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2. 1884 - 1906 EKH chronology
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Etosha-Kunene Histories – A Timeline of Historical References: 2. 1884 – 1906 = preceding the gazetting of ‘Game Reserve no. 2’ 
Building on literature review by Sian Sullivan and Ute Dieckmann for
Etosha-Kunene Histories

Last edited 09/03/2024 [SS]

© This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

Etosha-Kunene Histories – A Timeline of Historical References

2. 1884 – 1906, preceding the gazetting of ‘Game Reserve no. 2’

Sian Sullivan and Ute Dieckmann

Originalkarte des Herero & Kaoko-Landes, by A. Petermann, drawing journeys and observations by Rhenish missionaries,
especially J. Böhm and F. Bernsmann, published in Perthes 1878, p. Tafel 18.
Source:, 10 November 2020.

The shifting boundaries of Game Reserve No. 2 / Etosha National Park, 1907–1970.
Source: Dieckmann 2007, p. 76, reproduced with permission.

To improve the future we must first understand the present,

and to really understand the present we must know the past.

(Owen-Smith 2010, p. iv)

This is the second part of a timeline recording literature and other references relevant for understanding the evolution of conservation, land and environmental policies, its impact on indigenous communities in ‘Etosha-Kunene’, Namibia and ethnicity in the research area. It builds on literature review compiled by Sian Sullivan, initially for the Future Pasts research project that focused primarily on Kunene Region, and especially the histories of the area around Sesfontein / !Nani|aus, and by Ute Dieckmann, initially for the Collaborative Research Centre 389 (Arid Climate, Adaptation and Cultural Innovation in Africa) at the University of Cologne and subsequently for the Xoms |Omis Project (Etosha Heritage Project) in Namibia.[1]

The timeline collates references to historical colonial interactions with the broader region, indigenous/local concerns and changing issues and policies regarding land allocation and biodiversity conservation. The Kunene Region of independent Namibia amalgamates a number of prior administrative areas and boundaries that reflected complex interactions between colonial powers and local peoples, often with devastating impacts on the latter
[2]. The current Etosha National Park belongs to three different regions, Omusati, Oshana and Oshikoto. Understanding contemporary conservation and cultural concerns can be aided by information regarding the pasts that underscore the present. It is with this consideration in mind that the timeline here is shared.

Timeline periodisation:

1. pre-colonial to 1884

2. 1884 – 1907 = colonial reorganisation prior to gazetting of ‘Game Reserve no. 2’

3. 1907 – 1958 = Game Reserve no. 2 / Etosha Game Reserve & ‘Kaokoveld’ Native Reserves, prior to move of western boundaries to Ugab and Hoanib Rivers

4. 1958 – 1970 = ENP to Atlantic Ocean in west, prior to ‘Damaraland’ & ‘Kaokoland’ homelands created; Etosha National Park (ENP) reduced in size

5. 1971 – 1997 = fenced and reduced size Etosha National Park; communal area residents alienated from wildlife

6. 1998 – present = CBNRM / communal area conservancies & ENP

1. Many of the places mentioned below are mapped with information from literature review here or here.

2. Follow these links for
 full bibliography and a list of abbreviations.

3. A double-asterix [**] is a marker that there is something to be checked or added at this point in the text.

4. We retain identifying terms used in historical texts that carry derogatory connotations
only when quoting directly from these texts, for three reasons:
i. these narratives and the ways they are worded can add understanding of the dynamic colonial zeitgeist infusing these texts on the part of their (predominantly white, male) authors;
ii. identifying terms can sometimes help clarify contemporary concerns about who was affected or were the protagonists of recorded historical events;
iii. these texts paradoxically remain some of the possibilities for making visible the past presence and experiences of a wider diversity of people affected by historical circumstances, but who were unable to leave their own written records.
It goes without saying that we do not endorse the prejudices often also found in the words of historical observers.

5. Sometimes, and especially going into the past, different authors attach the same events to different dates. We retain such discrepancies as we are interest here as much in how authors write about events in the past, as in what events are recorded to have happened in the past.

6. All included images are at reduced resolution.

7. Information, corrections and/or connections are welcome!

Please email


Recorded Event/s


The German businessman Franz Adolf Eduard von Lüderitz (mostly called Adolf Lüderitz) ‘buys’ ‘the coastal area of the Orange River mouth in the south of the territory’ and gradually advances northwards[3], ushering in German protection, and thus colonisation of South West Africa, described retrospectively by a British colonial commentator in the following terms:

Germany came late into the field of colonial empire: Africa had already been largely appropriated by other nations, and in edging herself in she ran the risk of edging other powers out. By reason of the apathy and short-sightedness of British statesmanship, she planted herself in South-West Africa in 1884, When she sent her warships to patrol the coastline of Namaqualand and Damaraland, and proclaimed her Protectorate over the 322,450 square miles of country which is bounded on the north by Portuguese West Africa, on the east by Bechuanaland, and on the south by Cape Colony. This is the territory which for the following thirty years was to be known as German South-West Africa.[4]   

After the German Chancellor makes ‘inquiries as to Great Britain’s intentions with regard to these countries’[5] and following ‘so much unfortunate delay in the Colonial Secretary’s communications with the Cape Government’, Bismarck, on April 24th, despatches to the German Consul [Lippert] at Cape Town a telegraphic request for protection by Britain of Germany’s interests in the southern part of the territory stating that:

[a]ccording to a communication from Herr Luderitz, the British Colonial officials doubt whether his acquisitions north of the Orange River can claim German protection. You will declare officially that he and his settlement are under the protection of the Empire.[6]   

As historian A.J.P. Taylor writes,

[i]n 1884 Bismarck, too, entered the colonial field. His reasons for this are obscure. Hitherto he had kept his gaze riveted to Europe and had insisted that Germany had enough to do in protecting her security and in developing her resources. He had rejoiced to be free from the rivalries which caused conflicts among others. He said repeatedly: “I am no man for colonies.” Now he created a great colonial empire, each unit of it seemingly designed to exasperate British feeling. The first, which grew into German South-West Africa, was at the backdoor of Cape Colony. The Cameroons broke into an area where the British had monopolized trade for many years. German East Africa threatened the British control of Zanzibar. And finally, German New Guinea encroached on the British colonies in Australia.

     There were, of course, domestic motives for Bismarck’s colonial policy. Hamburg was on the point of entering the German customs-union at last; and colonial markets were perhaps held out to the Hamburg merchants as some compensation for the loss of their Free Trade privileges. There were wider grounds, too. Men everywhere - not only in France and England, but in Italy and even in little Belgium  were talking about 'the age of imperialism', and the Germans were anxious not to be left out. Colonies provided a new 'national' cause, which drove a further wedge between the Progressives, who opposed them, and the [216] remaining National Liberals, who still supported Bismarck. Moreover, Bismarck welcomed conflict with England for its own sake.[7]


The Cape Government reportedly declared ‘her eager willingness to annex the debatable territory’[8] but Lüderitz meanwhile receives confirmation from Bismarck that ‘his private colony [‘Lüderitz land’[9]] would receive full protection’, and the trader Woermann was summoned to Berlin to be informed that ‘all German traders on the West African coast were to be placed under the protection of the Reich’[10]. A German protectorate is declared ‘over the area south of Lüderitz north to Cape Frio’[11]. Adolf Lüderitz hoists the German flag again on 7th August[12]. Later in August, the German flag is hoisted at Sandwich Harbour, followed by Swakopmund, Cape Cross and Cape Frio[13].

In July the government of the Cape Colony ratifies the annexation of Walvis Bay and proposes ‘that the coast between the southern boundary of the Portuguese territory and the Orange River be annexed to the Cape Province’ although the British Government does not accept the proposal[14]. The German explorer Gustav Nachtigal, as Special Commissioner of the German Government, receives orders to set sail and raise the German flag along the west African coast, met at the mouth of the Cameroon River by representatives of the Woermann trading company[15]. Bismarck ‘dispatches two fast navy corvettes’ (?including the Elizabeth mastered by Capt. Schering[16]) that arrive on 7 August in Angra Pequeña to raise the German flag, which, accompanied by a 21 gun salute, took place on 8 August with ‘a proclamation read out declaring that Adolf Lüderitz’s private empire now enjoyed the protection and sovereignty of “His Majesty Kaiser Wilhelm I”’ - a ceremony repeated ‘all along the Namib shoreline’ by sailors on a German warship (?the Wolf under command of Capt. Von Raven[17]) headed for Singapore[18]. By end of 1884 ‘almost 1 million square miles of Africa had been brought under nominal control of Germany and her charter companies’[19], although Walvis Bay remains a free port for exchanges with Europe and the colonies[20].

A contemporary commentator describes the Kaiser’s eventual ambition here as making ‘the Cape Union provinces [i.e. British South Africa] an annexe of German South West Africa’, an ambition which ‘resulted in consolidating Boers and British in their determination to include Damaraland and Namaqualand in the Union’[21]. German officials are claimed to colonise the territory on ‘military lines’, which reportedly leaves the colony ‘burdened with more official ordinances and regulations than would be required to run an Empire’[22]. Overall, the ‘imposition of imperial rule’ initiates ‘a programme of subjugating indigenous communities to German state authority’ requiring that people ‘relinquish their sovereignty and be prevented from deploying arms to protect their interests’, and submit to the ‘purchase’ of land and mineral rights and the ‘signing of protection treaties’[23].

