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Patrick Henry: Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death speech (1775)

SPEECH / NARRATIVE

On March 23, 1775, Patrick Henry delivered this speech in the Virginia House of Burgesses,

urging his peers in the house to adopt a series of resolves outlining the colonies' right to self- government. Although Henry's rhetoric was too radical for many Virginians, this speech was

widely reprinted and circulated in newspapers throughout North America and helped stir

patriot sentiment against British rule.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy

gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject

in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen

if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my

sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the

house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less

than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought

to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at the truth,

and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back

my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty

of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven,

which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our

eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into

beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are

we disposed to be of the numbers of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear

not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever

anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth, to know the worst, and to

provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know

of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know

what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those

hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it

that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?

Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a

kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike

preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to

a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled

that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are

the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask

gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission?

Can gentlement assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this

quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has

none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and

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rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what

have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last

ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the

subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to

entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already

exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything

that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have

remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and

have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and

insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt,

from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace

and reconciliation.

There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate

those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not

basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we

have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be

obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of

hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so

formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next

year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in

every house? Shall we gather strength but irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the

means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive

phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak

if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.

The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which

we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir,

we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of

nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the

strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we

were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat

but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the

plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extentuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace—but there is no

peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our

ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here

idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so

sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know

not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!