Ⓒ 2011
By: Shmuel (www.loveisthemotive.blogspot.com)
Please send your comments and criticisms to me at jewmaican20@yahoo.com
Meditation: A Cognitive Perspective
Since the earliest ages of civilization, existential ponderings about Man’s role in the Universe has compelled us to reflect on our lives in order to better understand ourselves. This “search for meaning” naturally takes into account the place that religion occupies in our world, and our attempts to make some sort of sense of the metaphysical. As such, the “religious experience” – the Biblical accounts of prophecy and visions, the phenomena of miracles, the mystical and the occult practices, etc. – receives a lot of attention. The believer, agnostic, and atheist alike wonder about these things and try to characterize them in a way that fits with their worldview. The religious person seeks validation by poring over the recorded accounts to find corroboration; the atheist seeks to discredit these claims by refuting them through the scientific process and critical thinking. As an extension of philosophy, it is only logical that the field of psychology should attempt to address the topic of religion (and the religious experience) in an effort to leave no path untraveled in the quest to understand the workings of the human mind.
Indeed, philosophical writings have much to say about the psyche and its drives. Across the spectrum, every major religion has its own theory about the makeup of the human psyche. The presence of evil in the world made manifest in human actions; the sexual impulses and Original Sin; whether we possess an innate “moral compass” that signifies that there exists much more than the mere physical being – the existence of a soul; the dynamics of our relationship with an immanent, omnipotent Deity (or several gods); all of these questions (and others like them) are pertinent and important to one who truly wishes to delve into the depths of the human condition, and each religion has their own approach, with revealing insights that shed light on some of the most profound questions we have.
Through a better understanding of these writings, it is safe to assume that one would become better equipped to approach psychology – and more importantly, therapy – if only to gain a perspective into the common thinking of the average person. A poll taken of more than 35,000 American adults (18 and older) by the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey shows that 78.4 percent identify themselves as Christians (all denominations), 4.7 percent as “Other” including Jews, Muslims, and adherents to the eastern religions, and 16.1 percent as “unaffiliated” (U.S. Religous Landscape Survey: Report 1). Although the percentage of unaffiliated adults is more than double the amount of those who reported growing up unaffiliated with any religion as children, this finding still points to a large population that identifies itself as religious. Thus, it would behoove us to gain a better understanding of the nuances of religion and religious life in order to better serve those whom we are trying to help.
As a matter of fact, innovative approaches to therapy and counseling that draw from the teachings of the great religious works have begun to slowly revolutionize our approach to helping others. Cognitive Behavior Therapy and Dialectic Behavioral Therapy, among others, both rely heavily on principles that are very prevalent in the writings of the Hasidic masters and ancient Jewish texts, for example. These parallels are more than just coincidence; professionals are seeking new methods, and their searches have led them back to the original writings that helped cultivate the world of psychology. Although there is a significant measure of resistance by those who would rather condemn these practices as “pseudo-psychologies”, more studies are coming out showing the effectiveness of these approaches.
“Neurotheology”
Over the past several years, interest in the effects of religion and spirituality on the psyche from a cognitive sense has increased dramatically. More and more professionals in the greater field of psychology wish to explore the deeper implications of incorporating “spiritual practices” into their therapeutic repertoire. Conversely, psychologists and neuroscientists are looking for possible scientific explanations to account for the experience of spiritual phenomena. Neurotheology studies the correlations between neural activity and the subjective experiences of spirituality and presents hypotheses to explain the connections; the idea is that these purportedly spiritual experiences in fact have a neuroscientific or even evolutionary basis (Gajilan, 2008). Using the available technology, scientists have studied the brain while practitioners were involved in various modes of worship or religious activity. Neuroimaging in particular has proven to be an invaluable tool for the continued research into this subject, and interesting findings have already been recorded, despite the nascent nature of this field.
