Reference:
a Translation Mining view
Bert Le Bruyn 4th DFG-network ‘Definiteness across domains’ meeting Bochum, 2023-9-10
Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
> ° Time in Translation project (Henriëtte de Swart & Bert Le Bruyn | Utrecht | 2017-2022).
> Exploiting translations to map out and analyze cross-linguistic variation.
> Research method complementing questionnaires, experiments, monolingual corpus research, etc.
Source Text I
Source Text II (replication)
...
Source Text n+I (replication)
Experiments (triangulation)
> Methodological reflection (see, e.g., Le Bruyn et al. 2023; Le Bruyn et al. 2024).
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Translation Mining
> Original focus on meso-variation in the use of have/be + past participle in Western European languages.
> Main methodological insights:
• Translation data are highly systematic, allowing for insightful analysis of general patterns of variation and of the individual datapoints that give rise to them;
• They can be used both from an exploratory and a hypothesis-driven perspective.
• They are particularly useful in the study of the division of labor between forms, within and across languages;
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
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Translation Mining
English
have+pp
Spanish
have+pp
Dutch
have/be+pp
German
have/be+pp
French
have/be+pp
Current relevance
Hodiernal events
Past events: statement of fact
Past events: part of storyline
States holding at some point in the past
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Translation Mining
Source Text I
Source Text II (replication)
...
Source Text n+I (replication)
Experiments (triangulation)
See Van der Klis et al. 2022 for the original L’Étranger study and Le Bruyn & de Swart (2022, 2023) for the results of the replication study. First experimental results are published in Fuchs & van der Klis (2023)
Beyond Time in Translation
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Beyond Time in Translation
> Original focus on meso-variation in the use of have/be + past participle in Western European languages.
> Move to macro-variation:
• Chou Mo’s dissertation work (Mo 2022): study of Mandarin aspect through the Mandarin translation of L’Étranger.
• Jianan Liu’s dissertation work (ongoing): study of reference in Mandarin, including cross-linguistic joint work with Olga Borik, Shravani Patil, Daria Seres, Hagay Schurr, and me aka the HHRM group.
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Beyond Time in Translation
> This talk:
• Methodology-wise: Translation Mining can insightfully be applied to study macro-variation.
> Reports on the work of the HHRM group, with a focus on Mandarin.
> Argues that:
• For definiteness: There are two types of strong definiteness, one relying on bare nouns, the other relying on the demonstrative;
• For indefiniteness: Mandarin has a full-fledged indefinite article and that bare nouns with an indefinite interpretation are (pseudo-)incorporated;
Basic data
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Basic data
> Translations to Mandarin.
> Manual (computer-assisted) extraction of all nominal expressions (including pronouns) from the English original (N=1210).
Chapter 1, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone
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Basic data
(selection)
(n=52)
(n=140)
(n=90)
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Basic data
indefinite singular
definite singular
indefinite plural
(selection)
Indefiniteness in Mandarin
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Basic data
indefinite singular
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Basic data
一 只 猫 在 看 地图 。
yī zhǐ māo zài kàn dìtú.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar -
one cl cat asp see map
Dumbledore gave a great sniff as he took a golden watch from his pocket [...]
a cat reading a map
从 衣袋 里 掏 出 一 块 金 表
cóng yīdài lǐ tāo chū yī kuài jīn biǎo
from pocket in pull out one cl gold watch
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Basic data
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Basic data
The formal literature – to the best of my knowledge – does not predict variation:
> Chierchia (1998)
> Dayal (2004)
> Cheng & Sybesma (1999)
> Jiang (2020)
random variation?
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Going cross-linguistic
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Going cross-linguistic
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Going cross-linguistic
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Going cross-linguistic
Interim conclusion
> The numeral ‘one’ uses in Mandarin cannot be attributed to random variation. If they could, we would expect similar ‘random’ uses in other articleless languages.
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Going cross-linguistic
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Going cross-linguistic
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Going cross-linguistic
(selection)
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Going cross-linguistic
Interim conclusion
> The numeral ‘one’ uses in Mandarin cannot be attributed to random variation. If they could, we would expect similar random uses in other articleless languages like Russian.
> The numeral ‘one’ uses in Hindi/Marathi and Mandarin seem to form a scale, suggesting that at least some of the factors influencing the choice between bare nouns and ‘one’ N are constant.
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Dayal (2004, 2011), Huang (2015), Luo (2022)
> Dayal (2004, 2011):
• Hindi has a general ban on singular indefinite bare nouns requiring the use of an indefinite determiner (like, e.g., the numeral ‘one’).
