Two Centuries of Letters, Speeches, Interviews, and Autobiographies . Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press. Google Scholar
	Blight, D.W. ( 2001) Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press. Google Scholar
	Brondum, L. ( 1999) ‘"The Persistence of Tradition": The Retelling of Sea Islands Culture in Works by Julie Dash, Gloria Naylor, and Paule Marshall’ , in M. Diedrich, H. L. Gates, Jr., and C. Pedersen (eds) Black Imagination and the Middle Passage. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Camp, S.M.H. ( 2004) Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Google Scholar
	Campbell, E.S. ( 2002) Gullah Cultural Legacies: A Synopsis of Gullah Traditions, Customary Beliefs, Art Forms and Speech on Hilton Head and Vincinal Sea Islands in South Carolina and Georgia. Gullah Heritage Consulting Services. Google Scholar
	Connerton, P. ( 1989) How Societies Remember. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
	Creel, M. ( 1998) ‘A Peculiar People’: Slave Religion and Community-Culture among the Gullahs. New York: New York University Press. Google Scholar
	Creel, M. ( 1990) ‘Gullah Attitudes toward Life and Death’, in J. E. Holloway (ed.) Africanisms in American Culture, 2nd edn. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Google Scholar
	Dash, J. ( 1991) Daughters of the Dust, motion picture, Geeche Girls Production. Google Scholar
	Daughters of Veterans (n.d.) http://www.duvc.org
	De Certeau, M. ( 1984) The Practice of Everyday Life, tr. Steven Rendell. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Google Scholar
	DuBois, W.E.B. ([ 1903] 2007) The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Ebron, P. ( 1998) ‘Enchanted Memories of Regional Difference in African American Culture’, American Anthropologist 100(1): 94-105. Google Scholar
	Eichstedt, J.L. and S. Small ( 2002) Representations of Slavery, Race, Ideology and Southern Plantation Museums. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Google Scholar
	Fabre, G. ( 1994) ‘African-American Commemorative Celebrations in the Nineteenth Century’, in Fabre and R. O’Meally (eds) History and Memory in African-American Culture. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Falk, W.W. ( 2004) ‘In the Lord’s House’, Rooted in Place: Family and Belonging in a Southern Black Community. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Google Scholar
	Fields, M.G. with K. Fields ( 1983) Lemon Swamp and Other Places: A Carolina Memoir. New York: Free Press. Google Scholar
	Gates, H.L., Jr ( 1998) The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of Afro-American Literary Criticism. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Glymph, T. ( 2003) ‘ "Liberty Dearly Bought": The Making of Civil War Memory in Afro-American Communities in the South’, in C. Payne and A. Green (eds) Time Longer than Rope. New York : NYU Press.Google Scholar
	Gomez, M.A. ( 1998) Exchanging our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Antebellum South. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Google Scholar
	Gordon, A.F. ( 1997) Ghostly Matters: Haunting and the Sociological Imagination . Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Google Scholar
	Greenblatt, S. ( 1991) ‘Resonance and Wonder’, in I. Karp and S. D. Lavine (eds) Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Google Scholar
	‘ Gullah Festival’ (n.d.) http://www.cityofbeaufort.org/visitor/gullah.htm (consulted April 2006).
	Hamilton, V. ( 1985) The People Could Fly: American Black Folktales. New York: Knopf. Google Scholar
	Hartman, S. ( 1997) Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Hayes, E.T. ( 2004) ‘The Named and the Nameless: Morrison’s 124 and Naylor’s "the Other Place" as Semiotic Chorae’, African American Review 38(4): 669-81. Google Scholar
	Hirsch, M. ( 1999) ‘Projected Memory: Holocaust Photographs in Personal and Public Fantasy’, in M. Bal, J. Crewe and L. Spitzer (eds) Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present, pp. 3-23. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England. Google Scholar
	Historic Beaufort Foundation (1999) A Guide to Historic Beaufort, rev. 9th edn. Beaufort, SC: Historic Beaufort Foundation. Google Scholar
	Kirmayer, L.J. ( 1996) ‘Landscapes of Memory: Trauma, Narrative, and Dissociation’ , in P. Antze and M. Lambek (eds) Tense Past: Essays in Trauma and Memory, pp. 173-98. New York: Routledge . Google Scholar
	Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. ( 1998) Destination Culture: Tourism, Museums, and Heritage. Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press. Google Scholar
	Knowles, R. ( 2004) Reading the Material Theatre. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar
	Lester, J. ( 1969) Black Folktales. New York: R. W. Baron. Google Scholar
	Lutz, M. ( 2004) ‘Historic Beaufort’, Destination Beaufort, Visitor’s Guide 2004. Beaufort: Circumferro Incorporated for Greater Beaufort Chamber of Commerce. Google Scholar
	McConachie, B. ( 2003) American Theater in the Culture of the Cold War: Producing and Contesting Containment, 1947-1962. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. Google Scholar
	McKittrick, K. ( 2006) Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Google Scholar
	Marshall, P. ( 1983) Praise Song for the Widow. New York : Putnam’s. Google Scholar
	Morrison, T. ( 1987) Beloved. Alfred A. Knopf. Google Scholar
	Naylor, G. ( 1989) Mama Day. New York: Random House. Google Scholar
	Okpewho, I. ( 1992) African Oral Literature: Backgrounds, Character, and Continuity . Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Google Scholar
	Oldendorf, S.B. ( 1990) ‘The South Carolina Sea Island Citizenship Schools, 1957-1961’, in V. L. Crawford, J. A. Rouse, and B. Woods (eds) Black Women in United States History: Women in the Civil Rights Movement, Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965. Brooklyn, NY: Carlson Publishing. Google Scholar
	Ottenberg S. ( 1991) ‘Leadership Patterns in a Sea Island Community’ , in M. A. Twining and K. E. Baird (eds) Sea Island Roots: African Presence in the Carolinas and Georgia. Trenton: Africa World Press. Google Scholar
	Payne, C.M. and A. Green ( 2003) ‘Introduction’, Time Longer than Rope: A Century of African American Activism, 1850-1950. New York: New York University Press. Google Scholar
	Pazant, R. ( 2004) ‘Gullah Festival: Litany to Our African Ancestors’ , unpublished TS, 30 May. Google Scholar
	Pollitzer, W.S. ( 1999) The Gullah People and their African Heritage. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press. Google Scholar
	Powers, B.E. Jr., (1994) Black Charlestonians: A Social History, 1822-1885 . Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas Press. Google Scholar
	Raboteau, A.J. ( 2004) Slave Religion: The ‘Invisible’ Institution in the Ante-bellum South, updated edn. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	Rawick, G. R. (ed.) (1972) The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, 19 vols. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Google Scholar
	Richards, S.L. (n.d.) ‘Gullah Festival, 28-30 May 2004’, and ‘Miscellaneous Notes’.
	Richards, S.L. ( 2000) ‘Remembering the Maafa’, Assaph.Section C: Studies in the Theatre 21: 174-5. Google Scholar
	Richards, S.L. ( 2005) ‘What is to be Remembered?: Tourism to Ghana’s Slave Castle-Dungeons’, Theatre Journal 57(4): 617-37. Google Scholar
	Roach, J. ( 1996) Cities of the Dead: Circum-Atlantic Performance. New York: Columbia University Press. Google Scholar
	Roach, J. ( 2001) ‘Deep Skin: Reconstructing Congo Square’, in H. J. Elam and D. Krasner (eds) African American Performance and Theater History. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Scholar
	‘Robert Smalls-Beaufort, SC’ (n.d.): http://www.beaufort-sc.com/history/smalls.htm (consulted May 2006).
	Sandage, S.A. ( 2003) ‘A Marble House Divided: The Lincoln Memorial, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Politics of Memory, 1939-1963’, in C. Payne and A. Green (eds.) Time Longer than Rope. New York: NYU Press. Google Scholar
	Shearer, J. ( 1991) The Massachusetts 54th Colored Infantry’. Videorecording . Alexandria, VA: PBS Video.Google Scholar
	Shearer, J. ( 2004) ‘How Deep, How Wide?: Perspectives on the Making of The Massachusetts 54th Colored Infantry’, in J. Bobo and C. Michel (eds) The Black Studies Reader, pp. 101-11. New York: Routledge. Google Scholar
	Simon, R.I. ( 2005) Touch of the Past: Remembrance, Learning, Ethics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Google Scholar
	Singleton-Prather, A. ( 2002) The Gullah Kinfolk Live with Aunt Pearlie-Sue. Matrix Media, Inc. Google Scholar
	Taylor, S.K. ( 2006 [1902]) Reminiscences of My Life in Camp: An African American Woman’s Civil War Memoir, introd. by C. Clinton. Atlanta, GA: University of Georgia Press. Google Scholar
	Thompson, K.A. ( 2007) ‘Opening Remarks’, ‘Out of Sight: New World Slavery and the Visual Imagination’, Conference Northwestern University. Google Scholar
	Wilson, A. ( 1988) Joe Turner’s Come and Gone. New York: Theatre Communications Group. Google Scholar
	Wilson, A. ( 2003) Gem of the Ocean. New York: Theatre Communications Group. Google Scholar
	Yuhl, S.E. ( 2005) A Golden Haze of Memory: The Making of Historic Charleston . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Google Scholar

75 of 703

Peter Fossett, who was enslaved at Monticello, “often spoke of the beauty,” of the plantation “and made the journey back here to see it again,” Lucia Stanton, Shannon senior historian emerita at Monticello, said in 2016. Fossett’s return to the plantation was “seventeen years after leaving it on an auction block. Others made that same journey.” 6:34

https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLjRnhUjPwbM1cfKdCOFxcyNs5XjWbCI6A

76 of 703

Anne Dufourmantelle. Hospitality Under Compassion and Violence

Carrying Booker T. Washington home in 1915

June Cara Christian

Lexington Books, May 1, 2014 - Social Science - 182 pages

Understanding the Black Flame and Multigenerational Education Trauma: Toward a Theory of the Dehumanization of Black Students

https://books.google.com/books?id=lgiLAwAAQBAJ&dq=mansart+trilogy&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Abstract/Details

The “Black Flame” trilogy, multigenerational educational trauma, and the dehumanization of Black students

Christian, June Cara. University of Missouri - Saint Louis, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2011. 3473947.

Other formats: Order a copy

Abstract (summary)

This study identifies W.E.B. Du Bois' theory of education as put forth in his Black Flame trilogy (BFT). A longitudinal survey of culture and society—specifically educational disparities in the United States from 1863 through 1956, the BFT, through close textual analysis, reveals how the processes of racialization and colonization as well as the movement toward globalization influence education and its contribution to the dehumanization of students. Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome and critical race theory are theoretical tools of analysis that create a multi-generational dialectic that understands Du Bois' BFT as a socio-historical analysis of White supremacy that establishes a theory of dehumanization in education. African critical theory (ACT) provides the frame that privileges the words of the elders and people sharing a common response to the dominant narrative surround Black students, the achievement gap, and the myth of Black inferiority. Using Du Bois' voice throughout the analysis creates a dialectic counter-story to understand and identify existing symptoms of dehumanization, particularly in education so that we may finally seek remedy and redress.

Unlike any text to date, this revolutionary study surveys Black research and literature to determine the processes formal education uses to dehumanize Black students. This is a socio-historical analysis of the Black Flame trilogy (BFT), W. E. B. Du Bois’s unparalleled, thirty-year study of Atlanta, Georgia from Black Reconstruction (1860 – 1880) to 1956. W.E.B. Du Bois is one of the most prescient sociologists of the twentieth century in his research of Black people in America. These ground-breaking novels establish racialization, colonization, and globalization as processes that continue to dehumanize Black students in education. Africana critical theory (ACT), critical race theory (CRT), and Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS) privilege the research, voice, and experiences of Blacks. These theoretical frames speak to the pain and effects of the impact of unchecked, gross, voyeuristic violence that helps define the White supremacist patriarchal culture in which we live.

Straight forward and direct, this book show how the processes of dehumanization contribute to the legacy of trauma White supremacy exacts upon Black people and their humanity. This study is aimed at highlighting the stark disparities in Black and White education over times. This book offers a candid look at how the myth of Black inferiority and the metaphor of the achievement gap describe conscious economic deprivation, mob violence and intimidation, and White supremacist curricula, yet continues to imply long-standing cultural notion of Blacks intellectual inferiority. This research is offered to help mitigate the multigenerational education trauma Blacks have experienced since Reconstruction to envision a educational system that is efficacious and socially just in the distribution of resources, expanding diversity in curricula, and exposing pedagogical biases that traumatize not only Black people but all people.

77 of 703

78 of 703

Introduction

1859 news account of enslaved people wanting to

stay home & singing Carry Me Back to Old Virginny

Historiography of U.S. and Haitian slaves and

banjos/survey of slave memorials

Typical depictions of brutality the enslaved suffer

Reverence for fight and flight

Depictions of pleasant homelife of enslaved

centered on banjo and fiddle, not what’s done to them but Christian actions toward others

Research on country music in black culture and Greers

Presentation purpose to survey and honor enslaved’s

virtuous acts, especially as depicted in title song

Preview of 5 components of presentation

Reflections of home and family themes associated with the banjo are innocuous enough. But the reverence for rural life on the plantation and homelife carried out between owners and owned repel many people from this music, making it seem unworthy of exploring in their family history.

Ever since we started leaving plantations and the South we’ve been leaving the banjo and fiddle behind. Regular banjo and fiddle contests gave way to rare banjos in jazz bands, which then also fizzled out. Only country music, including in its folk and bluegrass forms now highlights these instruments of our culture.

During the 1950s and ’60s Civil Rights era there was a precipitous decline in our reverence for these instruments. The 2013 book Hidden in the Mix includes some of the reasons for resistance.

In the essay

A great example of home and family themes is in the song “Carry Me Back to Old Virginny,” published as late as 1878 by James A. Bland.

So, second I’ll go into detail about this James Bland song, one of the quintessential country songs, adopted as state song of Virginia in 1940.

First we’ll have a listen and look at the lyrics, then we’ll talk more about it.

5

Expressing love for people on the owning side of slavery is inconsistent with some people’s core make-up. This song has been re-recorded with so many word changes that it is a study in black culture in and of itself. Master and misses changed to mother and father and the like in Ray Charles version.

79 of 703

Staunton (Va.) Vindicator: October 14, 1859

P. 2, Column 5

Departure of Emancipated Negroes--Don't Want to Leave

Summary: Out of 44 ex-slaves who had been set free, seven "chose to remain in servitude rather than enjoy their freedom outside Old Virginia."