Countering rivalries within Herero society, Kamaherero of Okahandja reasserts his earlier claim to Kaoko as part of what he conceives as ‘Hereroland’, later curtailed by Manasse Tjiseseta[24].

Some trekboers around William Worthington Jordan, a trader from the Cape (son of a British father and a Cape Coloured woman) decide to move from Angola to the Grootfontein area[25].


The director of the Botanical Museum of Zurich, Hans Schinz, journeys through German South West Africa, and is considered an expert on Namibian flora[26], travelling to the north, Etosha, Ovamboland and Grootfontein in 1885-1886] [see 1891].


Local people from ‘Kaokoveld’ have ‘close contact with the Portuguese colonial system’, with many men working ‘as labourers on plantations and as mercenaries for the Portuguese army’[27].



In February the General Berlin Act – the so-called Congo Document – is signed by major European powers, committing to protections of the welfare of natives in European African colonies[28], such that ‘in the event of war hostilities would not be carried into the colonies [and] Europeans would not be fighting Europeans in Africa’[29]. Also in this year, Lüderitz’s ship the Tilly sinks taking with it much of his fortune and to prevent Lüderitz from entering into agreements with British financiers Bismarck conjures into existence the German South West Africa Colonial Company [the Deutsche Kolonial-Gesellschaft für Südwest-Afrika[30]] to take over Lüderitz’s remaining assets[31], losing 45,159 marks in its first year of operation and precipitating creation of a state-financed colonial operation requiring an Imperial Commissioner - namely Dr Heinrich Ernst Göring[32] (father of Hermann Göring - former Prime Minister of Prussia and President of the Reichstag tried as key leader of Nazi regime under the Nuremberg trials[33]). Britain accepts a proposal ‘to set up a West Coast Claims Joint Commission … to investigate conflicts of interest between longer-standing British entrepreneurial activities and new German initiatives’[34]. The Congo Free State is recognised[35]. Some Angola Trekboers have already left[36]. The Cape Government severs ties with ‘the Transgariep tribes’[37].

At the end of January a member of the German administration called Waldemar Belck leaves Walvis Bay [having travelled there with August Lüderitz in August 1884] for ‘the Kaokoveld’, holding conferences at Otjitambi, a big waterhole north-west of Kamanjab, with the Swartbooi captain Cornelius Swartbooi  (|Hôa-|arab !Âbemab[38]) for ‘the purchase of their territory’[39]. Belck is joined by Ludwig Kock who has recently obtained ‘a very favourable mining concession form Jan Jonker [Afrikaner] for the territory of the Afrikaner Hottentots’ defined as follows: ‘the western border between the Kuiseb and Swakop rivers coincided with the Topnaars’ eastern border’; ‘[f]om Horebis on the Swakop river … via Annawood near Otjimbingwe, to Windhoek, from where it went to Gamsberg via Aris and … to the Kuiseb where it joined the Topnaar’s border’[40]. On 19th June Kock buys ‘the Kaokoveld from Cornelius Swartbooi’, excluding Okombahe (‘Nattbout’) and its grazing lands [which had in around 1873 been allocated to ‘Berg Damaras’] for R200, with R10 to be received by the Swartbooi for ‘every mine worked in the territory’:

[t]he border went from Omaruru to the mouth of the Omaruru River, along the coast as far as Cape Frio, from there to Swartboois Drift on the Kunene River and then via Nattbout [Okombahe /  !Aǂgommes] and Ameib [!Am-eib] to Omaruru.[41] 

German scientist Waldemar Belck also conducts anthropometric measurements at Otjitambi[42].

Kock subsequently goes ‘to the section of the Topnaar tribe living at Sesfontein under Captain Jan Uichamab [|Uixamab]’, ‘chief of the !Gomen, whose father |Uixab had moved on to Sesfontein after a spell in the Bokberg [Erongo]’[43], receiving on 4 July ‘a declaration from them in which they relinquished their claim to the Kaokoveld and acknowledged the contract of sale with Cornelius Swartbooi’, from which would be excluded Sesfontein and its grazing lands ‘which would remain the Topnaars’ private property’: the Topnaars receive R100 for their rights, again with with R10 for ‘every mine worked in the territory’[44].

Cornelius Swartbooi of Fransfontein and Jan |Uixamab of Sesfontein thus sell ‘their respective territories’ in ‘the Kaoko-area’ to businessman August Lüderitz (via Ludwig Kock and Waldemar Bleck), through which Lüderitz acquires ‘the right of development and utilization of all mineral resources, while the captains reserved control over their places of residence and their pastures’[45]. Lüderitz thereby acquires the ‘coastal strip’ from 22°S (around mouth of Omaruru River, present-day Hentiesbaai) to Cape Frio, described later as, “[o]f all the devious land acquisition treaties negotiated by Leutwein” the one covering this coastal area “was the most devious”.[46]

These treaties are the first written / official documents ‘through which the Oorlam leadership in the north-west formally expressed their claim to Kaoko and negotiated a detailed territorial outline of the region’: its western border corresponded with the Atlantic ocean, its northern border with the Kunene River eastwards to Swartbooisdrift, its southern boundary – pushing up against Herero claims – was the Ugab River eastwards to where it crosses 15° longitude and its eastwards boundary was from this point upwards in ‘an imaginary line running east of Fransfontein, through Ombombo and Otjitambi, and eventually reaching Swartbooisdrift on the Kunene’[47]. The signing of treaties ‘usually involved a cash down payment and a lease to be paid’ plus, importantly, the delivery of arms and ammunition to the sellers[48]. In this year, however, ‘Leutwein’s attempts to force the Ondonga king, Kambonde, into a so-called Schutzvertrag (protection treaty) failed’[49].

The Swartbooi / |Uixamab ‘sale’ of rights to the area is contested by the Herero Captain Manasse at Omaruru in a meeting at Okahandja with Dr Göring:

[a]fter he had learnt of the sale of the Kaokoveld the previous July, Manasse had put his objections to this to the Kaiser. Although the territory was not being inhabited by the Hereros at that moment, it was Herero land and neither the Topnaars nor the Swartbooi Hottentots had any right to sell it. Dr. Göring tried to settle the matter by reprimanding Cornelius Swartbooi. He pointed out to the Swartbooi captain that he and his tribe had only settled at Otjitambi in the Kaokoveld in 1882 and therefore did not own the territory [but, nb. Alexander, Hoernlé etc. on prior ‘Red Nation’ / Nama presence in the north-west]. It would have been much better if they had first obtained the permission of the Hereros at Omaruru before they had sold the territory. In the same breath Dr. Göring strongly advised Cornelius Swartbooi to place himself under German protection.[50] 

Jordan [see 1884] and Kambonde (son of Ndonga king Kampingana) reach an agreement with regard to a 25,000km2 concession of land between Grootfontein, Otavi, Etosha Pan (with Okaukeujo and Ombika as the western boundary), and Waterberg for Jordan’s trekboere[51],

Schinz comments:

[a]fter rather cumbersome negotiations accompanied by Aguardente banquets Kambonde, with agreement of his father Nampingana, finally agreed in July 1885 at Jordans request.[52] 

Apparently Kambonde and his father ceded Jordan a piece of land of around 957 geographical square miles in the southeastern corner of Ondonga’s area against the the payment of 25 muskets (country value 3 £ per piece), a “salted” horse (120 £) and a cask of brandy[53]. Border points were to the West and the South: Noolongo, Okahakana, Okoukuejo, Ombika, Ondjombo jomuhamba, ǂNudaus, Okasima k' Oombale, Oshiheka Mountain, Omeja ongendji and Omutse u ondjamba. The northern border was the Etosha pan and its outflow Onzila, ‘whereas the area to the east was so to speak unlimited’.[54] The establishment of the Republic of Upingtonia was proclaimed in October 1885 and 46 Boers signed an agreement as citizens of the new Republic: with the land subdivided by Jordan although he ‘retained the mineral and trading rights for the whole area’.[55] The farmers had to cope with ‘Bushmen’ attacks on a daily basis.[56] When the paramount chief of the ‘Herero’, Maherero heard about the contract, he laid claim to the area but without success[57].

Dieckmann writes that ‘[o]bviously Jordan wanted to establish the Republic in this area because of the rich copper deposits controlled by the Haiǁom’ and ‘to take over the mines … he needed a large number of whites to protect his investment’, although on hearing of the Trekboer-Ndonga deal, the paramount chief of the Herero – Maherero- also laid claim to the area[58]:

[n]o sooner had Jordan’s purchase in Hererolande become known than Kamaherero, as chief of the Ovaherero, objected to it by denying Kambonde’s entitlement to this sale and in particular by claiming that the area around the Otavi Mountains, which are the source of copper ore, belongs to Hererolande[59].

With reference to this claim, however, and as Schinz points out, the Herero word used for copper (otjikoporo or ongoporo) was clearly of English and thus recent origin, and ‘the Bushmen in that area recognized the hegemony of Kambonde, the Ndonga king, and thus the Herero claim to the mine area appears false[60].