While the range of religious exercises and spiritual phenomena is quite large, in this paper we will be focusing on one particular practice, itself a broad topic: meditation. Among many other reasons, meditation lends itself to the scientific query the easiest; despite its potential subjectivity (an important issue that hinders our measurement of the other religious experiences), it still affords us the ability to quantify the practice by studying the physiological effects on the brain before, during, and after the meditative practice.
What Is Meditation?
Before we can proceed to the experimental research on meditation, we need to determine what meditation is, its purpose, methodology, history, and the subtle differences (and similarities) among the various religions known for emphasizing meditation. This is crucial for understanding the implications in therapy and for the expectations in the neuroscience part of our paper.
While meditation might be most commonly associated with eastern religions like Buddhism, Hinduism, and Taoism, we find that meditation enjoys a prominent position in the practices of Islamic Sufism, some forms of Christianity, and a storied tradition in Judaism.
(At this point I must point out by way of preface that my familiarity and knowledge of the meditative practices is associated most with the Jewish practices; my knowledge of the other religions’ application of meditation is superficial yet accurate. Therefore, although the studies that we will be discussing later in this paper are based on practices that are much closer to the Buddhist method of meditation, my brief sketch here will focus on the Jewish method. Conceptually speaking they are similar enough, as well as the practices; the purpose and theology of the practices is where they differ the most, and those differences are beyond the scope of this paper. I will say that whereas the eastern religions place meditation as a goal, Judaism views it as a means to an end, and nothing more.)
In a most basic sense, meditation is the art of controlled thought. It is the directing of the mind to focus on one thought for a determined period of time, without interruption (Kaplan, 1985). The practical use for such a discipline can be applied in numerous circumstances, from relaxing and reducing stress and anxiety, to learning how to focus one’s attention to a task, to altering states of consciousness. The practice of meditation can involve very specific instructions for body position, breathing exercises, suggestions for guided imagery, and even the use of mandalas and mantras to assist in the pursuit of one’s goal.
Meditation makes appearances in the Bible and canonical writings; the patriarch Isaac is described as going out to “supplicate in the field,” (Gen. 24:63) -the Hebrew word for “supplication” (“sicha”) can also be translated as “musing”. The great theologian and scholar of Jewish law Maimonides writes that “The biblical prophets did not prophesy at will. Rather they focused their minds and sat joyfully and contentedly in a state of meditation....” (Maimonides).
Recently, over the past three centuries, the practice of meditation has increased in popularity and commonality in the Jewish faith. With the advent of Hasidism and its focus on the mystical, inner aspect of Judaism, there has been a renaissance of sorts in the mystical practices once reserved for those steeped in the esoteric oral tradition of Kabbalah. As with the prophetic variation of meditation, meditation in Kabbalah and Hasidism is with the goal for enhancing one’s service of God concerning the ritual practice and the study of Torah, as well as serving as a vehicle for the practitioner to purify himself and his thoughts with the intent of cleaving to God (d’veykut), the ultimate purpose of existence.
With this resurgence came several methodologies for the approach toward proper methods which serve as basic templates in the process. The two most notable methods are those introduced by Rabbi Nachman of Breslov and Rabbi Shneor Zalman of Liadi, Hitbodedut and Hitbonenut, respectively. Hitbonenut (derived from the Hebrew word for “understanding”, Binah) involves the intense contemplation of a concept, studying it with intensity for long periods of time until one arrives at an analytical understanding of the concept, and can subsequently internalize it. This is consistent with Rabbi Shneor Zalman’s system of Hasidism (ChaBaD, an allusion to the three supernal “cognitive attributes” [“Mochin”] with which God relates to the physical Creation, as it were)which has been described as the intellectual approach to mysticism, aimed at bringing the senses, emotions, and body under complete control of the will. As can be seen, this method resembles the “traditional” method of meditation, most notably the practice of Dhyana-Yoga (Sanskrit for “meditative-conjunction”) which is characterized by the holistic view of the mind-body-spirit relationship.