Origin of Article: Lynchburg (Va.) Republican

On Sunday last, a crowd of not less than one thousand negroes assembled on the basin to take leave of the negroes belonging to the estate of the late Mrs. Frances B. Shackleford, of Amherst county, who, in accordance with the will of the deceased, were about to depart by way of the canal, for a free State. The whole number set free was forty-four men women and children, but only thirty-seven left, the balance preferring to remain in servitude in Old Virginia rather than enjoy their freedom elsewhere. Some of these who did leave, were thrown on the boat by main force, so much opposed were they to leaving, and many expressed their determination of returning to Virginia as soon as an opportunity offered. Many were the well wishes tendered the departing negroes by the crowd assembled, and when the boats started from their wharves, the freed negroes struck up "Carry me back to Old Virginny," which was joined in by one and all, and in a tone which indicated plainly that if left to their own free will, they would gladly spend the remainder of their days in servitude in the home of their birth.

Banjo

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1n0T3htMiA3QBfEZflmznWmQFiCoyYG_0hLTLyaaCkHo/edit

Library of Virginia

Departure of Emancipated Negroes--Don't Want to Leave--Page 2, column 5

(Column 5)

Summary: Out of 44 ex-slaves who had been set free, seven "chose to remain in servitude rather than enjoy their freedom outside Old Virginia."

(Names in announcement: Frances B. Shackleford)

Origin of Article: Lynchburg (Va.) Republican

Full Text of Article:

On Sunday last, a crowd of not less than one thousand negroes assembled on the basin to take leave of the negroes belonging to the estate of the late Mrs. Frances B. Shackleford, of Amherst county, who, in accordance with the will of the deceased, were about to depart by way of the canal, for a free State. The whole number set free was forty-four men women and children, but only thirty-seven left, the balance preferring to remain in servitude in Old Virginia rather than enjoy their freedom elsewhere. Some of these who did leave, were thrown on the boat by main force, so much opposed were they to leaving, and many expressed their determination of returning to Virginia as soon as an opportunity offered. Many were the well wishes tendered the departing negroes by the crowd assembled, and when the boats started from their wharves, the freed negroes struck up "Carry me back to Old Virginny," which was joined in by one and all, and in a tone which indicated plainly that if left to their own free will, they would gladly spend the remainder of their days in servitude in the home of their birth.

80 of 703

--https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f-yuMoGFpGM

81 of 703

Fox Searchlight Pictures

Michael Fassbender, Lupita Nyong’o, and Chiwetel Ejiofor in 12 Years a Slave

82 of 703

Fox Searchlight Pictures

Chiwetel Ejiofor as the enslaved fiddler Solomon Northup in 12 Years a Slave “fiddling joylessly... at the ...command of white people.”

83 of 703

vi

Images of black people with banjos and fiddles abound from 17th to early 20th centuries.

84 of 703

vi

Henry Ossawa Tanner’s photographic muse (L) for and oil on canvas painting (R) of The Banjo Lesson, 1893.

85 of 703

The Banjo Lesson --http://www.artchive.com/artchive/T/tanner.html

In 1893 most American artists painted African-American subjects either as grotesque caricatures or sentimental figures of rural poverty. Henry Ossawa Tanner, who sought to represent black subjects with dignity, wrote: "Many of the artists who have represented Negro life have seen only the comic, the ludicrous side of it, and have lacked sympathy with and appreciation for the warm big heart that dwells within such a rough exterior." The banjo had become a symbol of derision, and caricatures of insipid, smiling African-Americans strumming the instrument were a cliché. In The Banjo Lesson, Tanner tackles this stereotype head on, portraying a man teaching his young protégé to play the instrument - the large body of the older man lovingly envelops the boy as he patiently instructs him. If popular nineteenth-century imagery of the African-American male had divested him of authority and leadership, then Tanner in The Banjo Lesson recreated him in the role of father, mentor, and sage. The Banjo Lesson is about sharing knowledge and passing on wisdom.

The exposition-sized canvas was accepted into the Paris Salon of 1894. That year it was given by Robert Ogden of Philadelphia to Hampton Institute near Norfolk, Virginia, one of the first and most prestigious black colleges founded shortly after Emancipation. Hampton lent it the next year to Atlanta's Cotton States and International Exposition of 1895, where it hung in the Negro Building. Contemporary critics largely ignored the work. Tanner painted another African American genre subject in 1894, The Thankful Poor, but then abandoned subjects of his own race in favor of biblical themes.

86 of 703

The Banjo Lesson

c 1893-1894

Woman teaching banjo to child by Mary Cassatt (1844--1926).

--Photograph at Archives and Special Collections, Smithsonian American Art Museum

--Pastel over oiled pastel on tan wove paper painting at Virginia Museum of Fine Arts

87 of 703

vi

https://docs.google.com/document/d/11uq4__AMJBo0XwWdswiRf5CZerMnBbY05SqNTztFTYY/edit#heading=h.w0t371u0y0yq

88 of 703

Black people in country music research first published in 1998

More than 450 black country contributors noted

Discography of nearly 1,500 recordings

Basic themes of the music

Christian home and family
Rural and country life
Work
Individual worth
Rugged individualism
Patriotism
Fulfilling love relations
Unsatisfactory love

89 of 703

Much of planters’ traditional life in the antebellum South was gone with the wind of the Civil War, as depicted in America’s second most popular book, after the Bible, written in 1936 by Margaret Mitchell

So, too, were many desirable aspects of the enslaved’s lives abandoned after the war. I write to bring back those parts with the sun of enlightenment

Thus we’ll explore ...Back with the Sun: Carry Me Back to Old Virginny and other depictions of the enslaved returning or remaining home

The Bible Remains America's Favorite Book

Gone with the Wind and the Harry Potter series are 2^nd and 3^rd favorites

New York, N.Y. - April 29, 2014 - There's always one. It might be something you remember fondly from when you were a child. Or, it could be one that just resonated with you years after your first experienced it. For some, it could the one that surprised them the most. That "one" is a favorite book, and with people reading in so many different ways today, it's interesting to see what America's favorite book is. This year, same as in 2008 when The Harris Poll last asked this question, the number one book is The Bible, followed by Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind. Moving up one spot on the list to number three is J.K. Rowling's tales of the young wizard in the Harry Potter series. Rounding out the top five favorite books are another series - J.R.R. Tolkien'sThe Lord of the Rings, which drops one spot to number four - and Harper Lee's coming of age classic To Kill a Mockingbird, which moves up two spots to number five.

These are some of the results of The Harris Poll® of 2,234 U.S. adults surveyed online between March 12 and 17, 2014.

New to the list at number six is the story of the hunting of a great white whale, Herman Melville's Moby Dick, followed by another coming of age tale, J.D. Salinger's Catcher in the Rye, which moves up three spots to number seven. Then we have three more new additions to the list. At number eight is yet another coming of age tale, Louisa Mae Alcott's Little Women, followed by The Grapes of Wrath by John Steinbeck at number nine and then F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby at number ten.

With four new additions to the list, that means four titles - one horror, two thrillers and one controversial classic - dropped from the top ten this year. The horror title is from a man who's been called the form's master, Stephen King, whose novel The Standdropped from the top ten after holding the number five spot the last time around. The two thrillers are from the same author, Dan Brown, whose The Da Vinci Code was number six in 2008 and whose Angels and Demons held the number eight spot. Finally, the classic, Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged, dropped from the top ten list after holding the ninth position in 2008.

Different Second Favorites

Across all the various demographic groups, The Bible is the number one book, but there are definitely differences in the second favorite. Men go to fantasy, with The Lord of the Rings series being their second favorite, while for women it's all about the Southern charm in Gone with the Wind. There is also a generational difference, with Millennials' second favorite being theHarry Potter series while for Gen Xers it's The Lord of the Rings series. Both Baby Boomers' and Matures' second favorite isGone with the Wind.

There is also a race/ethnicity difference. For Whites, Gone with the Wind is their second favorite book while for Blacks it is Moby Dick and for Hispanics The Great Gatsby is their second favorite book. Regionally, Gone with the Wind is both Southerners' and Midwesterners' their second favorite book, but there is a battle between wizards on the coasts. In the East, The Lord of the Rings series is the second favorite while in the West it is the Harry Potter series.

Finally there is sort of a political divide. First, there is something that Republicans, Democrats and Independents actually agree on -Gone with the Wind is their second favorite book. However, while Conservatives and Moderates say the same, Liberals' second favorite book is the Harry Potter series.

To see other recent Harris Polls, please visit the Harris Poll News Room.

Methodology

This Harris Poll was conducted online within the United States March 12 and 17, 2014 among 2,300 adults (aged 18 and over). Figures for age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, region and household income were weighted where necessary to bring them into line with their actual proportions in the population. Propensity score weighting was also used to adjust for respondents' propensity to be online.

All sample surveys and polls, whether or not they use probability sampling, are subject to multiple sources of error which are most often not possible to quantify or estimate, including sampling error, coverage error, error associated with nonresponse, error associated with question wording and response options, and post-survey weighting and adjustments. Therefore, The Harris Poll avoids the words "margin of error" as they are misleading. All that can be calculated are different possible sampling errors with different probabilities for pure, unweighted, random samples with 100% response rates. These are only theoretical because no published polls come close to this ideal.

Respondents for this survey were selected from among those who have agreed to participate in Harris Poll surveys. The data have been weighted to reflect the composition of the adult population. Because the sample is based on those who agreed to participate in our panel, no estimates of theoretical sampling error can be calculated.

These statements conform to the principles of disclosure of the National Council on Public Polls.

The results of this Harris Poll may not be used in advertising, marketing or promotion without the prior written permission of The Harris Poll.

J44476

Q935

The Harris Poll^® #42, April 29, 2014

By Regina A. Corso, VP, The Harris Poll and Public Relations

About Nielsen & The Harris Poll

On February 3, 2014, Nielsen acquired Harris Interactive and The Harris Poll. Nielsen Holdings N.V. (NYSE: NLSN) is a global information and measurement company with leading market positions in marketing and consumer information, television and other media measurement, online intelligence and mobile measurement. Nielsen has a presence in approximately 100 countries, with headquarters in New York, USA and Diemen, the Netherlands. For more information, visit www.nielsen.com.

90 of 703

Benjamin Franklin Greer (1832-1903) and Anna Mariah Clark Greer (1850-1942), who developed a devotion to Christ in childhood and stayed at their slave homes before and during the war, are the inspiration for this research. Shown in August 12, 1869, wedding photograph, Prattville, Alabama.

My great-great grandparents stayed.

They became Christians and learned to read and write while enslaved, respectively in Prattville, Alabama, and Burkeville, Virginia

She left Burkeville for Prattville to teach freedmen in 1867. She returned to her slave home in spirit via years of letter writing to her former charge

Both revered education, with seven of the nine of their children who grew to adulthood graduating from Many Holmes Seminary and Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute

Encouraged their children and grandchildren’s traditional musical expressions on piano and mandolin

91 of 703

Greer Clan depicted in 2004 book With the Faith of Benjamin and upcoming book And the Love of Anna Mariah
Most of the enslaved stayed, despite the attention given to resistance and flight
Be willing to understand and honor the enslaved who returned to or didn’t leave their antebellum homes

h

92 of 703

Context
Song
Song Controversy
Composer
Fitting Tribute

5 Components

93 of 703

Context

Universal longing for home

Southern sense of place

1878 in America

Love of slave family members

Returning home/not leaving (Before, during, and after the war)

Stockholm syndrome

Banjo and fiddle music a key component of black

Americans’ plantation home life

Minstrelsy

White people honoring former slaves/Lost Cause

Honor in serving

94 of 703

Universal longing for home

95 of 703

1878 was the first full year the Union Army was gone from the South after the War Between the States. The disputed presidential election of 1876 was compromised by the Southern Democrats agreeing not to contest the election further and the Northern Republicans agreeing to remove federal troops from the South, ending Reconstruction and allowing Southern states to revert to governing themselves. This is when Jim Crow laws started.

1878 NYT and black press coverage

96 of 703

Eastman Johnson, Negro Life at the South (Old Kentucky Home), oil on canvas, 36 x 45 1/4 in., 1859. New York, Collection of The New-York Historical Society

97 of 703

2 Cor. 3:17b

https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=2+Corinthians+3&version=KJV

where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty” (2 Cor. 3:17 [GNV]).

98 of 703

Few images are widely circulated featuring black homelife during enslavement

Library of Congress photos focus on the pain and anguish

Coon songs and cakewalks, such as Clorindy, the Original Cakewalk

99 of 703

Black Confederates - Forgotten Men in Grey

"At least five Navy stewards attend to every personal need of Biden and his wife, Jill, including cooking, shopping for food, cleaning, and doing the laundry."

100 of 703

101 of 703

Her comments follow a pattern that I spoke about as early as 2011. As I said back then: "Simply put, there is no honor or glory in acknowledging that a long deceased relative was near a battlefield solely to do menial work as act of submission and service to a slave master." People want recognition and honor for their (forebears), but they just can't bring themselves to acknowledge that their ancestors were, in effect, model slaves. And so those ancestors have to be imagined as "true soldiers."

As I said earlier: if anyone want to honor and recognize someone or anyone for being a good slave, so be it. For what it's worth, I think America struggles to find ways to acknowledge and commemorate the important contribution of enslaved peoples in building America in general, and the South in particular, because such of the baggage that comes with the circumastances under which their labor was coerced. We need to find a way to get over that hump. But imaging that our ancestors were something that they were not is not the way to do it. We need to embrace the truth, not romantic fantasies.

And so, for example: RE the comment that this is a "tale of a black slave's service and sacrifice." I have a problem with that language, simply because all service and sacrifice are not the same. Some 2 million slaves died on the middle passage from Africa to the US. Is that "service and sacrifice" that we should honor? Hundreds of thousands of slave families were broken up during slavery. Is that "service and sacrifice" that we should honor? There were surely many slaves who toiled under work conditions that were more challenging and squalid than that of military camps. I have read about the scary work conditions and mortality rates of slaves raising rice on the SC/G coast... it's depressing. Is that "service and sacrifice" that we should honor?

When an American citizen volunteers or is even conscripted in the cause of saving their nation, that is service and sacrifice that I would, and feel we all must, hold in honor. When people are held in bondage and made to perform acts that solely benefit the master while intentionally and selfishly (on the part of the master) placing the slave in harm's way or otherwise placing the slave in danger, that is a very different kind of "service and sacrifice" and we really need to ponder how we think about the meaning of that.