Johannes Kruger, ‘an intelligent Cape Bastard’ is appointed by Governor Leutwein as ‘Chief’ of the natives of Grootfontein’ [for full transcript see 1918]:

The first German I met was Von Francois, who passed through Grootfontein with troops towards N’gami. Some years later Major Leutwein came to Ghaub with Dr. Hartmann, the manager of the S.W.A. Company. He stayed there only a day and drew up an agreement for me to sign, wherein I was appointed Captain of the natives and had to recognize German sovereignty and control. Leutwein said I was Captain of the Bushmen and Damaras and of all people who lived at Ghaub. The agreement was signed on 31.8.1895. I identify the original agreement and my signature now shown to me. (Original agreement read over the deponent.) I signed the agreement unwillingly. I at first refused to sign it, but they (Leutwein and Hartmann) insisted, so I eventually agreed.[61]

Göring, with the clerk Louis Nels and the soldier Hugo Goldammer, arrives in Walvis Bay on 2 September on the British cruiser the Namaqua, instructed by Bismarck to negotiate protection treaties and alliances between the German Reich and the so-called autonomous rulers of the territory[62]. The first German administration is established at Otjimbingwe, with Göring (Commissioner of Germany) Louis Nels and Hugo Goldammer.[63] In mid-September they head for the Herero capital Okahandja with four ox-wagons, where the Herero leaders including the elderly Chief Maharero Tjamuaha (said to own more than 30 thousand cattle), lived in ‘a row of brick houses’ on a bend in the Okahandja River[64]. They are upstaged by the arrival of the Witbooi and several hundred Nama who ‘[i]n accordance with a peace treaty signed only a year earlier to end a decade-long war’, and with thousands of cattle were seeking safe passage to pastures further north[65]. At Osona, a few miles south-west of Okahandja, the Witbooi are seemingly welcomed by Tjamuaha, but fighting then broke out in what appeared to be an ambush by the Herero in which nearly 70 Herero and 24 Witbooi were killed, and the latter were forced to abandon cattle and wagons and retreat southwards, to prepare for the outbreak of war[66]. A ‘protection and friendship treaty’ is signed between Maharero Tjamuaha and Göring on behalf of the German Kaiser (the German Emperor, King of Prussia), which both ‘secured a legal foothold for Germany in South West Africa’, and made an enemy of the astute Witbooi Kaptein, Hendrik Witbooi[67].

Hendrik Witbooi sets out northwards from Gibeon with around 600 leading Gibeon Witbooi, plus ‘a large following made up of Veldschoendragers, Kol and many of his Grootedoden, Kaiǁkhaun, and also Oorlam Afrikaner members’[68]. They meet Maharero near Osona in mid-October after Maharero has written (twice) to confirm that ‘Witbooi's train was to pass through unmolested’[69]. Lau writes that

the Witbooi camp was surrounded by an overwhelming number of Herero warriors, even as Hendrik and Maharero sat together to smoke a pipe; the attack was launched the next morning, and the Witbooi were terribly routed, losing their horses and wagons, with 24 dead (two of them Hendrik's sons), and 20 wounded’[70].    

Other accounts assert that war between the Witboois and the Herero escalated once more after ‘Witbooi’s mounted fighters raided Chief Kjamuaha’s cattle, … demonstrating the military prowess of the Herero’s opponents and the worthlessness of their ‘alliance’ with the Germans’[71].

Curt von François who was later to play a key role in German colonisation of South West Africa, sets off as a mercenary to explore and acquire the Congo for King Leopold II of Belgium, becoming a ‘racial fanatic, with unshakeable views on how Africans should be treated’[72].

Missionary Carl Hugo Hahn dies in Cape Town[73].

The  Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft für Südwest-Afrika (German Colonial Society for Southwest Africa,  known as DKGSWA) was founded and soon buys the possessions of Lüderitz, who is almost bankrupt, in line with Bismarck’s policy that private rather than state capital should be used to develop the colony. In total, seven main private real estate and mining companies come into existence, DKGSWA (1885), South West African Company (SWAC), 1892), Kharaskhoma Syndicate (1892); Hanseatische Land-, Minen- und Handelsgesellschaft (1895); Otavi Minen- und Eisenbahngesellschaft (OMEG, 1900), Gibeon Schürf- und Handelsgesellschaft (1903). However,  private German capital only begins to flow into the colony after 1900.[74]


In the ‘Republic of Upingtonia’ 43 farms are allocated to Boer farmers between December 1885 and March 1887, the farmers having ‘to cope with Haiǁom attacks on a nearly daily basis’ facilitated by firearms gained through the ivory trade, with at least two Upingtonia settlers (Todd and du Toit) being shot[75].


Angola Boers take part ‘as volunteers in ten expeditions against insurgent natives and played an important part in the subjugation of the remote territories of Angola to Portuguese authority’[76].


The first Cape colony legislation for game conservation is established with the Cape Act for the Preservation of Game[77].

In June, Jordan [see 1884, 1885] is murdered in ‘Ovamboland’ by ‘[p]eople of the chief Nehale of Ondangwa’, rumoured to have acted on behalf of Maherero, after which the Republic of Upingtonia was dissolved[78].

The German government attempts to fix northern boundary with Portugal; borders between Kaokoland and the western Owambo kingdoms (Uukwaluudhi, Uokuolonkadhi, Ongandjera) remain open[79]: a border agreement between Germany and Portugal divides Ovambo people, ‘yet neither country had any jurisdiction over the Ovambo’ [also 1891][80]. Britain and German ratify ‘an agreement of protocol’ whereby Germany acknowledges Britain’s claim to the Penguin Islands[81].

Sir Francis Galton remarks in an article in the UK’s The Times newspaper that ‘I saw enough of savage races [in Namibia], to give me material to think about all the rest of my life’.[82]

The population of Franzfontein is estimated at around 800 people[83]. ‘Jan Uchamab of the Topnaars’ joins forces with the Swartboois ‘who wanted to attack the Herero, but this was prevented by the Germans’[84].

A German trading business called Merten & Sichel is opened in Walvis Bay, Sichel referring to Joseph Sichel (b. 01/10/1856 in Germany, d. 15/08/1921 on ship from Walvis bay bound for Germany) who attempts to start trading business in Kaokoveld but is resisted by |Uixamab [see below][85].

Adolf Lüderitz drowns while exploring the estuary of the Oranje River.[86]

No white rhino were left in 1886 [in Etosha?] and black rhinos only found refuge in the most inaccessible spots.[87]


The Swartboois settle in Fransfontein, under the leadership of Cornelius Swartbooi (|Hôa-|arab !Âbemab), eventually with RMS Heinrich Reichmann as missionary[88].

The republic of Upingtonia is dissolved and the area is placed under German protection.[89] The conflicts with ‘Bushmen’ were part of the reasons why the trekkers left the area.[90] Some went to Transvaal, some to Humbata (Angola), others to the area of Omaruru.[91]

Dierks writes that Axel Eriksson settles in this year on a cattle farm close to Namutoni, where he stays until his death (1901).[92] However, his grave is on farm Urupupa close to Grootfontein.[93]


Approx. 30 years before 1917 -
Vita Tom / ‘Oorlog’ states to Major Charles N. Manning at a meeting on 9th August in Sesfontein:

I mention here that before my sons were born (about 30 years ago? CNM.) an OVATSHIMBA named MUHONA KATITI being driven out from Kaokoveld by Hottentots came to me in Angola with his people for protection. He had nothing and I gave him cattle and small stock also a blanket. He wears no clothing like us. I got Portuguese authority for him to live near me. He got rich and left me to go to TSHABIKWA§ in Angola. There he murdered a Portuguese trader named INASO and took his property besides burning his wagon. He fled from Portuguese Police to an island in Kunene River. Hearing that I was coming together with a party of Europeans ordered by Govt. to arrest him, he killed 26 Kaoko Hereros who had a vee-post near the Kunene. The survivors fled to us without any property at all. Some are with me now (Statements will be taken. CNM.) It is now 5 years ago when this occurred. MUHONA KATITI then fled south to the Kaokoveld and settled at MUHONGO river (vide German map CNM). He then trekked to OMBUKU which is junction of Muhonga and Kunene Rivers. The Boers William Venter, Andries Alberts and several others came with Portuguese to arrest him but he got away to his former place on Muhonga River. Some of his cattle were however captured. The Portuguese still want MUHONA KATITI. During this year MUHONA went across the Kunene and killed a herd boy of Jacob Erickson’s (living in Angola) and he stole 150 cattle bringing them back to Muhonga. I have one of Erickson’s riding oxen and know his brand. …[94]


Drought years[95].


The Cape colony Forest and Herbage Preservation Act no. 18 is modified as the Forestry Act no. 22 to become ‘the most comprehensive form of conservation legislation passed in British colonies during the nineteenth century’[96].

First German Schutztruppe - small ‘protective forces’ of ultra-nationalist German men[97] - appears, led by Lieutenant Hans Ulrich von Quitow[98].


Bismarck is persuaded to back the colony militarily, and Hauptman (Captain) Curt von Francois and 21 soldiers arrive in Walvis Bay.[99] Von Francois, under Theodor Leutwein[100], establishes troops at Tsaobis where they can confiscate supplies from travellers on the main trading route between Walvis bay and Hereroland, and by setting himself on a collision course with the Herero and Nama von Francois negotiates German reinforcements from a reluctant Bismarck who towards the end of 1889 sends small German ‘Protection Army’[101].

Krönlein publishes a ‘Khoi-khoin (Nama-Hottentotten)’ dictionary[102]. RMS missionary Dr Peter Heinrich Brincker in this year notes that “[a]bout the Bushmen there is to note in passing that not all who are called Bushmen are really this... There are in the Kalahari and in the Northeast of Hereroland a number of such Hottentots who are called Bushman, but in reality they are bastardised and impoverished Hottentots, leading a Bushman life”[103]]. Brincker leaves Otjimbingwe in this year and Viehe takes over, the former authoring a memorandum to Chancellor Bismarck advocated ‘the stationing of a strong military contingent in the colony’[104].