Hitbodedut, however, is distinctive in its practice and form. The practitioner either secludes himself (the Hebrew word for “lone” is badad, which is where the practice gets its name from) or finds a secluded area surrounded by nature and engages in conversation with God. While the conversation is meant to be fluid, organic, and free-form, there still is a basic structure to the conversation. One is encouraged to view himself as if he is conversing with a close friend, to share his troubles, pour out his heart, and advocate for himself. He is also expected to acknowledge his failings in ritual practices with a resolve to continue making efforts for improvement. Finally, he is supposed to end on a high note, focusing on the good in his life and his optimistic expectations with faith in God. Unlike the other methods, Rabbi Nachman’s method uses a deceptively simple guided technique to allow the practitioner to fully express himself; the out-loud verbalization is also unique from the other methods, and is very popular among many Hasidim (even those affiliated with other sects of Hasidism).
Meditation and Cognition: Attention, Learning, and Awareness
Studies have shown the effects of meditation on cardiovascular health. In a study comparing three forms of meditation (relaxed response, segmented breathing, and “breathe of fire”) by measuring the heart rates of practitioners, monitoring showed that there were similar fluctuations in the heart oscillations of each as measured during the practice itself. This finding shows that despite the distinct breathing controls, there were certain commonalities found in heart rate, blood pressure and the pulmonary systems (Peng & Henry, (2004)).
Additionally, meditation has had a noticeable influence in the realm of therapy, with professionals integrating mindfulness-meditation with the various cognitive and behavioral approaches. This is in part due to distinct commonalities between the therapeutic approaches and that of the meditative practice, the expense and limitations of traditional therapy, and our society’s increasing infatuation with the mystical. Hayes even described this shift as the “third epoch in the evolution of behaviorally informed therapies.” (Hayes, 2002) In a psychological sense, “mindfulness” connotes arriving at an attitude of acceptance which acknowledges experiences as they occur in a non-judgmental way; this is counter intuitive to the mainstream method of therapies, which is predicated on a change-based therapeutic approach. Naturally, the challenge lies in integrating two approaches which are seemingly counter-intuitive. It is with this dichotomy in mind that two separate approaches have been introduced: mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT) and dialectical behavior therapy (DBT).
MBCT is predicated on a model that assumes the vulnerability of depressive relapse, which attempt to explain the increased risk of relapse and recurrence. There is evidence that distinct processes play a role in the first onset of depressive episodes, while later episodes seem to revolve around a dysfunctional thinking style (based on correlations). Therefore, the relapse or recurrence may become more autonomous with subsequent bouts of depression. MBCT seeks to allay this recurrence by first making one cognizant of negative-trend thoughts at times or events where the potential for relapse is greater, followed by a response to the event that allows one to remove oneself from the reactive negative thoughts. Exercises such as mindful-meditation (comprised of meditations wherein the patient learns core-concentration skills and “present-in-the-moment” mentalities that allow them to face challenges and stressful occurrences with a detached calmness) provide an intervention designed to reduce the risk, which in turn can lead to a change in the patterns of cognitive processing that are active in depressive states.
Whereas MBCT emphasizes a change of perspective vis-à-vis the negative thoughts and how one relates to them (rather than “changing” the thoughts themselves), DBT was designed to assist people with multiple disorders, and therefore focuses on reducing extreme behavior. Utilizing mindfulness-meditation, the therapist tries to help the patient validate his or her experiences and determine the “wisdom” in said experiences. The therapist always seeks to frame the experiences in a way that they can be understood in a context with logical consequences. Meditation serves as the core skill in achieving a sense of acceptance and training oneself to see happenings from various perspectives, lending credence to several ways of looking at each set of circumstances (Lau, 2005). From these two important studies we see how meditation is making very important inroads into the field of psychology, and how it enhances our conceptualization of awareness.