- Alan

ForeverFree, Feb 24, 2014

#41

102 of 703

Before JG shuts this down, let me say this. To get that soldier quote from his descendant you had to go to the last paragraph of an article that clearly pointed out, repeatedly, that Mr. Washington was a slave serving his master. I must think this raising the picking of nits to an all new level. You don't like the idea of blacks who faithfully served their masters and the Confederacy. OK, I get that. You need, however, to get over it. There were slaves who served their masters, their units and the Confederacy faithfully. Their stories deserve to be told even if they fly in the face of the orthodoxy of the new order. Your vision of all unhappy and rebellious slaves is just as much a stereotype as the dutiful, faithful slave posited by the Lost Cause. Both of these stereotypes have an element of truth to them but they are not the whole story or the only acceptable narrative.

103 of 703

104 of 703

Banjo and fiddle music historical center of black American home life

http://www.loc.gov/search/?q=banjo&dates=1800-1899&c=150

http://www.loc.gov/search/?q=banjo&fa=subject%3Aafrican+americans&c=150&dates=1800-1899

"Banjo" debuted at number 37 on the U.S. Billboard Hot Country Songs charts for the week of January 28, 2012, and became the group's twelfth number 1 hit for the week of May 12, 2012.

http://tasteofcountry.com/rascal-flatts-banjo-lyrics/

The lyrics to Rascal Flatts‘ new single, ‘Banjo,’ came about from a conversation between songwriters Neil Thrasher and Wendell Mobley, both who have penned several hit singles for the country trio.

“Neil was giving me directions to [Rascal Flatts lead singer] Gary LeVox’s farm for us to go write,” Mobley tells Taste of Country, adding that the directions were quite extensive and in the middle of nowhere. “At the end, he said, ‘Just keep going ’til you hear a banjo.’ We both went, ‘That’s a great idea!'”

But that’s not the song the writers hashed out that day at LeVox’s farm. “We actually went out to write another idea with Gary, which was ‘Changed,’ the title of their new album,” says Mobley. “When we got back, we ended up writing with Tony Martin and broke out the ‘Banjo’ idea. And I promise you, a lot of that chorus [of ‘Banjo’] is in [that drive to Gary’s]. There’s creeks, shacks, Mennonites, and like a guy standing on the porch staring at you, a horse over here and a gate … [laughs].”

“You gotta go deep / Way on back / Cross a few creeks / And a couple little shacks / You gotta get lost / Way on out / Crickets and frogs / Yeah you’re gettin’ close now / And you kick it into four wheel drive when you run out of road and you go, and you go and you go-go-go / ‘Til you hear a banjo,” they wrote in lyrics of the chorus.

“It’s like you don’t ever think you’re going to get to his farm,” Mobley says with a laugh. “Then when you do, you actually turn off of the asphalt road and get on the gravel road and then the dirt road. You’re literally going through the woods.”

“It ain’t on the map / And I’m glad it isn’t / Leave the phone and the GPS, those satellites ain’t found it yet, got our own little piece of heaven hidden,” they wrote in the lyrics to the song’s second verse.

“We wrote it and demoed it,” notes Mobley, who is also a co-writer of other Flatts hits including ‘I Melt,’ ‘Take Me There’ and ‘Fast Cars and Freedom.’ “When we went out to finish ‘Changed’ at Gary’s, it was perfect because we had just been over ‘Banjo.’ Then I’d gone through that whole drive again. As soon as we got into the kitchen, I opened up my computer and I kind of looked at Neil and he shook his head. I asked Gary, ‘Do you want to hear directions to your farm?’ I played it for Gary, and he goes, ‘Oh my gosh! We’re cutting that like right now!'”

Read More: Rascal Flatts, ‘Banjo’ – Lyrics Uncovered | http://tasteofcountry.com/rascal-flatts-banjo-lyrics/?trackback=tsmclip

105 of 703

Silenced

By Christopher Benfey

--

...Solomon Northup’s book is about an artist whose self-confessed “ruling passion” was playing the violin. “Had it not been for my beloved violin,” Northup, without specifying how he learned to play, recalls, “I scarcely can conceive how I could have endured the long years of bondage.” If he had a free moment on Sunday, he would steal away to a quiet place on the bayou and listen to his violin “lifting up its voice.” He tells us how “at midnight, when sleep had fled affrighted from the cabin, and my soul was disturbed and troubled with the contemplation of my fate, it would sing me a song of peace.” The film, for some reason, never lets us see or hear this intimate love of music, confining Solomon to fiddling joylessly for dances at the behest or command of white people. Since we never hear him playing for pleasure or solace, the scene where he destroys his violin, apparently in desperation (it’s not in Northrup's book), lacks emotional punch.

106 of 703

Street Musicians

(1939–1940)

by William H. Johnson

107 of 703

108 of 703

Banjo history and early literary depictions

Banjar

Notes on State of VA

109 of 703

Library of Congress portraits of black people and banjos are one indication of the proliferation of such images.

110 of 703

111 of 703

112 of 703

113 of 703

114 of 703

115 of 703

116 of 703

OH, dere's lots o' keer an' trouble

In dis world to swaller down;

An' ol' Sorrer's purty lively

In her way o' gittin' roun'.

Yet dere's times when I furgit 'em,

Aches an' pains an' troubles all,

An' it's when I tek at ebenin'

My ol' banjo f'om de wall.

'Bout de time dat night is fallin'

An' my daily wu'k is done,

An' above de shady hilltops

I kin see de settin' sun;

When de quiet, restful shadders

Is beginnin' jes' to fall,

Den I take de little banjo

F'om its place upon de wall.

Den my fam'ly gadders roun' me

In de fadin' o' de light,

Ez I strike de strings to try 'em

Ef dey all is tuned er-right.

A Banjo Song by Paul Laurence Dunbar (1872-1906)

Alif Williams recites "A Banjo Song" poem by poet Paul Laurence Dunbar. YouTube upload March 4, 2010.

117 of 703

An' it seems we're so nigh heaben

We kin hyeah de angels sing

When de music o' dat banjo

Sets my cabin all er-ring.

An' my wife an' all de othahs, —

Male an' female, small an' big, —

Even up to gray-haired granny,

Seem jes' boun' to do a jig;

'Twell I change de style o' music,

Change de movement an' de time,

An' de ringin' little banjo

Plays an ol' hea't-feelin' hime.

An' somehow my th'oat gits choky,

An' a lump keeps tryin' to rise

Lak it wan'ed to ketch de water

Dat was flowin' to my eyes;

An' I feel dat I could sorter

Knock de socks clean off o' sin

Ez I hyeah my po' ol' granny

Wif huh tremblin' voice jine in.

Den we all th'ow in our voices

Fu' to he'p de chune out too,

Lak a big camp-meetin' choiry

Tryin' to sing a mou'nah th'oo.

An' our th'oahts let out de music,

Sweet an' solemn, loud an' free,

'Twell de raftahs o' my cabin

Echo wif de melody.

Oh, de music o' de banjo,

Quick an' deb'lish, solemn, slow,

Is de greates' joy an' solace

Dat a weary slave kin know!

So jes' let me hyeah it ringin',

Dough de chune be po' an' rough,

It's a pleasure; an' de pleasures

O' dis life is few enough.

Now, de blessed little angels

Up in heaben, we are told,

Don't do nothin' all dere lifetime

'Ceptin' play on ha'ps o' gold.

Now I think heaben'd be mo' homelike

Ef we'd hyeah some music fall

F'om a real ol'-fashioned banjo,

Like dat one upon de wall.

118 of 703

The Corn-Stalk Fiddle by Paul Laurence Dunbar

WHEN the corn's all cut and the bright stalks shine

Like the burnished spears of a field of gold;

When the field-mice rich on the nubbins dine,

And the frost comes white and the wind blows cold;

Then it's heigh-ho! fellows and hi-diddle-diddle,

For the time is ripe for the corn-stalk fiddle.

And when you take a stalk that is straight and long,

With an expert eye to its worthy points,

And you think of the bubbling strains of song

That are bound between its pithy joints —

Then you cut out strings, with a bridge in the middle,

With a corn-stalk bow for a corn-stalk fiddle.

Then the strains that grow as you draw the bow

O'er the yielding strings with a practiced hand!

And the music's flow never loud but low

Is the concert note of a fairy band.

Oh, your dainty songs are a misty riddle

To the simple sweets of a corn-stalk fiddle.

When the eve comes on, and our work is done,

And the sun drops down with a tender glance,

119 of 703

With their hearts all prime for the harmless fun,

Come the neighbor girls for the evening's dance,

And they wait for the well-known twist and twiddle —

More time than tune — from the corn-stalk fiddle.

Then brother Jabez takes the bow,

While Ned stands off with Susan Bland,

Then Henry stops by Milly Snow,

And John takes Nellie Jones's hand,

While I pair off with Mandy Biddle,

And scrape, scrape, scrape goes the corn-stalk fiddle.

'Salute your partners,' comes the call,

'All join hands and circle round,'

'Grand train back,' and 'Balance all,'

Footsteps lightly spurn the ground.

'Take your lady and balance down the middle'

To the merry strains of the corn-stalk fiddle.

So the night goes on and the dance is o'er,

And the merry girls are homeward gone,

But I see it all in my sleep once more,

And I dream till the very break of dawn

Of an impish dance on a red-hot griddle

To the screech and scrape of a corn-stalk fiddle.

120 of 703

Dunbar was born in Dayton, Ohio to parents who had escaped from slavery; his father was a veteran of the American Civil War, having served in the 55th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment and the 5th Massachusetts Colored Cavalry Regiment. His parents instilled in him a love of learning and history. He was a student at an all-white high school, Dayton Central High School, and he participated actively as a student. During high school, he was both the editor of the school newspaper and class president, as well as the president of the school literary society. Dunbar had also started the first African-American newsletter in Dayton.

He wrote his first poem at age 6 and gave his first public recital at age 9. Dunbar's first published work came in a newspaper put out by his high school friends Wilbur and Orville Wright, who owned a printing plant. The Wright Brothers later invested in the Dayton Tattler, a newspaper aimed at the black community, edited and published by Dunbar.

His first collection of poetry, Oak and Ivy, was published in 1892 and attracted the attention of James Whitcomb Riley, the popular "Hoosier Poet". Both Riley and Dunbar wrote poems in both standard English and dialect.

Paul Laurence Dunbar bio

121 of 703

That Half-Barbaric Twang

The Banjo in American Popular Culture

Long a symbol of American culture, the banjo actually originated in Africa and was later adopted by European-Americans. In this book Karen Linn shows how the banjo - despite design innovations and several modernizing agendas - has failed to escape its image as a "half-barbaric" instrument symbolic of antimodernism and sentimentalism.

Caught in the morass of American racial attitudes and often used to express ambivalence toward modern industrial society, the banjo stood in opposition to the "official" values of rationalism, modernism, and belief in the beneficence of material progress. Linn uses popular literature, visual arts, advertisements, film, performance practices, instrument construction and decoration, and song lyrics to illustrate how notions about the banjo have changed.

Her text traces the instrument from its African origins through the 1980s, alternating between themes of urban modernization and rural nostalgia. She examines the banjo fad of bourgeois Northerners during the late nineteenth century, African-American banjo tradition and the commercially popular cultural image of the southern black banjo player, the banjo in ragtime and early jazz, and the white Southerner and mountaineer as banjo player.

"Well written and well researched; Linn has amassed an impressive amount of data, and she uses it effectively. . . . This is an excellent book that should be of interest to not only historians, folklorists, and musicologists but also the banjo player and the general reader."--Charlie Seemann, Journal of Southern History

"An absolute must read for anyone interested in the banjo."--Five Stringer

"Concise, well-supported, and provocative. . . . The clearest voice of revelation regarding American's most misunderstood instrument."--Bob Fulcher, Journal of Country Music

"An intriguing analysis of the role of the banjo in recent American culture and society. . . . Highly recommended."--R. D. Cohen, Choice

"Uses everything from sentimental novels and escaped slave posters to Felix the Cat cartoons and magazine advertisements to create impressive cultural history of what the author calls the 'idea of the banjo.' . . . Linn's wonderful book is scholarly without being jargoned, serious without being tedious. . . . A book for dipping into, underlining, reading aloud in snatches, and opening repeatedly."--Rachel Rubin, Banjo Newsletter

Karen Linn is an archivist in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress. She has published articles in North Carolina Folklore Journal and American Music.

122 of 703

The Banjo : America's African Instrument by Laurent Dubois

123 of 703

Tony Thomas ‘Why African Americans Put Down the Banjo”

http://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1109&context=comssp

Please note that by "sadness," we mean a sort of depressed empty feeling, rather than a wailing sort of grief.

Slavery readings and memorials

124 of 703

John Brown’s Body

Pete Seeger

Gloria Jane

The Lords

125 of 703

The Great Migration and African-American Genomic Diversity

Abstract

We present a comprehensive assessment of genomic diversity in the African-American population by studying three genotyped cohorts comprising 3,726 African-Americans from across the United States that provide a representative description of the population across all US states and socioeconomic status. An estimated 82.1% of ancestors to African-Americans lived in Africa prior to the advent of transatlantic travel, 16.7% in Europe, and 1.2% in the Americas, with increased African ancestry in the southern United States compared to the North and West. Combining demographic models of ancestry and those of relatedness suggests that admixture occurred predominantly in the South prior to the Civil War and that ancestry-biased migration is responsible for regional differences in ancestry. We find that recent migrations also caused a strong increase in genetic relatedness among geographically distant African-Americans. Long-range relatedness among African-Americans and between African-Americans and European-Americans thus track north- and west-bound migration routes followed during the Great Migration of the twentieth century. By contrast, short-range relatedness patterns suggest comparable mobility of *15–16km per generation for African-Americans and European-Americans, as estimated using a novel analytical model of isolation-by-distance.

126 of 703

His second book, Majors and Minors (1895) brought him national fame and the patronage of William Dean Howells, the novelist and critic and editor of Harper's Weekly. After Howells' praise, his first two books were combined as Lyrics of Lowly Life and Dunbar started on a career of international literary fame. He moved to Washington, D.C., in the LeDroit Park neighborhood. While in Washington, he attended Howard University.

His wife Alice Dunbar Nelson was a famous poet as well. A graduate of Dillard University in New Orleans, her most famous works include a short story entitled "Violets". She and her husband also wrote books of poetry as companion pieces.

An account of their love, life and marriage was depicted in a play by Kathleen McGhee-Anderson titled Oak and Ivy.

He kept a lifelong friendship with the Wrights, and was also associated with Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington. Brand Whitlock was also described as a close friend. He was honored with a ceremonial sword by President Theodore Roosevelt.

He wrote a dozen books of poetry, four books of short stories, five novels, and a play. He also wrote lyrics for In Dahomey - the first musical written and performed entirely by African-Americans to appear on Broadway in 1903;

127 of 703

the musical comedy played successfully toured England and America over a period of four years - one of the more successful theatrical productions of its time. His essays and poems were published widely in the leading journals of the day. His work appeared in Harper's Weekly, the Saturday Evening Post, the Denver Post, Current Literature and a number of other publications. During his life, considerable emphasis was laid on the fact that Dunbar was of pure black descent, with no white ancestors ever.