Late 1880s

The rinderpest epidemic arrived in Horn of Africa in late 1880s, ‘possibly carried by Indian cattle imported into Eritrea by the Italian colonists’[105].

By end of 1880s RMS Franzfontein missionary Reichmann estimates a population of 500 people in Sesfontein[106].

William Chapman describes Oorlam raids from Sesfontein into the Mossamedes hinterland in south-west Angola[107].


In the 1880s and into the 1890s the Oorlam-Nama population in Sesfontein expands to close to 500 including dependents [e.g. Damara from the broader region as well as kidnapped Himba from the north], a pattern mirrored in Warmquelle and Otjitambi, and thriving garden economies are established in Sesfontein and Fransfontein, complementing Nama herd concentrations in these areas[108]. Multiple accounts of livestock raiding by Oorlam Nama (kuena) in Kaoko and into southern Angola[109].

Mossamedes, the most important harbour on the southwest Angolan coast, becomes the main outlet for ivory from northwestern Namibia in the 1880s and 1890s[110]. Local mercenary leaders resident in southwestern Angola during the 1890s and 1900s and ‘offering their services to the Portuguese army’, such as Vita Thom (Oorlog) and Muhona Katiti, ‘were also elephant hunters, engaging directly with the Dorsland Trekkers in their efforts’[111].


Local people from ‘Kaokoveld’ have ‘close contact with the Portuguese colonial system’, with many men working ‘as labourers on plantations and as mercenaries for the Portuguese army’[112].


Missionary Reichmann of the RMS opens the first mission station in ‘the far north-west’ in Franzfontein[113]. From around this year ‘the Angola settlers clashed with Petrus Swartbooi, the Hottentot leader from Sessfontein in the Kaokoveld … who led cattle-raids into southern Angola’[114].

Maherero dies and is buried at Okahandja and is succeeded by one of his  sons Samuel Maherero.[115]

In January, von François’ reinforcements arrive, bringing the German garrison up to 62 men[116]. Curt von Francois provides the following map regarding the distribution of ethnic groups:[117]

The Blue Book of 1918 estimates ‘Berg-Damara’ to be not fewer than 30,000 to 40,000 at this time, with probably more living in unreachable and uncountable localities[118].

A new edition of Francis Galton’s “Tropical South Africa” under the new title “Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa” is published, including an updated map and remarks in the preface (written 1889) on the new establishment of a ‘German protectorate’ over the lands he travelled through and ‘the possession of Walfisch Bay by Great Britain’[119].


Galton’s updated map in 1890 entitled “Map of Ovampoland”. Source: scan from Galton 1890, opp. p. 1.

Early 1890s

Early 1890s – rinderpest reaches the Zambesi River[120].


Axel Erikssen has a hunting camp south of the Kunene and, like Hartmann in 1900, reports on large Portuguese hunting parties crossing the Kunene into Kaoko[121]. Möller reports that ‘hordes of raiding Nama rode horses and oxen as far north as Angola’[122], cf. Bollig, after William Chapman, reports at least two Kuena forays into south-west Angola[123]. The German colonial government in Namibia pressurizes the Portugese government of Angola to supervise the arms trade, boosting the barter economy in northern Namibia in clothes, beads and alcohol, especially from Angola[124]. The ‘[s]cope and scale of Oorlam involvement in the underground trade [in southern Angola] would trouble the SWA colonial administration in the making’[125]. The Portuguese military in Angola abandon their ‘expeditions into the interior’ precipitating a decline in the power and rule of men such as Vita Tom who had created and consolidated a power base through their military alliances[126], a knock on effect being the return of Vita Tom to northern Namibia / Kaoko.


The Cape’s Act for the Preservation of Game (1886) is extended to the BSAC (‘Rhodesia’) by Proclamation of the High Commissioner[127].

Samuel Maherero is recognised by the German colonial authorities, which is not accepted by other Ovaherero leaders.[128]

The white population of German South West Africa stands at 139[129]. The majority of Nama leaders have lined up behind Hendrik Witbooi [!Nanseb] by this year[130] who on 28 June writes to Robert Duncan that:

[t]hey [the Germans] told the chiefs of this country that they come as friends to prevent other powerful nations taking their land away from them. But it looks as if they are the ones who are taking the land’[131].

Missionary Reichmann arrives in Fransfontein on 4th December, after the Swartboois’ request for a ‘teacher’ from the Rhenish Mission is approved by the German Rhenische Mission headquarters in Wuppertal[132]. Reichmann tells of people he calls ‘Bergdamara’ living in the larger area around Fransfontein who ‘were resettled to Tsumamas, a fountain about 25kms east of Fransfontein … [also with] good soils for gardening and plenty of water’[133]. RMS Missionary Friedrich Kremer is sent to Africa on 16 October: at the conference of Herero missionaries he was designated for work among the mountain Damaras, which “was vigorously undertaken at that time”, by establishing the Tsumamas station [Otombuima], but this was later abandoned, with ǁGaub chosen as the future station for Bergdamara[134].

The botanist Schinz, who travelled in SWA in the mid 1880s , publishes his “Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika Forschungsreisen” which becomes the first comprehensive and illustrated “Länderkunde” (country monograph) on this newly acquired German colony’[135]. Regarding “Hottentotten” of “Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika”, he reports the following:

[t]he collective term “Hottentot” actually includes two ethnologically different groups, namely the !Gorãnan (Korãnna) or bald people [Kahlköpfigen] and those of Naman or real Hottentot.[136] 

He notes that he would not go into detail with reference to the !Gorãnan because they were already strongly mixed with “Aryan blood” and because the so called tribes have completely disappeared from Greater Namaland, proceeding to say,

[t]he name Hottentotte is derived by Dr. Theoph. Hahn, the undeniably best connoisseur of Great Namaland, from the Low German “Hüttentüt”, a term which means something wrong, stupid, confused. The first Europeans who had longer contact with the Hottentots were Dutchmen, and with the ridiculous impression that the naked, lean and chicken-glugging natives have made on them, it must be admitted that Hahn’s meaning is not without truthfulness. The Hottentot, whose strong side, like all other Africans, is not exactly overly modest, calls himself Khoi-Khoib or Man of Man (Plural Khoi-Khoin), more rarely and only when he speaks of a second ‘Namab’ (Plural Naman). The meaning of Namab is still uncovered and the natives themselves are not able to give any explanation. The fact that the word is already in the very first travelogues about South Africa and then has always been applied to the people on the other side of the Orange River, makes me think that “Nama” might be a collective term for all those in the north of that river was a yellow-skinned tribe.[137]

He continues to report on hypotheses about their origin, but concludes that:

I myself am not able to agree with any of these conjectures, but have come to conclude that the Hottentots are a cross product of a light coloured race with the San [apparently, he does not regard ‘Bushmen’ or ‘San’ as impoverished ‘Nanmaqua’], which I consider to be the South African autochthons...[138]

He labels apparently Khoekhoegowab-speaking inhabitants of Etosha Pan area as ‘Nama-Bushmen’[139]. He also refers to Fritsch and mentions ‘racial’ and linguistic similarities between the two and writes:

the anthropological relationship that exists between Hottentots and Bushmen, which goes so far that it is mostly impossible even for the trained eye of the European born in the country to recognize two individuals belonging to the two races as different, speaks decidedly against the assumption that the Hottentots belong to the peoples of Egypt.[140]

With regard to the Bergdamara, he writes the following:

[a]s a further tribe living in the south of the German protectorate Southwest Africa, I have to mention the !Haukhoin (real people, footnote: this is what the people call themselves), who are of a completely different race from the Hottentots and the Ovaherero .., and who, unlike the latter, the so-called cattle damara [Viehdamara], are also called Bergdamara, mainly because they prefer to live in the mountains. The Bergdamara, … claims a completely isolated position: the hair color playing in the black, combined with the very compact body shape, separates it just as sharply from the race of the Hottentots (including Bushmen) as from each of the Bantu tribes lying to the north. Descent, original seats and migrations - if such of them at all ever undertaken, are completely unknown to us and will unfortunately do so most probably forever due to the surprising lack of Legends, traditions and purely national customs.