• Bare nouns that do occur in singular indefinite environments are (pseudo-)incorporated.
> Huang (2015) suggests that (pseudo-)incorporation might also exist in Mandarin and manifests itself – among others – in ‘well-established’ verb-noun combinations: kan shu (‘read book’), kai wanxiao (‘make joke’).
> Luo (2022) is the first to propose a formal semantic analysis of pseudo-incorporation in Mandarin and builds on Schwarz (2014) but implements it in a kind approach to bare nouns.
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Dayal (2004, 2011), Huang (2015), Luo (2022)
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Dayal (2004, 2011), Huang (2015), Luo (2022)
Hypothesis
The numeral ‘one’ is obligatory in Mandarin and bare nouns can only appear in pseudo-incorporation contexts.
[Further differences between Hindi/Marathi and Mandarin should be attributed to independent factors.]
Challenge
Unlike Hindi (and other (pseudo-)incorporation languages like Hungarian), Mandarin has no form-based criteria to decide whether we’re dealing with (pseudo-) incorporation: it has rigid word order, no case markers and no generalized singular/plural distinction.
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Dayal (2004, 2011), Huang (2015), Luo (2022)
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Dayal (2004, 2011), Huang (2015), Luo (2022)
Rising to the challenge
For Dayal, Huang and Luo, a crucial property of (pseudo-)incorporation is that – as far as the object position is concerned – it is limited to ‘well-established’ verb-noun combinations.
If we can operationalize what it means to be a ‘well-established’ verb-noun combination, we can check whether the bare nouns we find in object position in singular indefinite contexts in Mandarin are part of this type of combinations, allowing for a meaning-based assessment of their (pseudo-)incorporation status.
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Le Bruyn et al. (2016) and Liu et al. (2022)
> Le Bruyn et al. (2016) is cast in dynamic predicate logic and analyzes pseudo-incorporation of verb-noun combinations as involving a verb that targets an explicit or implicit argument of its object noun and prepares it for binding by its subject. Illustrative examples are have son (explicit relational argument) and read book (implicit qualia-based ‘user’ argument).
> In Liu et al. (2022), we argue that the way Le Bruyn et al. (2016) model pseudo-incorporation derives the well-establishedness constraint rather than stipulating it.
> In this talk, I use it as a way to decide whether verb-noun combinations qualify as allowing for pseudo-incorporation.
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An extended (and more focused) dataset
> The basic data I have used up till now is limited to the first chapter of Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone and includes translations of a N in all possible positions.
> We keep the object noun data from the first chapter but extend them with object noun data from the whole book (N=156).
> Our operationalization of our (pseudo-)incorporation check is limited to nouns in object position.
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Annotation and analysis
> We annotated all the bare noun and ‘one’ N indefinite objects in their Mandarin translations for:
• incorporation: does the V-O combination it occurs in qualify as ‘well-established’?
• form: is the indefinite object rendered as a bare noun (N) or as a structure with a numeral (‘one’ N)?
> We rely on conditional inference trees (Tagliamonte & Baayen 2012) to assess whether incorporation is a good predictor for form.
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Further annotations
> We further annotated all datapoints for a number of other characteristics that we assumed could influence form:
• non-referential: does the noun refer to an actual individual in the universe of the story? (yes/no)
• modification: is the noun modified or not? (yes/no)
• aspect: does the aspect marker le occur on the verb? (yes/no)
• NEG/DIS: see next slide (yes/no)
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Further annotations: NEG/DIS
Most of them had never seen an owl even at nighttime .
‘ You must come and stay this summer , ’ said Ron , ‘ both of you - I 'll send you an owl. ’
他们 大多 甚至 夜里都 从未见过猫头鹰 。
“你今年暑假一定要来我们 家里 玩 ， ” 罗恩 说 ， “ 你们俩都来 —— 我 会派*猫头鹰* 去 邀请 你们 的 。 ”
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Some examples
一 只 猫 在 看 地图 。
yī zhǐ māo zài kàn dìtú.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar -
one cl cat asp see map
Dumbledore gave a great sniff as he took a golden watch from his pocket [...]
a cat reading a map
从 衣袋 里 掏 出 一 块 金 表
cóng yīdài lǐ tāo chū yī kuài jīn biǎo
from pocket in pull out one cl gold watch
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Some examples
Quirrell raised his hand to perform a deadly curse, but Harry, by instinct, reached up and grabbed Quirrell 's face -
A ghost wearing a ruff and tights had suddenly noticed the first-years .
A barn owl brought Neville a small package from his grandmother .