Dunbar's work is known for its colorful language and use of dialect, and a conversational tone, with a brilliant rhetorical structure.

Dunbar traveled to England in 1897 to recite his works on the London literary circuit. He met the brilliant young black composer Samuel Coleridge-Taylor who some of his poems to music and who was influenced by Dunbar to use African and American Negro songs and tunes in future compositions.

After his return, Dunbar took a job at the Library of Congress in Washington. In 1900, Dunbar was diagnosed with tuberculosis, and moved to Colorado with his wife on the advice of his doctors. Dunbar died at age thirty-three on February 9, 1906 from tuberculosis, and was interred in the Woodland Cemetery, Dayton, Ohio.

128 of 703

A Christmas Folksong by Paul Laurence Dunbar

DE win' is blowin' wahmah,

An hit's blowin' f'om de bay;

Dey's a so't o' mist a-risin'

All erlong de meddah way;

Dey ain't a hint o' frostin'

On de groun' ner in de sky,

An' dey ain't no use in hopin'

Dat de snow'll 'mence to fly.

It's goin' to be a green Christmas,

An' sad de day fu' me.

I wish dis was de las' one

Dat evah I should see.

Dey's dancin' in de cabin,

Dey's spahkin' by de tree;

But dancin' times an' spahkin'

Are all done pas' fur me.

Dey's feastin' in de big house,

Wid all de windahs wide —

Is dat de way fu' people

To meet de Christmas-tide?

It's goin' to be a green Christmas,

No mattah what you say.

Dey's us dat will remembah

An' grieve de comin' day.

Dey's des a bref o' dampness

A-clingin' to my cheek;

De aih's been dahk an' heavy

An' threatenin' fu' a week,

But not wid signs o' wintah,

Dough wintah'd seem so deah —

De wintah's out o' season,

An' Christmas eve is heah.

It's goin' to be a green Christmas,

An' oh, how sad de day!

Go ax de hongry chu'chya'd,

An' see what hit will say.

Dey's Allen on de hillside,

An' Marfy in de plain;

Fu' Christmas was like springtime,

An' come wid sun an' rain.

129 of 703

Dey's Ca'line, John, an' Susie,

Wid only dis one lef':

An' now de curse is comin'

Wid murder in hits bref.

It's goin' to be a green Christmas —

Des hyeah my words an' see:

Befo' de summah beckons

Dey's many'll weep wid me.

130 of 703

131 of 703

132 of 703

Love of slaver family

Monument to Emory’s Miss Kitty, who refused to be free Mark Auslander

Peter Henry Martin’s nostalgic letters

Ivan Illich on the Good Samaritan in The Corruption of Christianity

https://youtu.be/4jZ0HFmiz9o?t=1509

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DXotCCZY9D0

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KiG9fjdUBzU

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1GoSXvuP7XQ

133 of 703

Charles Waddell Chesnutt

The Colonel’s Dream--Uncle Peter

--15:00 (Chapter 3)

The Passing of Grandison

In Search of Sunken Graves: Between Postslavery and Postplantation in Charles Chesnutt’s Fiction

By Edward Clough

134 of 703

3:28:00

3:41:00

3:44:00- 3:45:00

4:09- 4:37:55

4:53:11- 5:12:00

Uncle Peter in The Colonel’s Dream

7:51:00- ---

135 of 703

In Search of Sunken Graves: Between Postslavery and Postplantation in Charles Chesnutt’s Fiction

By Edward Clough

P. 87

136 of 703

P. 96

137 of 703

138 of 703

139 of 703

On Failing to Make the Past Present

See next slide

140 of 703

Best, Stephen. "On Failing to Make the Past Present." Modern Language Quarterly 73, no. 3 (September 2012): 453. Publisher

Provided Full Text Searching File, EBSCOhost.

141 of 703

142 of 703

https://drive.google.com/drive/my-drive

143 of 703

Mary Evans Thanks Brian Philpot, Her Former Master, for His Sending Money

144 of 703

When Andrew Johnson Freed His Slaves

By AARON ASTOR AUGUST 9, 2013 2:18 PM August 9, 2013

Eliza Johnson gathered her family’s slaves together at their East Tennessee farm on Aug. 8, 1863, to deliver the news. As one slave, William, remembered it, “She said we were free to go, or we could stay if we wanted.” With the dangers of continued Confederate military occupation and guerrilla war in the region, the slaves opted to stay put for the time being.

The Johnson household was no ordinary Tennessee slaveholding home. Eliza’s husband, Andrew, was appointed military governor of Tennessee in March 1862 and would later become vice president and president of the United States. In the years following the Civil War, African-Americans in East Tennessee celebrated Aug. 8 as Emancipation Day.

The celebrations, replete with picnics, speeches and cornet bands, took place in other East Tennessee communities like Newport and Knoxville, but the event in Andrew Johnson’s hometown remained the biggest draw for years, as special excursion trains carried African-Americans from Knoxville to Greeneville well into the 1880s.

Johnson himself would often turn out to address the crowd. In later years Knoxville began to hold its own Emancipation Day celebration; even as legal segregation fully set in by the turn of the century, Knoxville’s mayor would open the city’s Chilhowee Park to African-Americans just one day of the year, on Aug. 8.

145 of 703

http://www.nps.gov/anjo/learn/historyculture/slaves.htm In 1842, Andrew Johnson was a State Senator. During this year he bought his first slave. Dolly, a fourteen year old girl, bravely approached Andrew Johnson and asked him to buy her because, according to her future son William, she "liked his looks." A short time later, Johnson bought Dolly's half-brother Sam as well. In time, Dolly would give birth to three children, Liz, Florence and William. Sam and his wife, Margaret, had nine children. In 1857, Andrew Johnson bought a boy of about 13 named Henry. Henry traveled to the White House with the Johnson family. Johnson claimed to Frederick Douglass that he had never sold a slave. Sam Johnson An NPS Photo From a photo of Sam Johnson, we see a distinguished looking man wearing a visible aura of pride and dignity. A letter from Andrew Johnson's son, Charles, paints a vivid portrait of Sam: "...a few days since Mother sent him [Sam] word to cut wood at Pattersons, - he came up in the house and said, he would 'be damed' if he wanted to cut wood there; and if you wanted to sell him you could do so just as soon as he pleased, he did not care a dam,'

Slaves of Andrew Johnson

146 of 703

You will see he is quite an independent gentleman and just to show his notions of himself and his rights, at another time he was asking Mother for his part of some money paid him for work[.] Mother remarked to him if he was as ready to pay others as he was to collect, he would do better; he replied that he did not get half enough no how; - that he ought to have all that he could make &c..."

The letter is revealing. It shows that Sam was reimbursed in part for his work. He was able to keep these wages. It shows that Mrs. Johnson took care of some of the finances while her husband was absent. It also shows there was a degree of familiarity and assurance in the household between master and slave. Andrew Johnson's daughter, Martha, remarked that Sam did not belong to Andrew Johnson, but rather that Andrew Johnson belonged to Sam.

In March, 1867, Sam sent a letter to President Andrew Johnson. It read:

"I have been appointed one of the Commissioner of the Freedmens Bureau, to raise money with which to purchase a suitable Lot on which to build a School House for the education of the Coloured children of Greeneville - and my object in troubling you upon, the subject is to ascertain if there would be any chance for me to purchase an acre Lot off of one of your Tracts that lies out West of Town close to the Reble Graveyard. If you will let us have the Lot and will send me word as to the price of it I will send you the money, and would like for you to send me a deed to it. I am getting along as well as usual and have not changed any in Politics still being for you as much as ever. I would like to see you all very much" (Papers of Andrew Johnson, v. 12, pg. 183).

147 of 703

Johnson's response to Sam's request was to have a representative "select the lot wanted have it surveyed, plat made, and a deed drawn up...and send the instrument to me. I will convey the land to them without charge..." (Papers of Andrew Johnson, v. 12, pg. 237).

In 1871, at an early August 8th celebration, both Sam and Andrew Johnson were in attendance. Sam was the officer of the day, and Andrew Johnson addressed the group. In his later life, "we are told that Sam's aristrocratic feelings were revealed when, as janitor of a local church, he regularly wore a silk hat and long-tailed coat" (Papers of Andrew Johnson, v.3, pg. 405).

According to E.C. Reeves, private secretary to Andrew Johnson from 1869-1875, "On the day of...[Andrew Johnson's] burial the people came from the hills and the valleys; from everywhere near and far, until Greenville was filled as never before, and the cortege was so dense the marshals were unable to control the human masses and make a passage for the hearse which was carrying the coffined body to its sepulchral home on the way to the apex of the knoll which was to be the final sleeping place of the deceased, pointed out by negro Sam, a former slave, as having been so designated by his master..." (Stryker, Andrew Johnson: A Study in Courage, Appendix, pg. 836).

An August 2, 1947 article in the New Jersey Record tells of an auto trip of Mr. and Mrs. Fred R. Clark to Tennessee. "Mrs. Clark," the article stated, "is the daughter of the late Sam Johnson, ex-slave of President Johnson...She was the baby of several children; a brother and 8 sisters who have passed. Her father Mr. Samuel Johnson was a musician of note. He played a violin he made himself that could be heard for a mile around...The ground on which the...house stands was given to Mrs. Clark's father by President Johnson's son, and was built by Mr. Samuel Johnson."

148 of 703

Dolly Johnson with Andrew Johnson Stover

An NPS Photo

A photograph of Dolly shows a woman with a gentle face, almost smiling as she holds Andrew Johnson's grandson on her lap. Andrew Johnson's granddaughter, Sarah Stover, wrote in her diary, "...my mind wanders back to the days when we children used to have a black mama as well as our own dear mama, but thank God the race is free. I think slavery is a sin..."

The relationship between Johnson and his slaves seems to have had its moments of compassion. In 1854 Andrew Johnson wrote to his son Robert. At the conclusion of the letter he wrote, "I have bought a basket and some other little notions for your little brothe[r] and a little chair for Liz and Florence &c - " At this time Liz and Florence were aged six and eight. Andrew Johnson Jr. was two years old.

William Johnson, Dolly's son, later had fond recollections of Andrew Johnson.

"When I was little, Mr. Andrew used to hold me on one knee and my sister on the other,” said William Johnson, son of President Andrew Johnson’s first slave, Dolly. “(O)ne day Mrs. Johnson called us all in and said we were free now. She said we were free to go, or we could stay if we wanted. We all stayed."

(Nichols, Ernie's America by Ernie Pyle, pg. 304).

Learn more about Dolly's children, Liz, Florence, and Will.

149 of 703

Enticers had low record of convincing enslaved people to join Union Army, greatest success in areas unimpacted by Emancipation Proclamation

Diary of James Ayres and other Union Army enticers

Six of 27plus joined fromEldrige plantation

https://youtu.be/cm9XEhmafxM?list=PLletbkG7wXsMwf27_lnGDBZ8SErfggDoi&t=2183

150 of 703

Finding Slave Ancestors

….We do see, again and again, Freedmen adopting the name of a former slaveholder that was not the final slaveholder.

Finding Slave Ancestors

Posted by Barnetta on 25 May 2009, 12:54 pm

By Barnetta McGhee White

Most African Americans can diagram or outline a rather complete genealogy using 20th and 21st century public records. Going further back in time to discover those ancestors who were born and died in the late 19th century becomes more problematical and to uncover those who were enslaved prior to 1865 can be daunting indeed because they were identified in the records by enumeration or by first name only.

There have been many opinions as to the origin of the surnames used in the 1870 Census yet if one looks carefully and deeply into the research that has been done on the origin of surnames one is hard pressed to find a definitive answer that fits all situations. Strongly held beliefs are difficult to dislodge and the reasons behind the adoption of one surname or the other varies from one locale to another. Misunderstanding is generated by not being aware of the difference between slaves adopting the surname of the “last” slaveholder rather than a “former or prior” slaveholder. A last slaveholder is a former slaveholder, but a former or prior slaveholder is not necessarily the last, but rather could be one dating back to the 16th and 15th century.

African names were stripped from a people when they reached these shores. It is logical to begin the search for African American ancestors who were enslaved by using the surname given in the 1870 Census as a beginning point to reach further back in time. What follows is a sample based upon my 30 years of researching this topic and is best expressed by this quote, author unknown: “Responsible genealogy does not form a thesis first and then find evidence to support it – – – it looks at the evidence and forms a conclusion based on facts.”

Fact #1: My grandmother, Rose (1852-1943), told me that her maiden name was”NORMAN” and her death certificate of 1943 also showed that maiden name.

Fact #2: Many decades later I discovered an original document evidencing a division of slaves into lots from an estate when she, less than one year old, went to a person named Richard TAYLOR.

Fact #3: She said that her master was named Armistead BURWELL and she was on his plantation when the Yankees came to town.(Last slaveholder?)

Fact #4 Rose’s marriage license of 1871 named her mother, “Lucinda NORMAN” (1827-1915), and Lucinda’s death certificate named Creasy NORMAN as her mother.

Fact #5. Rose said her grandmother was named “Creasy NORMAN’ (1795-1879)and she was listed on the Mortality Schedule of 1879 with that same surname. That same Mortality Schedule listed Creasy’s birthplace as VA as well as the birthplace of her mother and her father.

Fact #6 Both Lucinda and Creasy were alive for the 1870 census and both were listed with the surname”NORMAN’

Final Fact – Much, much later, and after many more hours of research I found the slaveholder, THOMAS NORMAN, who had migrated down to NC from VA in the early 1800s with many slaves among whom was the 5 year old Creasy. Most of the supporting documentation was found in his estate papers housed in the NC State Archives.

Was the LAST slaveholder’ surname the one used by Rose ? Certainly (fact) the court document showed her last legal slaveholder was Richard TAYOR, and possibly Armistead BURWELL, but certainly a NORMAN was a prior, or former, slaveholder of this family. Did these two men (Taylor and Burwell) lay claim to Rose? Further research showed that they had each married a daughter of THOMAS NORMAN, and this fact certainly supports the idea that it is necessary to plot the genealogy of the slaveholder to learn all of the various surnames that were in the slaveholder’s genealogy. There is no doubt that after the war when slaves had to provide surnames for the records many, if not most, used the surname of a former slaveholder or his relatives. It is also possible that some made up a surname, but I believe that was rare.