Fritsch has the assumption that the Bergdamara, the !Haukhoin, have developed by “mixing”, but this hypothesis lacks any justification yet; the whole appearance of a mountain damara show… no reminiscence of the Bantu or Namatypus, but rather to the black tribes in the area of the Benue, the actual negroes, without that but a closer relationship with those are claimed here. The majority of missionaries, the undeniably best Connoisseurs of the southwest-African people-races, are of the opinion, that the Bergdamara are the decimated remnants of the pre-Bantu indigenous population of the mountainous southwestern part, while the Bushmen are the remnants of the indigenous people which inhabited once the whole central, southern and southeastern Africa, a view which I share at present.[141]

Schinz continues with speculations on migrations of different people (‘Bantu’, ‘Hottentotten’). With regard to occurrence and numbers of ‘Bergdamara’, he states the following:

[i]f we follow the tales of individual Bergdamara or !Haukhoin, the number of them was, hardly a human age ago, still surprisingly large. It is also known that the traveller Sir Francis Galton 40 years ago found still numerous Bergdamara families where we would look for them today in vain. Still inhabited [hiding] places [Schlupfwinkel] of the same are the Erongo-, Etjo- and Omuveroumue [Waterberg]mountains, and also those between Hereroland and the 18th degree of latitude and the source area of the black and white Nosob. They form nowhere politically organized cooperatives, but live in small…family associations sporadically soon there, soon there. The eldest of such a group has, as the most respected and experienced, the rights of a “pater familias”, but he is only respected by the fellows as long as it is suitable [genehm] for them; it is this loose, ephemeral connection which might accelerate the decline of the race so much. In the southern part of Hereroland and in Great Namaland we find the Bergdamara as a slave of the Hottentot, Bastards, Ovaherero and even the white man.[142]

Schinz is of the opinion that the “indolent” character of the ‘Bergdamara’ did not allow him to keep his original freedom, like the ‘Bushmen’ and so “he has become a dispossessed Pariah, the will-less tool of the rulers”:

however, from time to time, Bergdamara would escape to the impassable gorges of the mountains, feeding on plants, locusts and larvae. If hunger became more palpable, ‘Bergdamara’ would move into the valley in order to hunt, not antelopes but rather the herds of “his hated oppressors, until he is then again chased and shot together like game. So the poor man lives in a constant, cruel fight against the nature and the people, which both are allies, in order to bring about his downfall more quickly.
The Bergdamara possesses with rare exceptions neither small and large livestock and is therefore in his nutrition almost exclusively dependent on plant food; a sought-after delicacy are locusts and …a not yet determined yellow and blue speckled caterpillar, which he roasts both in the ashes and without further ingredients. The so-called Uientjes are also roasted in the fire, and then either eaten immediately or - with sufficient supply - probably also crushed in a wooden mortar, mixed with water and eaten as a porridge. For the acquisition of the game the Bergdamara uses, apart from bow and arrows, in particular the pitfalls and snares, but hunting is very difficult for him due to the because of the mass devastation caused by Europeans and Hottentots

He continues to describe their weapons, decoration, huts, etc. and notes that their language is the same as ‘Hottentot’ but that it differs in the “roughness” of pronounciation.[144] He points out that their “character traits”, being “natural modesty, expression of frugality and easy learning for work,”and standing in large contrast to the character traits of Hottentot and the Ovaherero, would make ‘Bergdamara’ a valuable work force for the German Protectorate.[145]

He further reports that Missionary Viehe estimated 35,000 ‘Bergdamara’ in 1887 and that ‘Nama Bushmen’ in saying that the name was given by missionary Brincker to the mixture of Hottentots with Bushmen, who were found, similar to the Bergdamara, in small “hordes” throughout southwest Africa, and whose “body shape, head formation and skin color unmistakable point to the Hottentot descent.” However, he contradicts Brincker, saying that “those” individuals were not a result of ‘Hottentot’ with ‘Bushmen’ in particular but rather, “run-down half-breeds of Hottentot with Bergdamara, Ovaherero, Bushmen, etc.”. So-called ‘Bushmen’ mentioned in recent reports of Great Nama- and Hereroland were, according to him, without exception these ‘Nama Bushmen’ and should not share any anthropological relationship with ‘pure Bushmen’ who had withdrawn from these areas to the Kalahari long ago. He considers Nama-Bushmen as excellent cattle thieves who “find the best livelihood in the constant wars and raids of the Hottentots against the Ovaherero, which they incessantly follow like vultures”.[146]

Schinz mentions that he met a number of ‘Bergdamara’ at Outjo, who came with honey and veldkost (uintjies and seeds of Bauhinia) in order to exchange it for tobacco. He also exchanged gun powder against bows and arrows. He mentions that,

[u]sually among a larger group, at least one lucky person is in possession of a rifle, another may have primers, a third has powder and these three then help each other out with the tacit agreement that the hunt booty also is evenly distributed.[147]

He was told that the arrows were poisoned with the lactic acid of a plant, which they reportedly had exchanged with their western neighbors, the Kaoko Ovatjimba. Schinz assumed that it was from the plant Adenium böhmianum Schinz, the same Apocyneen shrub, which also supplied the Ovambo with the arrow poison.[148]

While at Otjovasandu (north of Outjo farm 183?]), Schinz and his companions encountered a number of ‘Bergdamara’ huts. He reports of the place, that is rich in open water pools and has good pasture; that the field was extraordinarily rich in antelope herds, namely Springbok, and describes the way ‘Bergdamra’ would catch them in snares attached to trees. Otherwise the ‘Bergdamara’ would feed entirely on field crops (Grevia, Boscia berries etc.) and on roots or bulbs. He assumes that this might be one of the reasons why some ‘Bergdamara’ individuals have “overhanging stomachs”.[149] Schinz was also visited by a single ‘Bergdamara,’ bringing a fur bag full of berries.[150] Notably, this was an area inhabited by ‘Haiǁom’ as well, and the question remains, if and how he distinguished them. Schinz reported that Ombika [Etosha], an “oasis”, was at the time a place where some ‘Bergdamara’ lived.[151] He points out differences in their clothes, hairstyle and arrows to those of the ‘Bergdamara’ he had seen beforehand. Again, oral history indicates that Ombika has long been inhabited by Haiǁom.[152] [153] He reported that the best exchange items with three people, who did not yet have guns, were tobacco, tinderboxes and steel.[154]

When Schinz and his companions wanted to move on,

they [the ‘Bergdamara’] still expressed the wish, that I choose a man from their midst and take him along as a companion, so that he could earn a rifle for his work, but …I made them understand that my return journey would not bring me to Ombika and that the fellow, if later dismissed from my service and finding himself among Ovaherero or Naman, would probably not be in possession of the rifle for long.[155]

On the way back from Ovamboland, and after having left Namutoni, the travelers had to send ‘Bushmen’ to Jordan in Grootfontein in order to get stronger oxen for the wagons, the messengers receiving 1 pound of powder and 12 lead balls in return for their service[156]. The oxen arrived 11 days later.[157]

From time to time Bushmen visited us, bringing veldkos in exchange for tobacco; in the first days after our arrival a caravan of 15 men arrived from Aandonga, coming from Otavi, loaded with copper ore and returning to their homeland.[158]

Regarding the copper mining of Bushmen, Schinz reports:

Copper ores have been extracted from the so-called Otavimine in the southeast of Ondonga, today’s Upingtonia, since ancient times. The ore is usually crushed and transported to the foot of the mountain by the Bushmen of that area, who recognize Kambonde as their overlord, where Aandonga receives the pieces and brings them in fur bags to Oondonga.[159]

He describes in some detail the procedure, when a ‘Bushman’ healer cured one of Schinz’ companions, a ‘Bergdamara’ with the name of Kairob. He comments on it: ‘[f]rom that hour on, Kairob, my companion, was again as healthy and fresh as ever’. Schinz regarded the demonstration of ‘the removed magic things from the body’ and its explanation as a fraud, assuming that the Bushman had hidden those things in his hair. However, he admits that the healer acted in good faith, performed faithfully and was ‘convinced of the magic’ performed by himself.[160] Schinz himself regards the procedure as hypnotic suggestion and finds its success, considering the ‘mental level of the person concerned albeit surprisingly, yet by no means incomprehensible.’[161]

In the context of “Kalahari Bushmen”, he mentions their “magicians” [Zauberer] who are unaffected by snake and scorpion bites. Apparently, an old “magician” convinced him in an experiment with scorpions on his body.[162] The man explained to Schinz that he had been in “school” with a “magician” as a boy. The man taught him to rub poison taken by force from the scorpions, diluted with water and urine, in small cuts in his body and to swallow the pulp of mashed and boiled poisonous spines. The same technique was used against snake bites.[163] 

Gürich describes the use of clay vessels by Dama in the Brandberg, having come across Dama preparing grass seeds in a clay pot saying ‘… for cooking they use thick, large pots, which are made of coarse material and have scarcely been fired; these bulge in the middle and are placed on ash with the lower pointed end’[164]. Kinahan seems to omit this observation but does note that Gürich ‘came upon an encampment and described how the people fashioned tobacco pipes from the local stone’, corresponding with observations of the manufacture of stone pipes for around this time in the Hungorob using metal tools, ‘presumably of European origin’[165]. Gürich also observes that “all negroes who sell their labour power at the Bay are exclusively Berg Damara”[166]. Gürich ‘explains how the Bergdama would close off whole wide plains by their thorn-tree hedges and enclosures’[167].

In ‘the forest area between Oukwanyama and Ondonga at Ondugulugu’ a black cow is ritually sacrificed ‘to mark the Ndonga-Kwanyama blood-peace’[168]. Border agreements between Germany and Portugal again divide Ovambo people, ‘yet neither country had any jurisdiction over the Ovambo’ [also 1891][169].


Leutwein provides in his records of “Elf Jahre Gouverneur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika“ (Eleven years governor in Deutsch-Südwestafrika) under the rubric “ethnographic circumstances in 1892” the following numbers: 15000-20000 ‘Hottentotts’, 3000-4000 ‘Bastards’, 70000-80000 ‘Herero’, 90000-100000 ‘Ovambo’ and maybe, taken together, 30000-40000 ‘Bushmen and Bergdamara’.[170] 

In the Grootfontein area, Külz reports:

[b]efore the railway was built, the main access road from Waterberg went to Otavi and Grootfontein, but there was also a road from Outjo up the Ugab valley to Otavi. On the way there, at the rich watering place of Naidaus, Bushmen hordes had settled under a chief Aribib. The area was considered to lie masterless between Herero and Amboland and as such was occupied by the Germans. In 1892 it was handed over to the South West Africa Company through the so-called Damaraland Concession; the area of society thus covers a large and valuable part of the district.[171]

Besides mining and railway rights, the company thus acquired land which had formerly belonged to the Republic Upingtonia. It included a freehold area of 13,000 km², including the town of Grootfontein.[172]

In this year the German colonial administration restricts ivory exports from southwest Africa’s coastal harbours[173].