But perhaps the most significant effect that meditation has to offer may be our approach in terms of cognition. From a metacognitive perspective, meditation lends us insight into the way we approach information, how it “appears” in the stream of consciousness, and offers us a way to sift through the information. By doing this, we are given the tools that enable us to select a particular subject, thought, or object and attend to it exclusively. While this sounds difficult, there are practices that clearly delineate how we may begin to approach this practice with very specific instructions.
In a groundbreaking treatise on meditation, Rabbi K.K. Shapira of Piaseczna (an early 20th century Hasidic master in Poland) clearly describes the methodology for his innovative technique of hashkata (“quieting the mind”). Rabbi Shapira’s theory is that the conscious ego prevents Divine inspiration. As such, it is imperative to quiet that part of the mind in order to truly open one to the opportunities for transcendence. According to Rabbi Shapira, each individual thought is so enmeshed with another that it is nearly impossible to determine where one thought begins and the other ends. Thus, one has to literally step out of the stream of conscious thought and examine those thoughts much in the way one watches a river flow by.
Already by asking oneself the simple question “What am I thinking right now?” he causes the stream to slow, by making it subject to the scrutiny of objectivity. By seizing one particular thought and questioning why that very thought has surfaced, following it back to its genesis in the subconscious, the individual further slows and stills the incessant torrent of thoughts crashing around is his mind (Shapira, 1929). This is very challenging, and itself requires many hours of practice. However, this metacognitive focus is an important step toward the next phases of the meditative process, and cannot be skipped or done half-heartedly. Only by accomplishing this task can one really come to a heightened awareness of self. It itself is a wonderful exercise toward increasing one’s capacity for attending to one specific task at a time. Rabbi Shapira continues further to elaborate the positive advantages of this practice running from the practical (studies and occupational) to the transcendent-spiritual.
All of this information is very “enlightening” in terms of the theory of meditation. But is there any credible evidence to suggest that meditation actually works?
In an attempt to determine whether meditation in fact enhances cognition and brain plasticity, a study was conducted of ten randomized controlled trials, primarily consisting of subjects who were student volunteers who had an interest in Transcendental Meditation (TM). TM has been more systematically studied than other forms of meditation. The average age of test subject ranged from the mid-20s to early 30s. The duration of TM practice among these tests ranged from 40 days to six months, with variable control arms across the studies, including no treatment, eye-closed resting, sitting quietly, napping, music appreciation and mindfulness training. The results show some benefits, but they are not consistent across the board; four studies reported positive effects on cognition, while another four recorded negative effects and two came back with mixed results. Of the positive effects, there was better performance in intervening arithmetic tests, more accuracy in the Road and Frame Test, a 20% improvement in reaction time and coordination in athletes, and higher creative thinking-drawing production. On several other measures, however, including total DST score, the Stroop color-word interference test, and Object Uses Test, no significant difference was found. One concern raised in this particular study was the expectation bias that may have been present in the four positive tests, due to the fact that the subjects who were recruited had a prior interest in TM (as stated above), whereas the other six studies (the four negative and two neutral) did not necessarily display an interest in TM. To compensate for that possibility, the raters in three of the four positive studies were blinded to which treatments were received by the subject; an imperfect measure, but an attempt to maintain integrity, nonetheless (Xiong, 2009).
Neuroimagery of the “Guided Imagery”
While much thought has been given to what processes are affected by meditation, this is only part of the story. Perhaps the most light can be shed when we examine what physiological changes to the brain occur before, during, and after the meditative experience.
Lazar used functional MRI to identify the brain regions that are active during a simple form of meditation and relaxation response. A significant increase in signals was observed in the dorsolateral prefrontal and parietal cortices, the hippocampus, temporal lobe, anterior cingulate, striatum, and pre- and postcentral gyri during meditation. The findings indicate that the practice of meditation activates neural structures involved in attention as well as the control of the autonomic nervous system (Lazar, 2000). Based on previous studies that point to the general role of neural synchrony in attention, conscious perception, and similar mental processes, Lutz theorized that such synchrony is crucial to the formation of networks that integrate distributed neural processes into high-order cognitive functions that may induce synaptic changes. Focusing on this synchrony would serve as a good template for studying brain processes inherent in meditation and other forms of mental training (Lutz, 2004). Continuing along this line of reasoning, Lutz and colleagues examined electroencephalogram (EEG) readings of Buddhist practitioners and compared them with readings from a control group.