Filed under DNA Research, Genealogy, Slave Period Research | Tagged afrigeneas, black genealogy, slave research, surnames | Permalink

151 of 703

Schomburg Center Winter 2016 Calendar

152 of 703

‎

William "Uncle Billy" Johnson......A Slave who lived to be over 100 years old owned by my family in Hamphire & Morgan County WV. This is an article out of the Cumberland Maryland newspaper in 1897 where someone wrote a small story on his life. He was first owned by my 4th great grandfather Angus Mcdonald Sr......William shows up in the 1900 census record at 103 years old in Paw Paw WV, however I can find no death record or Obit. My family owned many slaves with birth dates and deaths entered into the family bible, yet at some point the names and information were all blotted out. I am interested in researching more about them and was wondering if anyone could give me some insight as to where I need to go about finding more information for my research. Thank you!

LikeComment

Joseph Fox‎ to AfriGeneas African American Genealogy Community

153 of 703

Returning home

154 of 703

155 of 703

Night John movie

Based on the novel by Gary Paulsen, the movie Nightjohn depicts a fugitive slave who returns to slavery to teach others to read and write

156 of 703

Not leaving

157 of 703

Uncle Tom went further into slavery so others could stay with their families

158 of 703

Black Confederates’ notions of home

https://librivox.org/journal-of-a-residence-on-a-georgian-plantation-1838-1839-by-frances-anne-kemble/

Clotel Ch. 21https://librivox.org/clotel-or-the-presidents-daughter-by-william-wells-brown/

Southern man with Northern principles; if we fight, we shall be respected

African American Faces of the Civil War: An Album

LibraryOfCongress

159 of 703

HONORING/CRITICIZING OTHERS’ HONORING

160 of 703

KIMBERLY CLEVELAND, GEORGIA STATE UNIVERSITY

http://clals.gsu.edu/profile/kimberly-cleveland/

kcleveland@gsu.edu

404.413.5272

“Abdias Nascimento: Painting Connections across the Diaspora.” Anywhere But Here: Black Intellectuals – The Atlantic World and Beyond, 167-186. Edited by Kendahl Radcliffe, Jennifer Scott, and Anja Werner. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2015.

“Not Your Mother’s Milk: Imagining the Wet Nurse in Brazil,” In Gender, Empire, and Postcolony: Luso-Afro-Brazilian Intersections, 127-140. Edited by Hilary Own and Ann M. Klobucka. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

Kimberly Cleveland. Black Art in Brazil: Expressions of Identity. (University Press of Florida – May 2013).

“Afro-Brazilian Art as a Prism: A Socio-Political History of Brazil’s Artistic, Diplomatic and Economic Confluences in the Twentieth Century.” Luso-Brazilian Review 49(2): 102-119.

“The Art of Memory: São Paulo’s AfroBrazil Museum.” In Politics of Memory: Making Slavery Visible in the Public Space, 197-212. Edited by Ana Lucia Arajuo. New York: Routledge, 2012.

“Appropriation and the Body: Representation in Contemporary Black Brazilian Art.” Journal of Black Studies 41(2): 301-319.

“Kehinde Wiley’s Brazil: The Past against the Future.” In Kehinde Wiley The World Stage: Brazil, 23-30. Culver City, C.A.: Roberts & Tilton; Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Museu de Arte Moderna, 2009.

EXHIBITIONS

Prof. Cleveland was the co-curator of the “Nnenna Okore: Fibers of Being” and “African Textiles: The Nexus of Material, Method, and Meaning” exhibitions held at the Welch School of Art & Design Galleries, GSU Aug. 14 – Sept. 19, 2014.

161 of 703

Project

Research that explains and compares (to something) black American women’s moral heritage as validated and propelled by Mary Holmes Seminary and argues for a virtual way to preserve and share that heritage

Possible sources

Essentials of research design and methodology

Marczyk, Geoffrey R., 1964-

Carry Me Back readings

Slave Grandchildren Remember oral histories

Black Mammy Memorial Institute readings

The first black students at Smith College readings

The Fisk Herald newspapers under the editorship of W.E.B. Du Bois readings

We have the technology : how biohackers, foodies, physicians, and scientists are transforming human perception, one sense at a time

Platoni, Kara,

Like it was : a complete guide to writing oral history

Brown, Cynthia Stokes

Ancestors

Willard, Jim.

Hidden sources : family history in unlikely places

Pfeiffer, Laura Szucs, 1967-

An imperfect god : George Washington, his slaves, and the creation of America

Wiencek, Henry

Sharecropper's troubadour : John L. Handcox, the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union, and the African American song tradition

Honey, Michael K.,

The scholar denied : W.E.B. Du Bois and the birth of modern sociology

Morris, Aldon D.,

162 of 703

163 of 703

The Mammy Washington Almost Had

In 1923, the U.S. Senate approved a new monument in D.C. "in memory of the faithful slave mammies of the South."

TONY HORWITZ MAY 31, 2013, 12:07 PM ET

The Atlantic

If I say the word "Mammy," you're likely to conjure up the character from Gone With the Wind. Or, you may think of Aunt Jemima, in her trademark kerchief, beaming from boxes of pancake mix.

What you probably won't picture is a massive slave woman, hewn from stone, cradling a white child atop a plinth in the nation's capital. Yet in 1923, the U.S. Senate authorized such a statue, "in memory of the faithful slave mammies of the South."

As a Southern Congressman stated in support of the monument: "The traveler, as he passes by, will recall that epoch of southern civilization" when "fidelity and loyalty" prevailed. "No class of any race of people held in bondage could be found anywhere who lived more free from care or distress."

164 of 703

Today, it seems incredible that Congress sanctioned a monument to so-called Faithful Slaves -- just blocks from the Lincoln Memorial, which had been dedicated only months earlier. But the monument to the Great Emancipator masked the nation's retreat from the "new birth of freedom" Lincoln had called for at Gettysburg, three score and ten years before. By 1923, Jim Crow laws, rampant lynching, and economic peonage had effectively reenslaved blacks in the South. Blacks who migrated north during and after World War One were greeted by the worst race riots in the nation's history. In the capital, Virginia-born President Woodrow Wilson had recently segregated federal facilities and screened Birth of a Nation at the White House. The overtly racist movie exalted the Ku Klux Klan, which peaked at two million members in the 1920s and won control of mayors' office and state legislatures across the land.

"We have this image of the 1920s as the Jazz Age, the birth of the modern, a world of skyscrapers and flappers," says David Blight, a Yale historian and leading scholar of race in the late 19th and early 20th century. "But white supremacy had few better moments in our history."

The early 1900s were also the heyday of Old South nostalgia. Popular songs and bestselling novels depicted antebellum Dixie as a genteel land of benevolent "planters" and happy "servants." Central to this idyll was the figure of Mammy,

165 of 703

who in popular imagination resembled Uncle Tom's wife, Aunt Chloe, a cheerful, plump slave in a checked kerchief. White performers blackened their faces to tell stories and sing spirituals in the style "of the old time 'house darkey.'" The ready-made pancake mix of Aunt Jemima -- a "slave in a box," as one historian puts it -- quickly became a national sensation; a "biography" of her was subtitled "the Most Famous Colored Woman in the World."

In reality, the pancake mix was the creation of two white men in Missouri, and they named it after a character in a minstrel song, not an actual slave cook. Similarly, there is more folklore than fact underlying the stereotype of matronly slaves nursing young whites. "I went in search of the mammy and couldn't find her," says historian Catherine Clinton, whose books include Tara Revisited andPlantation Mistress. "Most slaves who looked after white children were very young." In other words, more like Prissy in Gone With the Wind than Mammy.

so what does this mean when you look at your ancestor? Nothing. Some scholar saying your ancestor is rare -----

Or even younger. Harriet Tubman, for instance, was seven when she began caring for a baby and was whipped if the infant cried. Ex-slaves interviewed by the WPA in the 1930s also told of nursing babies as girls themselves, while the older black women of mammy lore looked after slave children whose mothers labored in the fields. These interviews also cast a harsh light on the supposedly privileged status of "house" slaves. One former slave recalled a "Mammy" being lashed "till de blood runned out"; another described a rape by the slaveowner's sons. "I can tell you that a white man laid a nigger gal whenever he wanted," said an ex-slave from Georgia who "went into the house as a waiting and nurse girl" between the ages of nine and twelve.

166 of 703

These and other routine cruelties didn't figure in the moonlight-and-magnolia romance that seized white imagination in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Nor was the Mammy craze of that era confined to literature, song, and marketing. It was fostered by groups such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC), which sought to recast the "Lost Cause" as a noble defense of a Southern utopia. If slaves had been loyal, well treated, and content, it followed that emancipation and Reconstruction were calamitous -- just as portrayed in Birth of a Nation. The ladies of the UDC honored aged blacks as "faithful Confederates" and even ghost-wrote testimonials such as "What Mammy Thinks of Freedom," in which an ex-slave says, "w'en I gits ter hebben, Lord, I hope I'll find its slabery."

This reactionary crusade culminated in a UDC campaign to build monuments to slaves who remained faithful out of "love of masters, mistresses and their children." Initially, this effort was confined to the South. But black migration to the North, race riots, and growing anxiety about what whites called the "Negro problem," made the nation more receptive to Southern images of bygone racial order.

So did the ubiquity of nurturing mammies in popular culture.

"Mammy was appealing at a particularly fraught time in national history," says Micki McElya, a historian at University of Connecticut and author of Clinging to Mammy: the Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America. "Mammy represents paternalism and affection between the races, a world where everyone understands their places."

167 of 703

This was certainly the message of Charles Stedman, a North Carolina Congressman who in January 1923 introduced a Mammy monument bill on behalf of the Jefferson Davis Chapter of the UDC.

"They desired no change in their condition of life," Stedman said of the faithful slaves who would be honored. "The very few who are left look back at those days as the happy golden hours of their lives."

Stedman added that the bill "should find a responsive echo in the hearts of the citizens of this great Republic." It did, at least in the Senate, which voted for a land grant in the capital, so the UDC could erect the monument as "a gift to the people of the United States." The next day's Washington Post printed only a two-paragraph item, noting that the Senate had approved three monuments: to baseball, to a "former District commissioner," and to "faithful colored mammies."

African Americans, however, took far greater notice, led by the growing black press and by newly formed civil rights groups. "My own beloved mother was one of those unfortunates who had the flower of her youth spent in a slave cabin," one NAACP official wrote the Washington Star, describing the mammy statue as "a symbol of our servitude to remind white and black alike that the menial callings are our place." He added: "if the South has such deep gratitude for the virtues of this devoted group from which it reaped vast riches, let it remove the numberless barriers it has gone out of its way to throw up against the progress" of blacks.

168 of 703

One such barrier was lynching, which claimed some 2,500 lives between 1890 and 1920. The Senate, just weeks before approving the Mammy monument, had allowed a Southern filibuster to defeat an anti-lynching bill. (One Southern Senator called it "a bill to encourage rape" by blacks, while another contrasted this menace with the "unspeakable love that every southern man feels for the old black nurse who took care of him in childhood.") The proximity of the lynching and Mammy debates prompted the Chicago Defender to publish a cartoon titled "Mockery," in which a Southerner presents plans for the mammy statue to the dangling body of a lynching victim. The Baltimore Afro-American offered its own vision of the planned monument: a frowning Mammy perched atop a wash tub instead of a pedestal, her empty hand extended above the inscription: "In Grateful Memory to One We Never Paid a Cent of Wages During a Lifetime of Service."

Blacks also bristled at the stereotype of benignly affectionate relations between masters and hefty, aging mammies, who seemed never to have families of their own. A truer monument, one paper suggested, would be a statue to a "White Daddy," sexually assaulting a young black woman as a mammy looks helplessly on.

Plans for the actual UDC monument stoked still greater outrage.

One sculptor's model showed an Aunt Jemima-like figure holding a white child as two other children clung to her dress. These were "pickaninnies," the artist explained, "trying to have their mother pay attention to them instead of devoting all her time to the white children."

169 of 703

Another sculptor proposed a seated Mammy with an infant at her breast, set within a columned fountain. The monument's backers favored this design and said it would be titled "The Fountain of Truth." According to the Washington Post, the monument was to be erected on Massachusetts Avenue, near an equestrian statue of the Union general, Philip Sheridan.

But the monument bill had to pass a House committee before it could be enacted. And blacks not only fulminated against the statue; they organized protests. Petitions and letters poured into the offices of politicians and newspapers, including one presented by two thousand black women to Vice President Calvin Coolidge and the Speaker of the House. The women's auxiliary of the main Union veterans' organization, the Grand Army of the Republic, also condemned the monument as a "sickly sentimental proposition," and suggested the money would be better spent on "bettering conditions of the mammy's children."

Three months after the introduction of the monument bill in the Senate, Congress adjourned without having taken any further action. "Because of the controversy and resistance, it's ultimately allowed to die," says Micki McElya. And so, the Mammy statue quietly joined the ranks of monuments in the capital that were never built, including a towering "Mother's Memorial" and a plan for the Washington Monument that depicted the first president in a carriage atop thirty columns. The spot where Mammy was to have stood is now occupied by a statue of Tomas Garrigue Masaryk, a "champion of liberty" in Czechoslovakia.

170 of 703

But Mammy was by no means expunged from national consciousness. Four years after the monument proposal died, the first true "talkie," The Jazz Singer, featured a black-faced Al Jolson singing "Mammy." Twelve years later, Hattie McDaniel immortalized Mammy with her Oscar-winning performance in Gone With the Wind. In the 1950s and 60s, Disneyland included a restaurant called Aunt Jemima's Kitchen. And not until 1968 did Quaker Oats begin to give its famous cook a makeover; Jemima shed weight and her familiar bandana, gradually becoming the coiffed woman smiling from today's supermarket shelves.

Mammy also endures in stone, though not in the dramatic fashion the UDC once envisioned. At Confederate Park in Fort Mill, S.C., an obelisk "dedicated to the faithful slaves," unveiled in 1900, includes a mammy cradling a baby. In 1914, a towering monument was unveiled at Arlington National Cemetery to the "Dead Heroes" of the Confederacy. Standing near the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, the monument's frieze includes a turbaned and heavyset mammy, holding up a white child for a departing rebel to embrace.

Today, at the nearby Lee Mansion, visitors get a truer glimpse of what a mammy's life was like. Behind Robert E. Lee's stately columned home stand the simple slave quarters where up to ten people occupied a single room. In one, furnished with a pallet and chamber pot, lived "Nurse Judy," also known as "Mammy," who cared for Lee's children, one of whom described her in a letter as "very weak and thin."

171 of 703

Another counterpoint to the Southern lore of contentedly servile black woman can be found across the Potomac River, at 10th and U Street in Northwest Washington. It is a monument titled "Spirit of Freedom," honoring the almost 210,000 blacks who served in the Union Army and Navy during the Civil War. The sculpture includes a black woman holding her own child, beside a black soldier. A monument to black servicemen was first proposed in 1916 but not built in Washington until 1998.