Regulations for commercial hunting are issued by German authorities in 1892.[174] Anyone wishing to hunt with horses, draught animals or pack animals had to obtain an annual permit for which a fee was charged. In addition, hunting of female and young animals (elephants and ostriches) was prohibited and an annual closed season was set for ostriches.[175] As Joubert writes:

[h]unting was open all the year round but, before a hunt could be organized, permission had to be obtained from the Governor. The only restrictions at this stage were that elephant cows (Loxodonta africana) and calves were protected against hunting and there was a closed season for ostriches (Struthio camelus) from 1 August to 31 October every year.[176] 

Moritz drawing on Kremer’s letters in the archives of the Museum und Archiustiftung in Wuppertal writes that according to a letter by RMS Missionary Kremer from August of this year at the RMS conference held in Otosazu from 6-13 June, he was initially to be eminent as "court preacher" at Kahimemua[?], but Brother Lang was then given this honour. The conference … [instead] designated him for the Bergdamra. Kremer:

[w]ith joy I followed my appointment. According to the decision of the conference I have I have now set off without delay on my journey to the top. My way went via Ameib, the old mission station, the buildings that had been left standing and were still in quite good condition made a wistful impression on my mind. I stayed here in Okombahe for about 6 weeks until I found the opportunity to move on. This short stay was by no means wasted for me, because apart from learning the Nama language, I also helped I. Br. Br. Schaar with some building work, such as extending the kitchen and installing a cooker and oven.

It is not easy for I. Br. Schaar in Okombahe, because he is standing between two fires, as it were, the Herero and Bergdamra. If it seems as if he prefers the Herero, he has the Bergdamra against him, and vice versa even more so.

‘Kremer describes the Herero as a "haughty people, of course, as long as you talk well to them and even hand out gifts, flattering and grovelling. The Bergdamra, on the other hand, are a completely different people; you can't help but grow fond of them." …  He reports that when the Herero were informed of the conference's decision to pay for the schoolmasters themselves, they declared: "We do not object to this - the Bergdamra, who own less cattle than the Herero, have shown themselves willing to pay as much as they can for their schoolmaster. They soon did so by bringing some rams for payment.”[177]


Other accusations against missionary Schaar from local people recorded by Kremer were these:

[w]e missionaries had brought the war into the country, we were the cause of this misery, which should naturally make us think, we young teachers wanted to suck them dry, we were completely different in our words as well as in our treatment. Hahn with the further words, he even gave us beautiful dresses and now beautiful clothes and now, with you, one has to buy the word of God".[178] 


On 15 August, Missionary Kremer moved on to Brother Riechmann in Franzfontein, which was to take five days[179].


The German Colonial Society transfers all rights it has acquired from Lüderitz (incl. to Sesfontein and Franzfontein) to Hirsch and Co., later the Kaoko Land and Mining Company, a London-based company represented by Georg Hartmann in strategic alliance with the German colonial governor Leutwein[180]. Hartmann in this year is working for the South West Africa Co. in Otavi District (Gebiet) south of the Etosha salt pan where he had started his geographic research and receives a cable from the South West Africa Co. to begin an expedition for the Kaoko Land and Mining Company into the middle part of the ‘Kaoko-Feld’, defined at the time as an area from  the coast to the 15th longitude and from the Kunene river in the north to the ‘ǂUgab’  (!Uǂgab) north of the Brandberg to the sea north of Cape Cross[181]:

[t]he main task of this expedition was the mining and agricultural investigation of the middle Kaoko area to beyond Sesffontein. On top of that it should try to travel along the Hoanib River to the coast and to investigate the landing conditions there. This expedition [see 1894] should therefore be the first attempt to explore the unknown coast at this point [119] and I confess that accepted with great enthusiasm to execute this expedition.[182]

It is this Hartmann that both the ‘Hartmann’s Valley’ in Kaokoveld, and the Hartmann’s mountain zebra (Equus zebra hartmannae[183]) of north-west Namibia and south-west Angola, are named after.


The Earl of Mayo makes references to ‘Hottentot raids’ into south-western Angola[**check date], and to ‘Hottentot and Griqua hunters’ employed by trader Axel Eriksson[184], who ‘spent some years as an elephant and ostrich hunter, [and] made a good profit [61] out of it’[185]. In a ‘final clash … between Boers and Hottentots’ in southern Angola the latter are ‘soundly defeated and did not venture to cross the Kunene again’:

[f38] 37 Hottentots were killed, Z. Bronkhurst and H. Robbertse were killed and W. Venter badly wounded. The cattle were scattered during the fight. Jan Robbertse led the party of Boers which was encountered by the fleeing Boers[186].

Some groups of Bergdama (around 200 people) led by their leader !Naruseb [i.e. !Nauriseb] arrive at Okombahe from Sesfontein complaining that |Uixamab’s people made war on them, and ask the people of Okombahe to take them in[187]. Oral history tells of how !Nauriseb and his family grouping was already established at the springs at Sesfontein which they called ǂGabiaǂgao, after which Nama people arrived from the south causing the !Nauriseb and |Uxam families to move to to ǁGuru-daos [meaning rocks/flints that you can make fire with – perhaps near ǁGuru-tsaub / Orupao] and south of ǂNaueb mountain (the mountain to the south of ǂOs pass that leads eastwards out of Sesfontein) to Warmquelle, then moving further south. In oral histories Nathan ǂÛina Taurob relates that |Uxami dom !Nauriseb was the name of ‘the first ǂNūkhoe leader to get the fountain at Sesfontein’. After conflict with ovaHimba people of the Harunga family from Kaokoveld (prior to Nama movement into this area), they moved to ǂHira-!hoas (i.e. Hoanipos) area in Hurubes !hus (land area)[1][188]. |Uxami dom !Nauriseb died behind a big mountain in Hurubes, a mountain which is known as |Uxami domi[189].

Fuller writes that ‘[w]ith time friction arose between the Topnaar at Gowareb and the Namidaman at Sesfontein. Because the Topnaar had guns, they were the likely victors over the Namidaman who did not. To avoid being massacred, the Namidaman of Sesfontein fled southwards to Aniǂgab [see 1893], just north of the Brandberg Mountain. The Topnaar took control of Sesfontein, and imposed themselves onto the local social situation’[190].  


Moritz writes,

[o]n a journey to the north in 1893, Viehe also visited Okombahe, where missionary Schaar was working, and Tsumamas, where missionary Kremer had begun to establish a station. On the way to Franzfontein he met two Nama girls “with two Bergdamara damsels/servants[?mit zwei Bergdamradienerinnen]”. … Viehe already doubted whether Tsumamas (Otjombuima) could remain as a station, as it lacked a "fertile plain for agriculture".[191]

Moritz reports on letters from RMS missionary Kremer:

Tsumamas [Zumamas] 4 July 1893,

"I have been living here since the 15th of last month. On Monday the 12th Br. Riechmann and I set off from Franzfontein. Up to Tuesday the road was not too bad, but we had to cross rocks and low brushwood. On Wednesday morning we had to send our wagoners ahead to clear a path with the axe. At 3 o’clock the wagoners returned again and after they had eaten, we immediately hitched up and drove on.

    In the meantime, some Bergdamras from Zumamas [Tsumamas] and the branch about 2 hours away had continued to cut. Our 4 axes had become blunt in the meantime, some even had pieces of iron broken out. Now my big tree saw came into use.

   With this tool it worked perfectly. The people soon had the sawing down pat and one cathedral tree after the other had to forfeit its existence as such. At 9 o'clock they finished work, because Br. Riechmann's plan to come to the station on the same day did not succeed despite all his efforts. We didn't get there until 11 o'clock the next morning. Thank God, I thought, now you have finally, finally arrived at the place of your destiny after two years.

   The first thing was to choose a building site, Br. Riechmann had the pleasure of finding it, I agreed immediately when I saw it. The site is about 80 m from the spring and below it, perhaps 15 m deep. I don't think the location is favourable in relation to the spring. I would have liked to set up my former home 200 m above the spring on the right, under large shady trees, but the difficulties there were not small, because it was too rocky and too slippery on the mountain. Moreover, I could not turn and turn my house into the position I wanted (lengthwise from east to west)... I would also have received far more unwelcome visits from wolves and beasts than I did down here. The outer walls already protrude 1½ m from the ground.

    With reference to what the honourable deputation decided in one of its meetings, namely to build makeshift, I had already had in mind. My intention is therefore to build only 2 rooms together with a small storeroom and a hallway. In the process, 50 pounds, which the honoured Society had earmarked for each station to be built, disappeared in the twinkling of an eye. I apologise for not having applied to the local Brethren Conference and thus not to the Society. Last year, no one in the country had any idea that the Bergdamara would be settled so quickly.