There were eight Buddhists with a mean age of 49 ± 15 years, who had extensive training and meditative experience in Tibetan traditions for a cumulative 10,000 to 50,000 hours over the course of 15 to 40 years. Their method of meditation consisted of attempting to generate a state of “unconditional loving-kindness and compassion” (Bodhicitta) without the need for guided imagery, mandalas, or memories (nonreferential, or “dmigs med snying rje”). The control group, on the other hand, were ten healthy student-volunteers (with a mean age of 21 ± 1.5 years), with no prior experience in meditation but who were interested in meditation. The controls received one week of meditative training before the collection of data.
The initial EEG reading established a baseline, with four 60 second blocks of activity coupled with a balanced random ordering of eyes opened or shut for each block. Then, the subject generated three meditative states (only one, the “nonreferential state” was actually discussed in the report); for each session, a 30 second block of resting activity followed by a 60 second block of meditation was collected in sequence – the subjects having been verbally instructed to begin meditating at least 20 seconds before the start of the meditation block. The EEGs were recorded at standard extended 10/20 positions, with signals showing eye movements or muscular artifacts excluded (manually) from the study. The power spectrum density for each electrode was adapted to detect local synchronization changes; when neurons recorded by a single electrode oscillate at the same frequency their electrical field adds up to produce a burst of oscillatory power in the signal that reaches the electrode. These bursts can be estimated using the power spectral density and used to determine an average for these peaks of energy. At baseline, the gamma-band activity is initially higher for the advanced practitioners in the medial frontoparietal electrodes. The advanced practitioners also displayed an even higher oscillation and synchrony during the nonreferential meditative exercises over the controls, most significantly in the lateral frontoparietal region. Moreover, the post-meditative baseline also returned a significant increase in synchrony and oscillation as compared with the initial, premeditative baseline.
In concluding the study, Lutz posited that gamma oscillation – as shown in the EEG readings – gradually increases during meditation, which is congruent with the view that neural synchronization takes time to develop, in direct proportion to the size of the neural assembly. This increase, however, could be signifying an increase in temporal precision of the thalamocortical and corticocortical interactions as opposed to an increase (or change) of neural assembly size (Lutz, 2004).
Another study found that meditation may alter brain function, as well as affect the body’s immune system, with lasting effects. The study randomized 25 subjects (with an average age of 36 years) to an eight week program in which they received training in mindfulness meditation. A group of 16 participants taken from a waitlist (also with an average age of 36 years) served as the control in the study. The subjects in the training program were tested and their brain electrical activity was measured immediately prior and following the training period, and then again four weeks after the training program had concluded. At the end of the eight week period, all of the test subjects were vaccinated with influenza vaccine. The frontal regions of the brain exhibit some sort of specialization for forms of negative and positive emotion, and during certain forms of positive emotion there is a left-sided activation observed in some of the anterior regions. They therefore hypothesized that because meditation increases positivity and reduces anxiety, subjects practicing meditation should show an increase in left-sided activation versus those in the control group. Moreover, they hypothesized that the practitioners would show greater antibody titers, responding to the influenza vaccine, based on research that showed the negative impact of stress and anxiety on the immune system (Glaser, 1998); if negativity can adversely affect the body’s immunity, the opposite could hold true as well. Additionally, they predicted that the magnitude of change toward the greater left-side activation would be tied by a commensurate increase in antibody titers in response to the vaccine.