"I'm proud this country finally got around to honoring these guys who fought for freedom," says a recent visitor to the monument, Joseph Brown, a retired black finance manager from Houston. His pride, however, dimmed a bit when he was shown a grainy picture of the very different monument that was proposed in 1923. "You're kidding me. We almost put up Aunt Jemima near the Mall?"

Brown's grandmother worked in a white home in Louisiana. He believes many Southerners were sincere in their affection for "mammies" and "maids," noting that half the people at his grandmother's funeral were white. "That history really happened, and there was genuine closeness," he says. "But a Mammy monument? That's repugnant, because it's using her as a symbol of servitude."

172 of 703

Historian Catherine Clinton says that if the monument had been built, it would strike tourists today as "a monstrous apparition" from our past. It might even have been hidden from view, inside a box -- the fate of a faithful slave memorial in Harpers Ferry, West Virginia. But rather than cringe over the Mammy monument, Clinton believes we should celebrate the "unsung heroism" of those who opposed it. The controversy mobilized black women whose protests were a precursor of their activism in the civil rights movement of later decades.

One such pioneer was Mary Church Terrell, a daughter of slaves who became founding president of the National Association of Colored Women* and later took part in pickets and other protests against segregation in the 1950s. As a leader of the protest against the Mammy monument, she warned that if it were built, thousands of blacks "will fervently pray that on some stormy night the lightning will strike it and the heavenly elements will send it crashing to the ground."

This wasn't necessary, Clinton observes, because Terrell and others "struck it down themselves."

http://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2013/05/the-mammy-washington-almost-had/276431/

173 of 703

“And it seemed to me that the only kind of articles which found favor with the editors was one that emphasized the Colored-American’s vices and defects, or held him up to ridicule and scorn. Stories which represented him as being a crapshooter, a murder, a bum or a buffoon were considered fine examples of literary art, and appeared in reputable magazines. But those which related his struggles to accomplish something worthwhile against fearful odds were labeled controversial and never saw the light of day.”

Yes, that’s Mary Church Terrell.

https://sherylkennedyhaydel.wordpress.com/

174 of 703

The best example of the idea behind the monument can be found in the Washington Star newspaper which featured an article titled “Old Mammies” Memorial it says the memorial will be well received:

“Affection and attachment between the white child and its colored nurse were the rule, and it was also the rule that when the child passed beyond the nurse age and ‘grew up’ the old nurse retained her special interest in that person until the end of life.” Further it said “The proposal…will be received with pleasure by a great number of men and women, a large proportion of whom are not old enough to have had a regular colored “mammy” before the civil war…there is a happy and tender sentiment behind the proposal…the colored mammy was an institution in the southern and border states worthy of being symbolized in stone and bronze.”

One of the most poignant letters in support of the monument came from Henry B. Field, a self-proclaimed “son of one of those ‘mammies.’” In his letter in the Washington Post, Field expressed the belief that through their recognition of mammy, the U.S. Government will begin to recognize the strides African Americans have made since the Civil War. He believed that by recognizing “mammy” it would make others reflect on the other good works done by African Americans in the South. Other defenders said it was the best way to remember someone pivotal to the raising of children in the South.

Designs for the monument reflect the image of an elderly black woman holding a white child. It can be compared to modern day images of “Aunt Jemima” brand products and the shape of the classic Aunt Jemima brand syrup bottle. Other designs submitted reflected a more somber image. These designs retained the same image with the mammy holding a white child while her own children stood off to the side begging her for attention.

175 of 703

Celebrating the Faithful Colored Mammies of the South

By Dr. Lopez D. Matthews

Archives Technician in the Holdings Maintenance Staff at the National Archives

Secretary of the Afro-American History Society at NARA

Vice-President/President Elect of the National Archives Assembly

April 4, 2013

The idea for a monument to the “Faithful Mammies of the South” began with Senator Robert Love Taylor of Tennessee in 1907. When first proposed the monument did not receive much support and the idea died before any action was taken. Sixteen years later the idea was revived by the United Daughters of the Confederacy. This time, support for the monument was strong and even members of the United States Congress showed its support for the monument.

Senator Charles Stedman of South Carolina submitted Senate Bill S. 4119 “Monument to Faithful Colored Mammies of the South” (located in the General Files, 1910-1954 of Record Group 66 – Records of the Commission of Fine Arts) The bill would have granted permission to the Jefferson Davis Chapter No. 1650, United Daughters of the Confederacy to support the construction of the monument in Washington D.C. The only restrictions were that the monument could not be built on the Capitol, the Library of Congress, Potomac Park, and the White House.

The first page of the bill to sponsor the monument to colored “mammies.” (ARC ID: 4685889)

176 of 703

Article about the rivalry over the mammy statue design (ARC ID: 4685889)

Interestingly, one of the biggest controversies surrounding the monument revolved around the development of the model for the monument. In June 1923, artist Ulric S. J. Dunbar, “one of the most widely known sculptors of the national capital” charged that his design for the mammy monument was stolen by another artist George Julian Zolnay. In his comment to the Post, Dunbar remarked “’Why, look how the mammy is holding the white baby in my statue, and doing the same in his. See the treatment of the pickaninnies [sic] trying to have their mother pay attention to them….it is the same idea.”

177 of 703

Titled “Mammy O’ Mine” this is the first model created for the mammy monument. (ARC ID: 4685889)

Photograph of the updated Mammy monument by Ulric S. J. Dunbar (ARC ID: 4685889)

178 of 703

Protest from the African American community was fierce. Led by W.E.B. Dubois, African American Newspapers printed numerous articles and comments condemning the monument. In Mammy: A Century of Race, Gender, and Southern Memory by Kimberly Wallace-Sanders, the author discusses Dubois comment in the book The Gift of Black Folk published in 1927. In the book, Dubois refers to the “mammy” as “one of the most pitiful of the world’s Christs…an embodied sorrow.” He then went on to say that any dignity that she had was stripped away once the children she raised went on to lynch her sons. Dubois was a dedicated civil rights leader and outspoken critic of Jim Crow in America. His fiery writings and articles published during his time as editor of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) sponsored Crisis Magazine brought him praise from many and scorn from those targeted by his writings. Having such an outspoken critic placed the building of the monument into jeopardy.

Soon after, other African American Activists and organizations began protesting loudly against the building of such a monument. One of the groups to stand in opposition to the monument was the Northeast Boundary Citizens’ Association. In a statement, the group said that the monument was “propaganda” to take attention away from the deplorable treatment of African American women in America. They also felt that if a memorial were to be built, it should be placed nearer to the homes of those “mammies” so that they could benefit from seeing it. A group of black female leaders also wrote letters of protest and presented them to Vice President Calvin Coolidge and speaker of the House Frederick H. Gillett.

In the end, the monument and the bill to support the monument fizzled under pressure brought by black activists and the black community against its construction.

179 of 703

Remembering the “Mammy Memorial Movement”: Race and Controversy in the Press

By Michelle Harper

Posted on Tue., 9/11/2012, 2:01pm

Kathryn Stockett’s bestselling book and film, The Help, brought to life a familiar caricature of African American women, the American “mammy.” Depicted as good humored, overweight, middle-aged, unquestionably loyal and opinionated, the mammy was an important figure in the lives of those white Southern children for whom she was the primary caregiver. In the early part of the 20th century, nostalgia for the lifestyle of the antebellum South, and particularly for the “mammy,” led to the “Mammy memorial movement,” a call for monuments commemorating the archetype throughout the South.

Although largely forgotten now, proposals for “Mammy” monuments were covered and debated extensively in newspapers across the nation. Supporters saw the “Mammy” as a figure uniting both African American and white by bonds of affection and unconditional love. In their eyes, the statue was a figure that could help heal the wounds of the Civil War.

180 of 703

Washington (D.C.) Bee (June 4, 1910)

The statue was often described as “a racial peace monument.”¹ Opponents saw the “Mammy memorial movement” as a sentimental recollection that allowed the history of the South to be falsely romanticized and the proposed statue itself as perpetuating a racial stereotype aimed to keep African Americans in low-status occupations.

Romantic sentiment for the figure of the “mammy” can be seen in this early poem, published in the Washington (D.C.) Bee in 1910.

In 1923 things came to a head when Senator John Williams of Mississippi proposed a national “monument in memory of the faithful, colored mammies of the South” on the National Mall in Washington, D.C.²Williams was supported by the Virginia chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. Across the South, such associations were founded after the Civil War, many by women, to organize burials of Confederate soldiers, establish and maintain Confederate soldier cemeteries, organize commemorative ceremonies, and sponsor monuments to remember the Confederate cause and tradition. They were extremely successful at raising money to build Confederate monuments. And they expected to have similar success in dedicating a statue to the “Mammy” in the nation’s capital.

181 of 703

The Sunday Oregonian said that, “the bill has been favorably reported and it now seems likely that it will be carried out as law.” The article went on to describe the likely design of the new statue as being “a seated figure of a middle aged woman of ‘the real mammy type’ with a pickaninny on one side holding her hand and a white child on the other to symbolize the mothering she has given to two races.”³ The article, accompanied by several stereotypical images, is a perfect example of the romanticism of the South.

But William’s bill outraged liberal and African American commentators and not surprisingly drew much attention from the African American press.

Sunday Oregonian (March 11, 1923)

182 of 703

Cleveland Gazette (Feb 17, 1923)

Broad Axe (April 7, 1923)

A letter from Neval H. Thomas of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was published in multiple African American newspapers, including the Chicago Broad Axe and the Cleveland Gazette. Thomas did not mince words and referred to “the plan as a movement…to keep colored people in their former state of servitude.”⁴ He ended his letter by saying that “Democracy” was the monument that the “colored Mammy” wants to have "erected to her, and not a marble shaft, which at best will be a symbol of our servitude to remind white and black alike that the menial callings are our place in the scheme of things.”⁵

183 of 703

Prominent civil rights activist Mary Church Terrell said if the statue were to be erected, “there were thousands of colored men and women who will fervently pray that on some stormy night the lightning will strike it and the heavenly elements will send it crashing to the ground.”⁶ Across the country, African American men and women protested the erection of the statue:

Others were more militant, and soon newspapers were talking of bomb threats should the statue be erected:

Eventually, the pressure brought by African American civil rights activists succeeded in killing the bill in the House of Representatives.

Today the controversial history of the “Mammy memorial movement” is largely forgotten, although the stereotype lives on in popular books and films such as The Help. Ironically, decades later, even after the heroic actions of Rosa Parks and many other African American female civil rights activists, there is still no public monument honoring an African American woman or women on the National Mall.

The (St. Paul, MN) Appeal (March 17, 1923)

For more on this topic: search “Mammy Statue” or “Mammy” in America’s Historical Newspapers and its module African American Newspapers, 1827-1998.

Notes

¹ “The Old Black Mammy Memorial Institute,” Augusta Chronicle, July 2, 1911, p. 26.

² “Unique Monument for Commemorating Virtues of the “Mammy” Is Projected,” The Sunday Oregonian, March 11, 1923, p. 78.

³ Ibid

⁴ “Protests “Mammy” Statue! And Tells the Kind of a Monument the “Mammies” Would Have Erected in Their Memory, “ Cleveland Gazette, Feb 17, 1923, p. 1.

⁵ Ibid

⁶ “We’ve Come a Long Way from the Effort to Memorialize the Slave Mammy,” Mark Auslander, http://hnn.us/articles/10-3-11/weve-come-a-long-way-from-memorializing-the-slave-mammy.html Visited August 13, 2012.

184 of 703

Hightower Theodore Kealing, B.S., A.M., (1860 -1918) was a principal, teacher, writer, editor, and distinguished African Methodist Episcopal layman before serving as president of Paul Quinn College.

He was among the first generation of black students to attend school during Reconstruction. Kealing Junior High School in Austin, Texas, is named for him.

--http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/7531/metapth17448/

Essay “The Characteristics of the Negro People” in 1903 book The Negro Problem

--H. T. Kealing, managing editor of the

A.M.E. Church Review (1896-1912) and

former president of Paul Quinn College

185 of 703

(T)he old ties of love that subsisted in so many instances in the days of slavery still survive where the ex-slave still lives. The touching case of a Negro Bishop who returned to the State in which he had been a slave, and rode twenty miles to see and alleviate the financial distress of his former master is an exception to numerous other similar cases only in the prominence of the Negro concerned. I know of another case of a man whose tongue seems dipped in hyssop when he begins to tell of the wrongs of his race, and who will not allow anyone to say in his presence that any good came out of slavery, even incidentally; yet he supports the widowed and aged wife of his former master.

Kealing, Hightower Theodore. “The Characteristics of the Negro People.” In The Negro Problem, 160-87. New York: James Pott & Co., 1903.

Hightower Theodore Kealing, B.S., A.M., (1860 -1918) principal, teacher, writer, editor, and distinguished African Methodist Episcopal layman before serving as president of Paul Quinn College, beginning in 1903.

186 of 703

187 of 703

188 of 703

189 of 703

190 of 703

191 of 703

192 of 703

193 of 703

194 of 703

195 of 703

196 of 703

197 of 703

198 of 703

199 of 703

200 of 703

201 of 703

202 of 703

203 of 703

204 of 703

205 of 703

206 of 703

207 of 703

208 of 703

209 of 703

210 of 703

211 of 703

...His affection is not less towards the Caucasian than to his own race. It is not saying too much to remark that the soul of the Negro yearns for the white man's good will and respect; and the old ties of love that subsisted in so many instances in the days of slavery still survive where the ex-slave still lives. The touching case of a Negro Bishop who returned to the State in which he had been a slave, and rode twenty miles to see and alleviate the financial distress of his former master is an exception to numerous other similar cases only in the prominence of the Negro concerned. I know of another case of a man whose tongue seems dipped in hyssop when he begins to tell of the wrongs of his race, and who will not allow anyone to say in his presence that any good came out of slavery, even incidentally; yet he supports the widowed and aged wife ofhis former master. And, surely, if these two instances are not sufficient to establish the general proposition, none will gainsay the patience, vigilance, loyalty and helpfulness of the Negro slave during the Civil War, and of his good old wife who nursed white children at her breast at a time when all ties save those of affection were ruptured, and when no protection but devoted hearts watched over the "great house," whose head and master was at the front, fighting to perpetuate slavery. Was it stupidity on the Negro's part? Not at all. He was well informed as to the occurrences of the times. A freemasonry kept him posted as well as the whites were themselves on the course of the war and the issue of each battle. Was it fear that kept him at the old home? Not that, either. Many thousands did cross the line to freedom; many other thousands (200,000) fought in the ranks for freedom, but none of them—those who went and those who stayed—those who fought and those who worked,—betrayed a trust, outraged a female, or rebelled against a duty. It was love, the natural wellings of affectionate natures…. --http://btwsociety.org/library/books/The_Negro_Problem/05.php

212 of 703

http://archive.org/stream/negroproblemseri00washrich/negroproblemseri00washrich_djvu.txt

The Characteristics of the Negro People �By H. T. KEALING, president of Paul Quinn College in Waco, Texas �1903

�A frank statement of the virtues and failings of the race, indicating very clearly the evils which must be overcome, and the good which must be developed, if success is really to attend the effort to uplift them.