    The captain of the branch has provided me with 20 young people, men and boys, as workers. On the whole, they are a pleasure to work with. According to an approximate estimate, 150 souls, including women and children, were present from the branch on the first Sunday we were here. Due to the illness of many women and children, they cannot yet move here..... So hopefully the number of souls will amount to 200.[192]


In the conference report of July 1893 Kremer quotes the words from Ps. 86,9: "All the Gentiles whom you have made will come and worship before you". Already on his arrival in Franzfontein he sees this word confirmed. He writes: "My arrival at Franzfontein had spread like wildfire among the Bergdamra living from Brandberg to Zesfontein. This gave rise to such a movement among these people, that they soon came individually or in smaller groups [12] to see and welcome their new teacher. They came from all directions, some had travelled 8-14 days. It was always a joy for us when we were told that there were Bergdamara standing outside to greet them.... All the people also promised to move as soon as possible after the rainy season to the place designated by the Zwartbooische..”[193]


Some of them settled provisionally on Franzfontein. With these, Missionary Kremer already held biblical lessons and exercises in singing and took great pleasure in their attention. He was then able to leave on 12 June, arriving in Tsumamas on 15 June. Kremer continued:

"Now what the future will bring to the youngest born child, whether sorrow or joy, is completely unknown to me... we want to hand the same over to God.... he will behave in such a way that you will be sore. Yes, isn't it wonderful that I was chosen for the Bergdamara mission in Germany, without even having any weighty clues, and that I was also kept here for the same; isn't it wonderful that the people rush from near and far, without our participation, to welcome the new teacher and to go with him? God, the Lord himself has kindled the fire, should he now want to extinguish it again shortly? So, "the Gentiles whom God has made have come", may now also the following: "that they will worship before him", become truth (Conference Report, Kremer of 16 July 1893).[194]

In the report of October 1893 Kremer reports that his little house [in Tsumamas] is standing:

[d]uring the time of construction, from 19 June to mid-August, he was also able to work on the hearts of the Bergdamra there. In the mornings and evenings he held devotions for the 20-30 workers. Men, women and children also joined him as he sounded his trumpet. On Sunday, he preached God's word and held singing lessons with song clarifications in the afternoon. Some of the church members had been baptised by Missionary Böhm in Ameib or Okombahe. Some of those who had moved around could not rest and asked God to send them a teacher. Their prayer had now been answered. 22 people had signed up for baptism lessons.

     He wrote that the lessons, which took place twice a week in his room by lamplight, “were the most blessed that I have spent here in solitude. Yes, then all scruples and heartfelt sadness that had accumulated in my heart during the day disappeared”. [13] I will start the day school together with my schoolmaster, God willing, in the new year. This young man, Simson by name, is a Nama and moved here with me from Franzfontein and now lives here on the square with his family". He is also an interpreter for the missionary (Conference Report Octobr 1893).

   Kremer counted 50-60 listeners at his devotions. In the meantime, 40 people registered for baptism classes. There would probably be even more if polygamy did not keep them away.

   "As is well known, the local Bergdamara world consists of several werfts, each of which has its own head. We have seven here. Not long ago I visited one such chief, Namasib by name, who has four wives. I asked him: "Why is it that he and his people are so rarely seen in church? Answer: " Yes, my teacher, we still have things among us which we cannot leave yet; by the way, why are you in such a hurry, you don't want to go away again, do you?" Answer: "Even if you still have things that you cannot leave, you must still come and hear the sermon, for earlier, when you visited us at Franzfontein, you expressed your joy at now having more of your own teacher. ..." (Conference Report 1893-1894).​​[195]

Thus, In 1893, ‘an attempt was made to establish Tsumamas as a second pure Bergdamra station’[196]:

[i]f anywhere, it is at Tsumamas that the Bergdamra have shown themselves grateful for the seeking love that took care of them and brought them the gospel of the kingdom of God. The fact that the Lord gave the missionary Riechmann a helper from their own midst, first in the evangelist and teacher Phanuel, and after his unfortunately early death in his brother Peter, who... proved himself most excellently and deserves a place of honour among all the native assistants of our Rhenish mission. From the year 1896 onwards he has worked with the same loyalty for his people under such a blessing..... The name of Elder Kurirab as a mainstay of the congregation later on also deserves to be mentioned, unfortunately he died in 1902.[197]

The Deutscher Kolonial Atlas of this year depicts ‘Kaoko’ as stretching southwards from the Kunene to beyond the Huab River towards Dâures / the Brandberg[198]. Namaqualand and Damaraland are described as being ‘at that time, and had been for generations, under the unofficial protection of the British, and were regarded as the annexe of Cape Colony’[199].

Hoornkranz Massacre: Captain Hendrik Witbooi attacks and destroys the country’s first wool producing sheep farm established at Kubub near Aus by Ernst Hermann, a manager of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft and the Englishman Walter Matthews who worked for the company[200].Theodor Leutwein appointed as representative of German empire in Süd West Africa and increases push to establish German authority in southern and central areas[201]. Landeshauptmann von François receives 250 German soldiers and without warning late on night of 12 April launches a brutal attack on Hoornkrans to destroy the Witboois[202]. Described as an unsuccessful colonial military campaign led by German authorities against Hendrik Witbooi and followers (west of Rehoboth area)[203], and reported to London by the British Magistrate in Walvis Bay[204], the attack involved the deliberate killing of 78 women and children, and the looting of items for the Kaiser listed as ‘212 stirrups, 74 horseshoes, 12 coffee pots, 12 coffee-grinders, 122 pieces of cutlery, 44 bits and bridles, 3 violins and a pair of opera glasses’[205]. Witbooi’s journal, part of the detailed Witbooi records and kept since 1884, is captured with a box of records transferred by von François to Windhoek[206]. Eighty Witbooi women were seized by von François’s men and distributed among the troops at the German fortress in Windhoek as house slaves[207]. Witbooi and followers flee Hoornkranz and seek refuge in the |Khomas mountains towards Namib desert, from where he writes to other Nama tribes beseeching them to join him in an alliance against the Germans[208].


Drought years[209].


Jan Petrus |Unuweb |Uixomab, is traditional leader of Sesfontein[210].


Sixty Trekboer families cross the Kunene into Angola[211].

Hartmann makes his first expedition to ‘Kaoko-Feld’ – from Otavi, to Otjitambi, along Hoanib to ‘Seßfontein’, along the Hoanib to the coast, then back southwards on the gravel plains across the Uniab and Huab rivers to meeting point at Sorris-Sorris, thence back to the limestone concession area of the South West Africa Co. south of Etosha and north of Damaraland – and in the text reporting on his travels he opens by observing that in the map of the day of ‘Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika’,

the whole unknown coast from Swakop-Mund to the northern border is like a blank white sheet of paper, and yet we see a lot of names and numbers there, proof that up to a certain [115] extent the exploration of the coast has been attempted. … in the year 1832 [this was in 1829 with Morrell’s account published in 1832, see above], on which occasion captain Morrell about under 21° s. Br. discovered the so called Ogden Harbor and built a detailed description of it. After that it was a precious Harbor with an opening to the north, directly at the mouth of a river, which has reed grass and bush vegetation up to the Beaches was enough. Captain Morrell also met a native branch here, the inhabitants of which he is considered to be nasty looking, but very kindly described. It is interesting to hear that the same cattle breeding, even if the number of their goats and sheep was small.[212]


“Director of the South West Africa Company Dr Georg Hartmann, (4.8.1865 - 12.7.1946), recruited Rosenblad to accompany him on an expedition to the Skeleton Coast to investigate the possibility of finding a suitable harbour on the Namibian north coast. Photo: Publication Kurt Schwabe 'Mit Schwert & Pflug in DeutschSudwestafrika'. 1904. Page 381.“ Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 94.

Hartmann observes that English exploration of the coast had confirmed no suitable landing place between Swakopmund and Portuguese territory in the north[213].

Hartmann’s expedition to ‘Kaoko-Feld’,

consisted of me and an English mining engineer, two miners, about fifteen natives as servants, three ox carts with sixty trek oxen, a small two-wheeled cart, which we covered with four oxen, eight riding horses and necessary slaughter cattle; we were able to buy flour for provisions, rice, coffee etc. only for two months, in Otavi as there was no more available, but I sent a reliable transport driver with an ox-cart to Walvis-Bai to buy provisions and to meet us in the middle of the Kaoko-Feld, at a precisely marked Water station Sorris Sorris on the ǂUgab east of the Brandberg.

   Our expedition started from Otavi at the end of March 1894. We

marched fairly precisely in a west-southwestern direction and, for example, ran through the large limestone area near Otjitambi in the east to enter the primary rock area of the Kaoko field.[214]

“Otjitambi, water holes in the sandy rivier; Dr. Hartmann's camp with the northern expedition”. Source: Figure 1, Hartmann 1897, p. 115.