一个 穿 轮状皱领紧身衣 的幽灵突然发现了一年级新生 。
一只猫头鹰 从纳威的奶奶那里给他带来 了 一 个 小 包裹 。
奇 洛举起 手 ，准备念一个 死咒 ， 可是 哈利出于 本能 ，猛地抬手抓向 奇洛的脸 ——
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Results
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The exception
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar - a cat reading a map. For a second, Mr Dursley didn't realise what he had seen - then he jerked his head around to look again. There was a tabby cat standing on the corner of Privet Drive, but there wasn't a map in sight.
但是 没有 看见 地图 。
dànshì méiyǒu kànjiàn dìtú .
but not see map
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Talk overview
> This talk:
• Methodology-wise: Translation Mining can insightfully be applied to study macro-variation.
> Reports on the work of the HHRM group, with a focus on Mandarin.
> Argues that:
• For definiteness: There are two types of strong definiteness, one relying on bare nouns, the other relying on the demonstrative;
• For indefiniteness: Mandarin has a full-fledged indefinite article and that bare nouns with an indefinite interpretation are (pseudo-)incorporated;
Definiteness in Mandarin
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Basic data
definite singular
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Going cross-linguistic I
> Intuition from Jenks (2018): the contrast we find between bare nouns and demonstratives in Mandarin is the same as the one we find between weak and strong definites in the German prepositional domain.
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Going cross-linguistic I
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Going cross-linguistic I
> Intuition from Jenks (2018): the contrast we find between bare nouns and demonstratives in Mandarin is the same as the one we find between weak and strong definites in the German prepositional domain.
> Bremmers et al. (2022): contrastive study based on Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone (full volume) where we compare German PPs with weak and strong definites to bare nouns and demonstratives in Mandarin.
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Prediction
Results
German contr. def.
German uncontr. def.
Mandarin dem.
Mandarin BN
German contr. def.
German uncontr. def.
Mandarin dem.
Mandarin BN
10
3
45
34
Going cross-linguistic I
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Going cross-linguistic I
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Going cross-linguistic I
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Going cross-linguistic I
Interim conclusion
There are strong indications that Mandarin relies on bare nouns to convey weak definiteness and that demonstratives are sometimes used for strong definiteness. However, there is no one-to-one mapping between demonstratives and strong definiteness given that bare nouns also regularly appear in familiarity contexts.
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
> Researchers following up on Jenks (2018) have focused on the choice between bare nouns and demonstratives in familiarity contexts.
> I’ll take the example below as my running example in the discussion of three follow-up proposals:
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
> According to Ahn (2019), the unacceptability of the bare noun is not as strict as it is presented by Jenks (2018). She assumes there is full optionality and relates this to the interaction between two opposing competitions: a competition that favors the use of the bare noun over the demonstrative (Don’t overdeterminate!) and another competition that favors the use of the demonstrative over that of the bare noun (Index!).
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
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> According to Simpson & Wu (2022), bare nouns can behave like strong definites but an overt marker like a demonstrative might end up being preferred if the sentence that the strong definite appears in is less ‘tightly connected’ to the sentence its antecedent appears in.
Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
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> Simpson & Wu’s proposal depends on the assumption that demonstratives are ‘stronger’ than strong definites.
Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
> According to Simpson & Wu (2022), bare nouns can behave like strong definites but an overt marker like a demonstrative might end up being preferred if the sentence that the strong definite appears in is less ‘tightly connected’ to the sentence its antecedent appears in.
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> Dayal & Jiang (2022) assume that bare nouns and demonstratives can be used in anaphoric contexts. For them, the crucial difference lies in that the bare noun is incompatible with non-unique referents whereas the demonstrative requires non-uniqueness.
Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
> According to them, ‘less tightly connected’ sentences (in Simpson and Wu’s terminology) indicate shifts between situations and unless the speaker is absolutely sure that a situation shift has not made available any new referents, the demonstrative is considered to be the safest (optimal) bet.
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
Interim conclusion
> The current consensus in the literature seems to be that there are pragmatic and/or semantic factors that influence the choice between bare nouns and demonstratives in familiarity contexts. There is consequently no optionality in the way proposed by Ahn (2019).
> Simpson & Wu (2022) and Dayal & Jiang (2022) converge on the idea that sentences can be more or less tightly connected. Simpson & Wu capture this pragmatically whereas Dayal & Jiang spell this out semantically.
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Ahn (2019), Simpson & Wu (2022), and Dayal & Jiang (2022)
Interim conclusion
> To relate the preference for demonstratives in ‘less tightly connected’ sentences, Simpson & Wu rely on a general accessibility scale (as discussed in Ahn 2019) whereas Dayal & Jiang rely on the anti-uniqueness nature of demonstratives.