�...His affection is not less towards the Caucasian than to his own race. It is not saying too much to remark that the soul of the Negro yearns for the white man's good will and respect; and the old ties of love that subsisted in so many instances in the days of slavery still survive where the ex-slave still lives. The �touching case of a Negro Bishop who returned to the State in which he had been a slave, and rode twenty miles to see and alleviate the financial distress of his former master is an exception to numerous other similar cases only in �the prominence of the Negro concerned. I know of another case of a man whose tongue seems dipped in hyssop when he begins to tell of the wrongs of his race, and who will not allow anyone to say in his presence that any good came out of slavery, even incidentally; yet he supports the widowed and aged wife of his former master. And, surely, if these two instances are not sufficient to establish

213 of 703

the general proposition, none will gainsay the patience, vigilance, loyalty and helpfulness of the Negro slave during the Civil War, and of his good old �wife who nursed white children at her breast at a time when all ties save those of affection were ruptured, and when no protection but devoted hearts watched over the "great house," whose head and master was at the front, fighting to perpetuate slavery. Was it stupidity on the Negro's part? Not at all. He was well �informed as to the occurrences of the times. A freemasonry kept him posted as well as the whites were themselves on the course of the war and the issue of each battle. Was it fear that kept him at the old home? Not that, either. Many thousands did cross the line to freedom; many other thousands (200,000) �fought in the ranks for freedom, but none of them those who went and those who stayed those who fought and those who worked, betrayed a trust, outraged a female, or rebelled against a duty. It was love, the natural wellings of affectionate natures. �

214 of 703

The Accidental Slaveowner: Revisiting a Myth of the American South

By Mark Auslander

Mark Auslander is Associate Professor of Anthropology & Museum Studies and director of the Museum of Culture and Environment at Central Washington University in Ellensburg, WA

A historical ethnography, “The Accidental Slaveowner” explores the mythologizing of chattel slavery through the enigmatic life of a Nineteenth century enslaved woman–known variously as “Kitty,” “Miss Kitty” and “Catherine Boyd”–and the narratives and memorial sites through which she is recalled in the town of Oxford, Georgia, “birthplace of Emory University.” According to the “white” version of the story, Kitty was inherited by a Methodist bishop, Bishop James Osgood Andrew, who offered her freedom at the age of nineteen. When she refused, supposedly out of “loyalty” to the white family who owned her, the Bishop established her in a cottage on his land, left her “free” to pursue an independent livelihood (although he was not legally able to manumit her in Georgia at that time), and had her buried on his family plot in the white part of the segregated cemetery in Oxford. In 1844 Bishop Andrew’s status as a slaveowner led to the national schism of the Methodist Episcopal Churc;h; the Bishop’s white defenders insist he was only “accidentally” a slaveowner. According to African American versions of the story, however, Miss Kitty was the Bishop’s coerced lover, and was anything but “free” in relation to him.

“The Accidental Slaveowner: Revisiting a Myth of the American South,” emerges out of collaborative work with his students and community members in Oxford, Georgia. As they helped to restore and document the city’s historically African American cemetery, they gradually came to realized that the city was profoundly divided by different relations to the story of Miss Kitty, an enslaved woman who lived during the first half of the Nineteenth Century. Researching Miss Kitty’s story and how she has been remembered across the generations led Mark on a long journey of oral historical and archival research, culminating in making contact with Miss Kitty’s living descendants. The Accidental Slaveowner is the result of this collaborative journey.

215 of 703

We've Come a Long Way from the Effort to Memorialize the Slave Mammy

By Mark Auslander

History News Network

9-29-2011

As Washington D.C. prepares for the rescheduled October 16 unveiling of the memorial to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., it is worth reflecting that nine decades ago a very different national monument depicting a person of color was contemplated for the nation’s capital. In 1923, backed by the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Senator John Sharp Williams (D-Mississippi) introduced a bill mandating a monument to the southern “Negro Mammy” in the District of Columbia. Numerous designs from hopeful sculptors and architects were submitted. One proposal depicts a large black woman holding a white baby near her bosom. A white boy and girl clutch her skirts. Many expected the monument would grace the grounds of the U.S. Capitol.

The proposal was the culmination of the so-called “Mammy memorial movement.” Arising out of the late nineteenth century’s post-reconstruction “Redemption” period, the movement emphasized nostalgic accounts of the antebellum South. These centered on the benevolent mythic image of the Mammy, ostensibly the

source of unconditional love and support for her white charges. A fundraising pamphlet for the Mammy Memorial Institute in Athens, Georgia, asked local whites, “Did you not have an ‘Old Black Mammy’ who loved and cared for you in the days of your youth whose memory and spirit you want perpetuated?”

The 1923 bill outraged African American commentators. Civil rights pioneer Mary Church Terrell wrote that if the statue were constructed, “there are thousands of colored men and women who will fervently pray that on some stormy night the lightning will strike it and the heavenly elements will send it crashing to the ground.” Many noted the irony that those supporting the memorial firmly opposed federal anti-lynching or national voting rights legislation.

Although the national Mammy memorial was never built, scores of local monuments across America were raised to “loyal” African American women, who served white families in slavery and freedom. For instance, in 1939 wealthy Atlanta segregationist H.W. McCord erected a stone tablet to the enslaved woman Kitty in the cemetery of Oxford, Georgia, birthplace of Emory University. According to McCord, “Mammy Kitty,“ as property of Methodist Bishop James Osgood Andrew, refused emancipation in 1841 out of loyalty to her white master and was thus allowed to live “as free as the laws of Georgia would allow.” The subsequent schism of the national Methodist Church over Bishop Andrew’s slave-owning was, in the eyes of McCord and his segregationist allies, due solely to Northern failure to understand the benevolent nature of Southern race relations before the Civil War. Not surprisingly, the tablet gives no voice to African American rejoinders that Miss Kitty was never really given a true choice of freedom and that her children remained enslaved after her death.

In 2011, it is a curious irony that just as our nation prepares to unveil the Dr. King’s statue, we are transfixed by arguments over The Help, the latest entry in a long history of white sentimental accounts of African American domestic workers. Once again, many ask if our society is overly eager to honor women of color only when they are reduced to a subordinate position, in the interest of plot lines that privilege white protagonists. How far, some ask, have we really come since 1923?

Mercifully, few today would advocate a modern Mammy memorial. Yet as we quite properly celebrate Dr. King’s memorial, we should ask why there still are no monuments to women of color on the national mall. It is no denigration of Dr. King’s courage and vision to note that so many of the civil rights movement’s foot soldiers and leaders were African American women, drawn from all walks of life. The movement’s extraordinary accomplishments are inconceivable without their vision, strategic sense and unshakable determination to move the struggle forward. In the words of civil rights activist Ella Baker, “Martin didn’t lead the movement, the movement led Martin.”

During the 1963 March on Washington, at which Dr. King delivered his “I have a Dream” speech, only one woman, the singer Josephine Baker, was allowed to speak. None of the struggle’s women activists were on the program. One year later, Fannie Lou Hamer, a woman from the Mississippi Delta, electrified the nation as she represented the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party in its struggle before the credentials committee at the Democratic National Convention. Isn’t it high time a national memorial honors her, Mary Church Terrell, Septima Poinsette Clark, Ella Baker, Rosa Parks, Charlayne Hunter Gault, and the thousands of other women of color who, against all odds, demanded America honor its founding promise of freedom and equality for all?

- See more at: http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/142126#sthash.4k0Snv7y.dpuf

216 of 703

source of unconditional love and support for her white charges. A fundraising pamphlet for the Mammy Memorial Institute in Athens, Georgia, asked local whites, “Did you not have an ‘Old Black Mammy’ who loved and cared for you in the days of your youth whose memory and spirit you want perpetuated?”

The 1923 bill outraged African American commentators. Civil rights pioneer Mary Church Terrell wrote that if the statue were constructed, “there are thousands of colored men and women who will fervently pray that on some stormy night the lightning will strike it and the heavenly elements will send it crashing to the ground.” Many noted the irony that those supporting the memorial firmly opposed federal anti-lynching or national voting rights legislation.

Although the national Mammy memorial was never built, scores of local monuments across America were raised to “loyal” African American women, who served white families in slavery and freedom. For instance, in 1939 wealthy Atlanta segregationist H.W. McCord erected a stone tablet to the enslaved woman Kitty in the cemetery of Oxford, Georgia, birthplace of Emory University. According to McCord, “Mammy Kitty,“ as property of Methodist Bishop James Osgood Andrew, refused emancipation in 1841 out of loyalty to her white master and was thus allowed to live “as free as the laws of Georgia would allow.” The subsequent schism of the national Methodist Church over Bishop Andrew’s slave-owning was, in the eyes of McCord and his segregationist allies, due solely to Northern failure to understand the benevolent nature of Southern race

relations before the Civil War. Not surprisingly, the tablet gives no voice to African American rejoinders that Miss Kitty was never really given a true choice of freedom and that her children remained enslaved after her death.

In 2011, it is a curious irony that just as our nation prepares to unveil the Dr. King’s statue, we are transfixed by arguments over The Help, the latest entry in a long history of white sentimental accounts of African American domestic workers. Once again, many ask if our society is overly eager to honor women of color only when they are reduced to a subordinate position, in the interest of plot lines that privilege white protagonists. How far, some ask, have we really come since 1923?

Mercifully, few today would advocate a modern Mammy memorial. Yet as we quite properly celebrate Dr. King’s memorial, we should ask why there still are no monuments to women of color on the national mall. It is no denigration of Dr. King’s courage and vision to note that so many of the civil rights movement’s foot soldiers and leaders were African American women, drawn from all walks of life. The movement’s extraordinary accomplishments are inconceivable without their vision, strategic sense and unshakable determination to move the struggle forward. In the words of civil rights activist Ella Baker, “Martin didn’t lead the movement, the movement led Martin.”

During the 1963 March on Washington, at which Dr. King delivered his “I have a Dream” speech, only one woman, the singer Josephine Baker, was allowed to speak. None of the struggle’s women activists were on the program. One year later, Fannie Lou Hamer, a woman from the Mississippi Delta, electrified the nation as she represented the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party in its struggle before the credentials committee at the Democratic National Convention. Isn’t it high time a national memorial honors her, Mary Church Terrell, Septima Poinsette Clark, Ella Baker, Rosa Parks, Charlayne Hunter Gault, and the thousands of other women of color who, against all odds, demanded America honor its founding promise of freedom and equality for all?

- See more at: http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/142126#sthash.4k0Snv7y.dpuf

217 of 703

218 of 703

relations before the Civil War. Not surprisingly, the tablet gives no voice to African American rejoinders that Miss Kitty was never really given a true choice of freedom and that her children remained enslaved after her death.

In 2011, it is a curious irony that just as our nation prepares to unveil the Dr. King’s statue, we are transfixed by arguments over The Help, the latest entry in a long history of white sentimental accounts of African American domestic workers. Once again, many ask if our society is overly eager to honor women of color only when they are reduced to a subordinate position, in the interest of plot lines that privilege white protagonists. How far, some ask, have we really come since 1923?

Mercifully, few today would advocate a modern Mammy memorial. Yet as we quite properly celebrate Dr. King’s memorial, we should ask why there still are no monuments to women of color on the national mall. It is no denigration of Dr. King’s courage and vision to note that so many of the civil rights movement’s foot soldiers and leaders were African American women, drawn from all walks of life. The movement’s extraordinary accomplishments are inconceivable without their vision, strategic sense and unshakable determination to move the struggle forward. In the words of civil rights activist Ella Baker, “Martin didn’t lead the movement, the movement led Martin.”

During the 1963 March on Washington, at which Dr. King delivered his “I have a Dream” speech, only one woman, the singer Josephine Baker, was allowed to speak. None of the struggle’s women activists were on the program. One year later, Fannie Lou Hamer, a woman from the Mississippi Delta, electrified the nation as she represented the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party in its struggle before the credentials committee at the Democratic National Convention. Isn’t it high time a national memorial honors her, Mary Church Terrell, Septima Poinsette Clark, Ella Baker, Rosa Parks, Charlayne Hunter Gault, and the thousands of other women of color who, against all odds, demanded America honor its founding promise of freedom and equality for all?

- See more at: http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/142126#sthash.4k0Snv7y.dpuf

219 of 703

During the 1963 March on Washington, at which Dr. King delivered his “I have a Dream” speech, only one woman, the singer Josephine Baker, was allowed to speak. None of the struggle’s women activists were on the program. One year later, Fannie Lou Hamer, a woman from the Mississippi Delta, electrified the nation as she represented the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party in its struggle before the credentials committee at the Democratic National Convention. Isn’t it high time a national memorial honors her, Mary Church Terrell, Septima Poinsette Clark, Ella Baker, Rosa Parks, Charlayne Hunter Gault, and the thousands of other women of color who, against all odds, demanded America honor its founding promise of freedom and equality for all?

http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/142126#sthash.4k0Snv7y.dpuf

Faithful Slaves and Black Confederates, pt. 4

“Faithful Slaves” and Black Confederates, Pt. 3

Commemorating Faithful Slaves, Mammies, and Black Confederates, Pt. 2

Commemorating Faithful Slaves, Mammies, and Black Confederates, Pt. 1

https://www.google.com/webhp?sourceid=chrome-instant&ion=1&espv=2&ie=UTF-8#q=senate mammy memorial

220 of 703

Stereotypes of History: Reconstructing Truth and the Black Mammy

221 of 703

Clinging to Mammy: The Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America

By Micki McElya

October 2007

When Aunt Jemima beamed at Americans from the pancake mix box on grocery shelves, many felt reassured by her broad smile that she and her product were dependable. She was everyone’s mammy, the faithful slave who was content to cook and care for whites, no matter how grueling the labor, because she loved them. This far-reaching image of the nurturing black mother exercises a tenacious hold on the American imagination.

Micki McElya examines why we cling to mammy. She argues that the figure of the loyal slave has played a powerful role in modern American politics and culture. Loving, hating, pitying, or pining for mammy became a way for Americans to make sense of shifting economic, social, and racial realities. Assertions of black people’s contentment with servitude alleviated white fears while reinforcing racial hierarchy. African American resistance to this notion was varied but often placed new constraints on black women.