The EEG measurements were corrected for eye movements, like the earlier study, and recorded baseline conditions in response to both negative- and positive- emotion induction. EEGs were also taken one minute prior and three minutes after the subjects wrote about one of three of the most negative and positive moments in their lives (data was not collected during the actual writing because of concerns regarding the muscle movement). After the writing exercises, the subjects were given the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) in state form. Subjects in the meditation group were asked to keep a daily log and submit reports listing the frequency, amount of time, and techniques of formal meditation practice. Blood draws were taken at three to five weeks and then another time at eight to nine weeks after the vaccination to examine the antibody titers’ response to the vaccine.
Evaluating the self-report measures of the subjects showed a significant decrease in trait negative affect, with the subject in the meditation group showing less negative affect in each subsequent testing compared with their affect in the original test. Those in the control group showed no significant change. The EEG measurements indeed showed an increase of left-sided anterior activation in the meditation group (and no change in posterior activation for either group), in response to both negative and positive induction, as compared to the control group. Additionally, there was a greater rise in antibody titers as a response to the vaccine in the meditation group from the four to eight week draw. In concluding their study, the researchers interpreted their findings as supportive of their hypothesis that antibody titer increase was causatively correlated to an increase in left-anterior activation. This return was met with a lot of criticism, yet no response has been formally made (Davidson, 2003).
Yet another study examining Sahaja Yoga practitioners from Russia who had five to ten years of experience found that meditation causes actual physiological growth in the brain. With age-match group comparisons (25 subjects each, averaging in ages 20 to 40 years), results from EEGs showed that the meditation group yielded larger power values than the control group in theta -1 and -2, correlated to the amount of years’ experience they had in that discipline. Moreover, as one ages, cortical thinning begins; the average cortical thickness found in older meditators (forty to fifty years of age) was strikingly similar to the thickness of the 20 to 30 year olds in either the meditation or control groups. From this study it one may surmise that meditation can slow the aging process by maintaining cortical thickness. This does not indicate, the researchers were quick to add, that this thickness differential actually manifests in cognitive function (Aftanas, 2005).
In perhaps the most extensive research to date, Andrew Newberg conducted a study attempting to measure whether meditation can have any effect on subjects with various forms of memory loss, including dementia and Alzheimer’s disease (Newberg, 2010). While Newberg observes that studies have indicated that meditation can help improve memory and lower stress, he queries whether someone with an active degenerative disease can benefit from meditation in an effort to stem the loss. Using fMRI and single photon emission computed tomography (SPECT), he and his colleagues set out to explore the effects of a specific form of meditation in patients with cognitive impairment. The study was also the first to investigate the potential improvements in cognition for actual memory loss. Citing Lazar’s work (described above) concerning thicker prefrontal cortexes in expert meditators and Lutz’s EEG findings, Newberg stresses that those studies could not determine that they were the result of meditation, since the studies were not longitudinal; without a longitudinal study, the possibility of a genetic predisposition to the thicker brain structure and similar causes could not be effectively ruled out.
The study focused on a particular form of meditation called Kirtan Kriya (KK) – a simple meditative technique involving the repetition of four sounds: SA TA NA MA. As the practitioner vocalizes each sound, he touches his thumb to a different correspondent finger, in sequence (SA/index TA/middle NA/ring MA/pinkie). The sequence is performed for two minutes out loud, whispering for another two minutes, silently for four minutes, followed again by a whisper for two minutes and out loud for the final two minutes, totaling 12 minutes. This practice is simple, relatively easy to understand and implement, and does not require extensive training. The study’s working hypothesis was that the meditation program would affect certain structures, such as the frontal lobe and the anterior cingulated cortex which comprise part of the attentional network. The amygdala and thalamus would also be affected, as shown in other studies, as well as temporal and parietal lobes (when associated with verbal meditation practices and spatial perceptions, respectively.).