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Going cross-linguistic II
> To relate the preference for demonstratives in ‘less tightly connected’ sentences, Simpson & Wu rely on a general accessibility scale (as discussed in Ahn 2019) whereas Dayal & Jiang rely on the anti-uniqueness nature of demonstratives.
Both Simpson & Wu and Dayal & Jiang rely on general properties of demonstratives to explain the preference for a demonstrative in our running example. If correct, we would expect the same preference to pop up in other languages without definite articles.
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Going cross-linguistic II
Mandarin
Hindi
Russian
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Going cross-linguistic II
Mandarin
Hindi
Russian
17 anaphoric definites that take a demonstrative in at least one language:
14 in Mandarin
4 in Hindi
3 in Russian
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Going cross-linguistic II
At half past eight, Mr Dursley picked up his briefcase, pecked Mrs Dursley on the cheek and tried to kiss Dudley goodbye but missed, because Dudley was now having a tantrum and throwing his cereal at the walls. ‘Little tyke,’ chortled Mr Dursley as he left the house. He got into his car and backed out of number four's drive.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar - a cat reading a map. For a second, Mr Dursley didn't realise what he had seen - then he jerked his head around to look again. There was a tabby cat standing on the corner of Privet Drive, but there wasn't a map in sight. What could he have been thinking of? It must have been a trick of the light. Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive - no, looking at the sign; cats couldn't read maps or signs. Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
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Going cross-linguistic II
At half past eight, Mr Dursley picked up his briefcase, pecked Mrs Dursley on the cheek and tried to kiss Dudley goodbye but missed, because Dudley was now having a tantrum and throwing his cereal at the walls. ‘Little tyke,’ chortled Mr Dursley as he left the house. He got into his car and backed out of number four's drive.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar - a cat reading a map. For a second, Mr Dursley didn't realise what he had seen - then he jerked his head around to look again. There was a tabby cat standing on the corner of Privet Drive, but there wasn't a map in sight. What could he have been thinking of? It must have been a trick of the light. Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive - no, looking at the sign; cats couldn't read maps or signs. Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
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Going cross-linguistic II
At half past eight, Mr Dursley picked up his briefcase, pecked Mrs Dursley on the cheek and tried to kiss Dudley goodbye but missed, because Dudley was now having a tantrum and throwing his cereal at the walls. ‘Little tyke,’ chortled Mr Dursley as he left the house. He got into his car and backed out of number four's drive.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar - a cat reading a map. For a second, Mr Dursley didn't realise what he had seen - then he jerked his head around to look again. There was a tabby cat standing on the corner of Privet Drive, but there wasn't a map in sight. What could he have been thinking of? It must have been a trick of the light. Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive - no, looking at the sign; cats couldn't read maps or signs. Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
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Going cross-linguistic II
At half past eight, Mr Dursley picked up his briefcase, pecked Mrs Dursley on the cheek and tried to kiss Dudley goodbye but missed, because Dudley was now having a tantrum and throwing his cereal at the walls. ‘Little tyke,’ chortled Mr Dursley as he left the house. He got into his car and backed out of number four's drive.
It was on the corner of the street that he noticed the first sign of something peculiar - a cat reading a map. For a second, Mr Dursley didn't realise what he had seen - then he jerked his head around to look again. There was a tabby cat standing on the corner of Privet Drive, but there wasn't a map in sight. What could he have been thinking of? It must have been a trick of the light. Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive - no, looking at the sign; cats couldn't read maps or signs. Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
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Going cross-linguistic II
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at CAT. CAT stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched DEM. CAT in his mirror. CAT was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put CAT out of his mind.
Mandarin translation
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Going cross-linguistic II
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at CAT. CAT stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched CAT in his mirror. CAT was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put CAT out of his mind.
Hindi translation
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Going cross-linguistic II
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at the cat. It stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched the cat in his mirror. It was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put the cat out of his mind.
It was on the corner of the street [...] a cat [...] Mr Dursley blinked and stared at CAT. CAT stared back.
As Mr Dursley drove around the corner and up the road, he watched CAT in his mirror. CAT was now reading the sign that said Privet Drive [...] Mr Dursley gave himself a little shake and put CAT out of his mind.
Russian translation
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Going cross-linguistic II
Interim conclusion
Our Mandarin data are fully in line with the intuition that demonstratives are preferred over bare nouns if the sentence in which the anaphor occurs is ‘less tightly connected’ to the sentence in which its antecedent occurs.