McElya’s stories of faithful slaves expose the power and reach of the myth, not only in popular advertising, films, and literature about the South, but also in national monument proposals, child custody cases, white women’s minstrelsy, New Negro activism, anti-lynching campaigns, and the civil rights movement. The color line and the vision of interracial motherly affection that helped maintain it have persisted into the twenty-first century. If we are to reckon with the continuing legacy of slavery in the United States, McElya argues, we must confront the depths of our desire for mammy and recognize its full racial implications.

222 of 703

Julia Frances Lewis Dickson stayed for love of both her child and her former owner.

Amanda America Dickson, the daughter of a slave and her owner, became one of the wealthiest black women in nineteenth-century America.

Amanda America Dickson

She was born on November 20 or 21, 1849, on the Hancock County plantation of her father, the famous white agricultural reformer, David Dickson (1809-85). Her birth was the result of the rape of her slave mother, Julia Frances Lewis Dickson, when Julia was twelve years old. At the time, David Dickson was forty and the wealthiest planter in the county. Amanda America Dickson spent her childhood and adolescence in the house of her white grandmother and owner, Elizabeth Sholars Dickson, where she learned to read and write and play the piano—the survival skills of a young lady but not ordinarily the opportunities of a slave. According to the Dickson family oral history, David Dickson doted on Amanda, and Julia quite openly became his concubine and housekeeper.

In 1865 or 1866 Dickson married her white first cousin, Charles Eubanks, a recently returned Civil War(1861-65) veteran. The union produced two sons: Julian Henry (1866-1937), who married Eva Walton, the daughter of Isabella and George Walton of Augusta; and Charles Green (1870-ca. 1900), who married Kate Holsey, the daughter of Harriet and Bishop Lucius Holsey of Augusta. Dickson left Eubanks in 1870 and with her sons returned to her father's plantation. At that time she and her children took the last name of Dickson.

From 1876 to 1878 she left the plantation to attend the Normal School of Atlanta University. In the winter of 1885 David Dickson died, leaving the bulk of his estate to Amanda Dickson and subsequently to her children after her death. Executors appraised the estate, which included 17,000 acres of land in Hancock and Washington counties, at $309,000. In his will David Dickson stated that the administration of his estate was to be left to the sound judgment and unlimited discretion of Amanda Dickson without interference from any quarter, including any husband she might have. A host of David Dickson's white relatives contested the will, but the superior court of Hancock County ruled in favor of Amanda Dickson in November 1885. The disgruntled relatives then appealed to the Georgia Supreme Court, which upheld the lower court decision in 1887. The higher court stated that the "rights of each race are controlled and governed by the same enactments or principles of law"—in other words, whatever rights and privileges belonged to a bastard white child belonged to a mixed-race child as well.

Before the supreme court decision, Dickson purchased a large house at 452 Telfair Street, in the wealthiest section of the then-integrated city of Augusta. By the time the courts settled the Dickson will case, she had firmly ensconced herself in this new home and decorated it with Brussels carpets, oil paintings, a walnut dining room table and chairs, and books. While white Georgians were establishingsegregation as the ruling social order in the public sphere, members of the Dickson family went about their private lives.

In 1892 Dickson married Nathan Toomer of Perry. Toomer was born in 1839 in Chatham County, North Carolina, the slave of Richard Pilkinson. As a child Toomer was purchased by John Toomer, who moved to Houston County, Georgia, in the 1850s. Upon John Toomer's death in 1859, his brother Colonel Henry Toomer purchased Nathan's mother, Kit, and seven of her children from the estate. As Henry Toomer's personal assistant, Nathan Toomer learned the manner of the white upper class. Toomer and Dickson's marriage lasted until her death on June 11, 1893, of neurasthenia, or nervous exhaustion. Shortly thereafter Nathan Toomer married Nina Pinchback. The son of this marriage wasJean Toomer, the author of the novel Cane (1923).

Amanda America Dickson's life reflected the power of family and class to erode the boundaries of race in the nineteenth-century South.

223 of 703

http://archive.org/stream/negroproblemseri00washrich/negroproblemseri00washrich_djvu.txt

THE NEGRO AND THE LAW

WILFORD H. SMITH, Attorney-at-Law

150 Nassau Street, New York

1903

From the Montgomery Advertizer: ��"An old negro barber by the name of Edward E. Harris, stepped in before the registrars, hat in hand, humble and polite, with a kindly smile on his face. He respectfully asked to be registered. He signed the application and waited a few minutes until the registrars had disposed of some other matters, and being impressed with his respectful bearing, some member of the board commenced to ask a few questions. The old man told his story in a straight forward manner. He said: "Gentlemen, I am getting to be a pretty old man. I was born here in the South, and I followed my young master through all of the campaigns in Virginia, when Mas' Bob Lee made it so warm for the Yankees. But our luck left �us at Gettysburg. The Yankees got around in our rear there, and I got a bullet in the back of my head, and one in my leg before I got out of that scrape. But I was not hurt much, and my greatest anxiety was about my young master, Mr. John Holly, who was a member of the Bur Rifles, 18th Mississippi. He was a private and enlisted at Jackson, Miss. "He could not be found the first day; I �looked all among the dead on the battlefield for him and he was not there. Next day I got a permit to go through the hospitals, and I looked into the face of every soldier closely, in the hope of finding my young master. After many hours of searching I found him, but he was dangerously wounded. I stayed by his �side, wounded as I was, for three long weeks, but he gradually grew worse and then he died. I went out with the body and saw it buried as decently as I could, and then I went back to Jackson and told the young mistress how brave �he was in battle, how good he was to me, and told her all the words he had sent her, as he lay there on that rude cot in the hospital. That is my record as a Confederate soldier, and if you gentlemen care to give me a certificate of registration, I would be much obliged to you.'' It is needless to say that old Ed. Harris got his certificate. �

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/service/gdc/scd0001/2009/20090812013ne/20090812013ne.pdf

The Negro's Right to Jury Representation.

The statement which follows has been prepared by Mr.

Wilford H. Smith, Attorney-at-Law, 150 Nassau Street, New

York. Mr. Smith, it will be remembered, had charge of the

Dan Rogers case which came up from Alabama and which was recently decided by the United States Supreme Court,

and also of the Seth Carter case which came up from Texas,

both of which cases were decided in conipliance with the

contention n~ade to give Negroes of the country the un- questioned right to be represented upon juries and not to be

discriminated against when members of the race are on trial.

It is strongly urged that our people insist, through their

attorneys, upon this right to be represented upon juries in

all, cases where their interests are at stake. It is further

urged that the information contained in this circu??. be

circulated as widely as possible through tlie agency of the

press, the pulpit, and In all ways where it will reach the

masses of the Negro people.

To the Colored People of The South:

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided iq

the recent cases of Rogers vs. Alabama, and Carter vs. Texa:.

that the exclusion of qualified Negroes from jury service o,

grand and petit juries on account of their race and color, is

denial to Negroes on trial, in courts where such exclusion i

allowed, the equal protection of the law; and the trial an,

couviction of a Negro under such circumstances will be st

aside and annulled, as being in violation of the 14th amen:

ment of the Constitution of the United States. The samp

also true in a civil court, and a verdict against a Negr

a civil trial in a court where such discrimination is allov 1

' - ~etaside on appeal or writ of error to the -'-:+-A Stnfes.

224 of 703

	SLAVES IN THE FAMILY By Edward Ball. Illustrated. 504 pp. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $30.

March 1, 1998

Skeletons in the Family Closet A former journalist chronicles his efforts to discover the truth about his slave-owning forebears.

Read the First Chapter

By DREW GILPIN FAUST

lavery did not end in the United States with the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 or even with the ratification of the 13th Amendment in 1865. Through its powerful legacy it has persisted into our own time, moving an American President on the eve of the 21st century to consider an official Government apology as a means of at last laying its ghosts to rest. In ''Slaves in the Family,'' Edward Ball, a descendant of South Carolinians who owned thousands of slaves over a period of more than 150 years, makes a personal effort to come to terms with his history. ''To contemplate slavery,'' he observes, ''was a bit like doing psychoanalysis on myself.''

But Ball insists that it was not guilt that motivated his search into the past. ''A person cannot be culpable for the acts of others, long dead, that he or she could not have influenced,'' he writes. ''Rather than responsible, I felt accountable for what had happened, called on to try to explain it.'' ''Slaves in the Family'' is thus an account and an accounting, a chronicle of Ball owners and Ball slaves that is designed to break the silences surrounding the author's troubling heritage.

Ball pursues his goal in travels across the United States and even to Africa, both through documentary research in more than 10,000 manuscript pages of Ball family papers and through oral tradition, stories passed down across the generations to his white relatives and to what he estimates to be the approximately 75,000 living descendants of Ball slaves. Using each type of source to check and amplify the other, Ball revises accepted family wisdom: when his white relatives assure him that his ancestors were the kindest of masters, he points to manuscript evidence of whippings, sales, even amputations of the limbs of rebellious slaves.

But perhaps more important, Ball uses documentary evidence to trace and enrich the stories he hears from descendants of Ball slaves. At a meeting of the Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society in New York City, he encounters a great-granddaughter of Katie Heyward, a Ball slave born in 1840 and known as ''Bright Ma.'' Ball is able to identify Bright Ma's West African tribal origins as Mende and to uncover a haunting tale of how her aging grandparents were once flogged because an overseer employed by his ancestors suspected them of stealing and eating a plantation sheep.

The ties Ball traces between his forebears and their slaves are never more distressing than in their representations of the intimacy of so much of slavery's cruelty, never more moving than when some glimmer of humanity emerges amid the system's brutality. Thus Ball especially struggles to understand the evidence he finds of interracial sexual liaisons. In the 1730's, for example, the founder of the Ball dynasty, Elias, brought a ''Molattoe Wench'' named Dolly to work in his house after the death of his wife. Dolly's subsequent child, described as ''yellow,'' was, unlike all other Ball slaves of that era, given an English name, Edward, and later freed. Dolly, too, was allotted special treatment under the terms of Elias's will, convincing the author that she had served as Elias's mistress or concubine. Was this intimacy another form of violence perpetrated by his ancestors, Ball wonders. ''Was it rape? Or could they have cared for each other?''

Elias proves to have been hardly unique. Several ancestors who ''never married'' actually lived, Ball discovers, in long-term unions with slave women. The third Elias rewarded a slave named Nancy with freedom and the substantial annual income of $100 upon his death in 1810. Another ancestor built his black common-law wife a house in Charleston, where she raised their eight children. The white family tree lists him as a bachelor.

Ball tells stories remarkable in their circumstantiality. He finds a slave who ran away during the upheavals of the Revolutionary War, fled to Nova Scotia, then ultimately returned to the land of his father, Sierra Leone, where he composed an eloquent antislavery autobiography published in England in 1798. Ball's most extraordinary achievement is perhaps his reconstruction of seven generations of the family of Priscilla, a 10-year-old girl purchased from African traders in Sierra Leone in 1756. Together with Priscilla's 20th-century descendant Thomas Martin, a retired assistant school principal in his 60's, Ball returns to Limerick, the South Carolina plantation where Martin's grandfather, Priscilla's great-great-grandson, had been a slave. Both Ball and Martin recognize the anger and resentment their pilgrimage into the past arouses among friends and relatives. But Ball shares Martin's sense that Limerick is somehow ''hallowed ground'' and that their presence there together can serve as at least a gesture of reconciliation.

Ball's excursion into that burdensome Southern past situates him in a tradition of Southern historians and writers who have grappled with the meanings of race and the heritage of slavery's inhumanity. His search cannot but invoke the quest of Faulkner's Quentin Compson in that greatest of all Southern novels, ''Absalom! Absalom!'' Quentin, too, struggled with histories of cruelty and exploitation, and he, too, endeavored to confront the intermingled black and white legacies. Yet, sadly -- if hardly surprisingly -- Edward Ball is no William Faulkner. For all the richness of his research and for all the inherent drama of the stories he tells, his prose is too often wooden, inadequate to the emotional and moral ironies of his material. His efforts to set a scene when he portrays encounters with descendants of Ball slaves seem almost to revert to formula. He routinely describes their skin color -- ''tawny brown,'' ''blond wood,'' ''cardboard,'' ''eggplant,'' ''mahoga-

ny'' -- remarks on their giggling, chuckling, cackling or laughing, and notes details of their houses or furniture -- ''vinyl,'' ''with plastic covers'' -- that seem to embody judgments of taste and feelings of social distance that tell us more about Ball and less about his subjects than he perhaps intended. He misjudges as well in his decision ''at times . . . to convey white or black dialect, but not fastidiously.'' It is in fact overwhelmingly to black speakers, not white, that Ball gives such language, and the ''dialect'' he renders is little more than an omission of final ''g's'' and a transformation of ''them'' into '' 'em.'' Dialect that is not ''fastidiously'' rendered inevitably and dangerously approaches caricature.

Despite these shortcomings, there is much to admire in Ball's very willingness to challenge the generations of silence in his white family and to search out black kin whose reactions he had every reason to fear. And there is much to learn as well from a book that reminds us that slavery possesses not just a national and cultural significance but, for many Americans, a very direct and personal immediacy, even in the late 20th century. In naming the names -- Bright Ma, Paris, Priscilla, Angola Amy, Binak, Tenah, Daniel and dozens more -- Ball contributes to at least partly reclaiming the humanity slavery worked to obliterate. He reminds us that slavery was not just about economics or politics or even abstract questions of morality, but most essentially about the millions of human beings imprisoned within its chains.

Ball ends his book by returning to American slavery's beginnings on the coast of West Africa, to Bunce Island, where Priscilla was held before being shipped to South Carolina in 1756. ''I came from a family of slave buyers,'' he writes. ''In Congo, Ghana, Senegal and Sierra Leone lived the heirs of slave sellers. I went to West Africa to try to find some of them.'' In an audience with a Maforki chief, descendant of a ruling family that played a significant role in the 18th-century slave trade, Ball confronts slavery's roots. Persuading the Africans to join with him in a ceremony of commemoration and forgiveness, he closes his narrative with a powerful affirmation of his belief that the history of slavery is a shared legacy. Blacks and whites, Africans and Americans, are forever linked by the burdens of this past; together they must challenge history's destructive silences.

Drew Gilpin Faust's most recent book is ''Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War.''

Drew Faust and others praise white author for embracing the black people in his ancestry.

225 of 703

	LAVES IN THE FAMILY By Edward Ball Illustrated. 504 pp. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux

Drew Faust and others praise white author for embracing the black people in his ancestry.

226 of 703

	SLAVES IN THE FAMILY By Edward Ball. Illustrated. 504 pp. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $30.