Fifteen subjects who had a history or complained of memory problems ranging from age-associated impairment (7), mild cognitive impairment (MCI; 5) to moderate impairment with a diagnosis of Alzheimer’s. The mean age was 64 ± 8 years – six men and nine women. The Alzheimer’s patients were diagnosed according to the criteria set by the NINCDS-ADRDA, while the MCI patients were diagnosed according to criteria including memory complaints, performance on the Logical Memory II subtest of the Welcher Scale (Revised), and normal cognitive function. The other subjects were considered to be otherwise normal controls who believed they had some sort of memory impairment. None of the subjects had any significant experience with Yoga or meditation. The subjects were studied on their first day of training and then again following an eight week self training program.
On the first day, IVs were placed in the subjects’ arms around 20 minutes before the baseline scan, so that discomfort could be resolved before initiating the actual study. The subject was given instructions to rest with eyes closed while a general information CD about meditation played for twelve minutes. The subject was injected with tracer dye for the imaging, and fifteen minutes after the injection, the SPECT scanning began, for a session of thirty minutes. After the scan, the subjects were returned to their rooms for the first meditation exercise, where they watched an instructional video demonstrating the performance of KK. Subjects were instructed to only focus on the sequencing, sounds, and movements; and to perform the exercises with the aid of the accompanying CD that had the instructions and light background music. The subjects were asked to meditate for twelve minutes the first time, while they received another injection of tracer and meditated for another five minutes. The subject was scanned for an additional 30 minutes; this scan was labeled the “pre-program meditation” scan.
Discharged to go home, the subjects were instructed to practice every day for eight weeks, and record their progress and subjective experiences concerning the practice and its effects. At four weeks they were contacted to ensure that they were adhering to the regimen and to ask about the experience thus far. At the end of the eight week program the subjects returned to undergo a second imaging session similar to the first day of the study. They received a “post-program” baseline scan, performed the meditation with the scanning, and then another “post-program meditation” scan. A small “control” group was recruited that was given a music listening task instead of the meditation regimen, comprised of two subjects with MCI and three with age associated memory impairment (a mean age of 65 ± 10 years, all female). They were asked to listen to two Mozart concertos every day for the same amount of time as the meditation session. These subjects underwent the same SPECT procedures and the same sequencing of events as the meditation group.
The SPECT images were reconstructed to allow for all angles of the brain to be seen, along with actual rotating of the head, using a reformatting program. The images were resliced according to the anterior-posterior commissure line so that they could be aligned for analysis. The regions of interest (ROI) examined were inferior- and superior- frontal; dorsolateral prefrontal; orbitofrontal; inferior- and superior- temporal; inferior- and superior- parietal; and sensorimotor areas, along with the thalamus, amygdale, cingulated gyrus and precuneus, because these are areas subserve a number of cognitive processes (as mentioned earlier). The formula used to calculate the percentage change between the meditation and baseline scans (for both sessions) was as follows: % of change is equal to (Meditation minus Baseline) divided by Baseline, multiplied by 100.
There were several significant changes in the pre- and post- program baseline scans in the meditation group. Specifically, the frontal lobe region structures and right superior parietal lobe had a considerably higher baseline cognitive brain function after the eight weeks, in contrast with the music group. The structures affected in the music group were in the amygdala and precuneus, although said changes were not significant after correcting for multiple comparisons. Additionally, the KK group displayed a mildly activated prefrontal cortex in the first scan, and decreased activity during meditation after the training program; the music group showed no difference. Neuropsychological tests also showed how the KK group improved over the music group, although other tests showed that the two groups remained basically the same even with improvements. The study concluded with observations on the probable effect that meditative exercises could have on memory impairment, and called for more research to be conducted, with optimistic attitudes.
Although there still is much to learn about the implications that meditation has for one’s health and well being, I believe that there is enough material to warrant further investigation. Despite the preliminary nature of many of these studies and reports, the data seems to pointing in the affirmative direction that meditation can be a boon to the field of psychology, psychotherapy, and even neuroscience. It’s an interesting, exciting direction, and may hold the key to many cognitive issues.
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