However, Mandarin turns out to occupy a special position in this respect and it is not possible to derive the Mandarin facts from the language-independent proposals of Simpson & Wu and Dayal & Jiang without making problematic predictions for other articleless languages like Hindi and Russian.
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The contours of an analysis: step 1
> Our cross-linguistic data suggest that the Mandarin demonstrative is doing more than a run-of-the-mill demonstrative should be doing and that – in so doing – limits the playing field of the bare noun in strong definiteness contexts (Going cross-linguistic II) .
> This leads me to assume that the Mandarin demonstrative has an extended use and does double duty as a demonstrative and a definite article.
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The contours of an analysis: step 2
> Assuming that the Mandarin demonstrative functions as a definite article in its extended use, we need to define the place it occupies in the typology of definite articles.
> The traditional weak/strong typology is not rich enough. Our cross-linguistic data suggest that it’s the strong side of the typology that has to differentiate between the uses that the demonstrative has taken over and the uses that remain with the bare noun (Going cross-linguistic I).
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The contours of an analysis: step 3
> Based on the fact that bare nouns in Mandarin, Hindi and Russian can all function as strong definites in ‘tightly connected’ stretches of discourse, I assume that this is the type of discourse for which we want to rely on standard dynamic machinery: indefinites introducing discourse referents and strong definites referring back to these.
> This move entails that the standard dynamic machinery no longer applies to discourse stretches of arbitrary length but only to small substretches.
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The contours of an analysis: step 3
x1, x2, x3, x4, x5, x6, x7, x8, x9, x10
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The contours of an analysis: step 3
x1, x2
x3
x4, x5, x6, x7
x8, x9
x10
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The contours of an analysis: step 4
> The next question is how we should conceive of the role of the definite article uses of the demonstrative.
> With the setup we have this far, there are (at least) three options: (i) we can model them as granting access to referents in adjacent stretches of discourse or we can model them as granting access to (ii) another parallel or a (iii) hierarchically higher level.
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The contours of an analysis: step 3
Option 1
Option 3
Option 2
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The contours of an analysis: step 4
> Simpson & Wu’s and Dayal & Jiang’s intuition about the use of demonstratives in ‘less tightly connected’ stretches of discourse may seem to favor option 1.
> However, Options 2 and 3 are more in line with current thinking about accessibility relations and are likely to be equally successful at capturing Simpson & Wu’s and Dayal & Jiang’s intuition.
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The contours of an analysis: step 5
> The final question is what kind of level can be hierarchically or parallel to the different stretches of discourse.
> I’m interested in knowing how you feel about this level as involving a representation of the discourse-related common ground of speaker and addressee.
> As for Mandarin demonstratives, my proposal is to analyze them as the grammaticalized way to access referents in this common ground, leading to the blocking of the bare noun. No such blocking would happen in Russian or Hindi, accounting for our data.
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Definiteness in Mandarin: conclusion
> Our Mandarin data are in line with the intuition that Mandarin demonstratives are preferred over bare nouns when they occur in a sentence that is ‘less tightly connected’ to the sentence introducing their antecedent.
> This generalization differs from the one proposed by Jenks (2018) according to which bare nouns do not allow for anaphoric readings (see also Going cross-linguistic I) and the one proposed by Ahn (2019), according to which the presence of the demonstrative is optional.
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Definiteness in Mandarin: conclusion
> The fact that Russian and Hindi allow their bare nouns to occur in contexts that typically require the demonstrative in Mandarin shows that their distribution in Mandarin cannot be derived from more general considerations about demonstratives.
> The analysis I propose is one in which the demonstrative has been recruited as a strong definite article and specializes in referring to referents in the common ground of speaker and addressee.
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Talk overview
> This talk:
• Methodology-wise: Translation Mining can insightfully be applied to study macro-variation.
> Reports on the work of the HHRM group, with a focus on Mandarin.
> Argues that:
• For definiteness: There are two types of strong definiteness, one relying on bare nouns, the other relying on the demonstrative;
• For indefiniteness: Mandarin has a full-fledged indefinite article and that bare nouns with an indefinite interpretation are (pseudo-)incorporated;
Thank you for your attention!
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Nplural | rest | N(plural) | total |
Mandarin | 17 | 35 | 52 |
Hindi | 23 | 29 | 52 |
Russian | 21 | 31 | 52 |
Study 1: Results
Fisher’s Exact Test
Mandarin-Hindi: p=0.3
Mandarin-Russian: p=0.5
Hindi-Russian: p=0.8
Plural indefinite contexts