Hartmann describes the Otavi mines as ‘well-known’ and the area ‘near Grootfontein and north of Damara Land’ as representing ‘excellent cattle breeding and arable land’, and notes that [t]he scenic change is quite striking’ from the ‘limestone area east of Otjitambi and south of Etosha’, to after Etosha where he notes ‘immense’ antelope herds[215]. Here, ‘the grass plains with soft soil and the abundance of water in the area under the ground, mean that this area can be used for agriculture’[216]. Etosha is described as ‘an enormous salt marsh, which looks like a frozen lake’, with more unmapped salt pans occurring in ’Kaoko-Feld’ further west[217]. He takes eighteen ‘basic’ soil samples for analysis at the Royal Geological Institute in Berlin which show that ‘the ground is more or less alkaline everywhere’ being ‘proof that the area used to be the seabed and was formed as a precipitation from the sea’, and comments again on ‘the high agricultural value of this area’[218]. Heading northwest from Otjitambi to the Hoanib on this first ‘Kaokofeld-expedition’ by Hartmann and his ‘small caravan’ he notes that they had to cross small rivers every day which flowed to the west:  

[t]he mighty table mountains in the far west, which we could already see from Otjitambi, and which, according to their position, filled the whole middle part of the Kaoko-Feld, accompanied us further and further north. In a way, we were moving on the border area between the limestone area in the east and the granite area in the west…[219]

It is April 1894 when they passed Otjitambi, ‘and the rainy season was still in full swing’, the watercourses rapidly flowing ‘[a]fter each thunderstorm’, only to dry up again soon afterwards[220]. When they reach the Hoanib they, ‘follow its course deeper and deeper into the mountains. By Ohamuheke or Sefsfontein (which they reach in mid-April, by which time it seemed that the rainy season was over[221]), we were in the midst of the mighty table mountains that and which were separated by wide erosion troughs[222]. He notes the silt in the valley saying that ‘this whole area must have formed a coherent table thousands of years ago, and for thousands of years erosion has washed away, cleft and gnawed away the tableland …[223]. They find enough water for their livestock in pools collecting the granite rock benches and Hartmann observes that there is ‘wonderful grass for livestock breeding on the slopes of the mountains’, and gallery forest including palm trees in the Hoanib, which he explains ‘proof that in the protected valleys of thalers of the Kaoko-Feld the tropical zone enters from the north’, plus irrigation available ‘where there is enough groundwater’[224] [= perhaps indicates that he observed gardening in Sesfontein on the Hoanib?].

Hartmann thus proposes that large-scale livestock breeding is suitable between Otjitambi and Sefsfontein with agriculture limited to gardens[225]. He notes ‘large herds of antelopes, like springbok, kudu, gemsbok, eland[?] the harte-[?] and wilde-beest[?]’, they see lion tracks near Otjitambi and several times on their journey to Sesfontein lion circle their camp at night after their horses[226]. On the mountain slopes he observes ‘numerous herds of guaggas [Hartmann’s zebras] graze, another proof that there is still enough grass between the bushes’ and they meet their ‘first giraffes in the Hoanib east of Sefsfontein [Seßfontein]’[227]. West of here ‘the game-wealth decreased fast since it had rained little here’ but they are told [by whom?] ‘that there is still enough grass and drinking water in places unknown to us high in the mountains’[228]. On the Namieb (Namib) they meet ‘small herds of ostriches, which became more and more numerous in the south’ and he reports that the ‘mountainous Kaoko-Feld is known to be ‘rich in leopards, baboons, snakes and scorpions’[229].

With ‘Hottentot guides’, Hartmann travels west of Sesfontein along the Hoanib towards the coast:

[t]o the west of Sefsfontein, there seemed to have been little or no rain. The consequence was that we had to march to the coast under great thirst and terrible heat. In addition the stony and curly [bumpy?] ground over all was bad for travelling with ox carts. After three days’ west of Sefsfontein, our ox carts under the engineer Rogers turned south and drove across the mountains in a southerly direction to the west side of the central mountain range [at |Ūb?]. I myself walked along the Hoanib with a small cart and some riding horses to reach the coast. Especially on this leg we suffered from thirst again. The Hoanib itself retained its lush bush vegetation. Gradually towards the coast it became lower and reminded us of the influence of the coastal climate. … In the Hoanib we suddenly couldn’t go any further, because of a mighty sand dune wall of 50-100 m high, which seemed to extend to the N and S into the infinite distance. My Hottentot guides told me, that the coast was not far on the other side of the sand dunes, and in fact we reached [125] it on horseback after a six-hour ride. The surf was quite significant and seemed to have the same texture both to N and S, as far as we could see through binoculars [as far as our glass reached]. With our lack of provisions we could only stay for two days and had to try to catch up with our ox carts as fast as possible. From the beach, which was almost without vegetation, we returned over the mighty sand rampart to our camp behind it at the end of the Hoanib River, where our small cart was standing, and from here we drove in a SE direction in order to get the tracks of our ox carts under Rogers’ guidance. When we had the Hoanib River valley behind us, we found ourselves on a mighty plain, the so-called Namieb, which seemed to extend to the S as well as to the N in an infinite way, and which would have formed a single connected table or terrace, if I may say so, if it had not been cut by the Hoanib River valley. Far to the west, towards the coast, the eerie sand dunes shimmered, of the same nature as those sand dunes which prevented the Hoanib from flowing directly into the sea; on the other side, far to the east, there was a broad front, as it were a wall, the table and cone mountains of the inner Kaoko-Feld.

   The Namieb was almost as flat and smooth as a table and the travelling on it is extremely pleasant. But the vegetation here was very low: very sparse grass growth, here and there small crippled bushes and the also very occasionally occurring strange Welwitschia. We were in the barren coast region, which, like at Walfisch-Bai and Swakop-Mund, wash around 60 km wide. … The many brackish water points on the Namieb prove no less [126] than the evidence of the sea from which the African continent became raised. By moving diagonally and southeast across the Namieb, we approached the central mountain area of the Kaoko-Feld from which the Namieb ran away. In the western part of this mountainous area we continued our journey to the south. We crossed the Uni!ãb and Hu!ãb river and found our ox carts northwards from the Brandberg. This last part of our journey in the middle of the mountain country, at deeply cut gorges past, uphill, downhill, steep embankments downwards and just as steep higher up, the ground is literally sown only with rocks which consisted of fist-sized to child-sized pieces of basalt, this part of our journey was extremely tedious and arduous. Unfortunately, our car broke down here, and we had to walk for two days, until we reached our ox carts achieved. The horses were lame and sick from the brackish water. Our belongings were loaded on them and two riding oxen which had carried our ox cart until then. We were very happy when we reached our ox carts, but especially when we finally reached the eagerly awaited provisions car at Sorris Sorris east of the Brandberg. Sorris Sorris is, like I already mentioned, a great beautiful watering place in the valley of the vegetation-rich ǂUgab[!Uǂāb]-river, which comes from the east and closely circumnavigates the Brandberg to the north[of the mountain]. Here we rested for two days. Then we had to write our report about the course of the expedition and to hurry to bring the results to Walfisch-Bai … With the food truck some fresh horses had also come along. On them I put two very reliable servants for the route from Sorris Sorris to Walfisch-Bai, amounting to approximately 250 km in not quite four days, which given the African conditions with the lack of water and food is a very favorable performance. I managed to give our reports to the “Nautilus” which was just leaving for Cape Town.

On this first Kaokofeld expedition in 1894 I had learned that in relation to animal husbandry and agriculture for the area between Otjitambi and Sessfontein refers also to the whole central part of the Kaoko-Feld up to the western border of the Great Table Mountain Range, i.e, this area is ideal for breeding in a bigger style, but limited for agriculture. This area is thus sharply [127] differs from the coastal belt of 50-60 km width in the west. Within this coastal belt the vegetation is very low when it does not equal zero. We are here under the rule of coastal climates. It is an area where the rain does not fall every year, … an area that has no agricultural value for us. Moreover, the few water points in this area are brackish, and partly undrinkable. Geologically this area is of the highest interest, since it allows insight into deep stratification allowed, and it is in this area that valuable mineral findings may be made. On this expedition I only crossed the sand-dune wall to the coast at the mouth of the Hoanib and saw that here the heavy surf and the powerful sand dunes mean that a traffic route [between the coast and inland] cannot be created…

[128] After finishing this Kaoko-Feld expedition I returned to the concession area of South West Africa Co., the one described above, the limestone area south of the Etosha and north of the Damara country, and continued my geographical recordings there.[230]

In 1894 a Swedish naval captain Eberhard Rosenblad (1861-1945/6), of an ennobled southern Swedish family, travels from Gothenburg via England ‘where most of the equipment for the expedition was purchased’, via Lisbon to Mossamedes / Namibe[231], then through ‘Ovambo-land’ to Grootfontein area via Humbe, and in the next few years makes a series of journeys through the north-west and central areas and to the coast[232]. Resigning from the navy on 6 April, soon after his daughter is born and dies on 20 February, he journeys with other Swedes to South Africa on 9 June with the hunter and trader Axel W. Eriksson, who had been visiting his home town of Vånersborg[233]. Eriksson had already spent many years in ‘south-west Africa and had a sizeable business dealing in ostrich feathers, ivory, cattle, etc.’ and the expedition aimed ‘to penetrate the interior of south-west Africa and to carry on trading with cattle and local produce’[234]: ’[t]hey land in ‘Mossamedes’ [Namibe] where wagons were waiting, joining ‘several other hunters with their wagons’ and spending time hunting along the Kunene[235]. Travelling near Pedro Grande in the Angolan pro-Namib, Rosenblad declares ‘[t]he heat is terrible. The air and the mountains seem to be shimmering’[236].

Writing near Chibia, Rosenblad continues,

Eriksson had employed about thirty black servants to perform the tasks of hunters and cattle-herders and to work with the wagons. They belonged to different races and tribes: Hottentots, Bushmen, Ovambos, as well as Cattle Damara [Herero] and Berg Damara [nb. this was in southern Angola!]. Our best hunters were two Berg Damara called Tom and Jim [unlikely he could pronounce their real names], as well as a Bushman called Dekopp. The first-mentioned two were very jealous of each other and almost very day they argued about who was the better shot. The quarrel often ended in a quiet fight. Among the others there was a deaf-and-dumb Berg Damara called Gummi who I preferred and who used to accompany me when I went hunting. … Eriksson had [also] engaged a fairly experienced female cook called Sofi, who was said to have been baptized. She generally managed the cooking fairly well, but then, we were not very demanding.[237] 

Leaving Chibia on 7 September, ‘[i]n addition to our ordinary servants, our company had more than doubled because of hangers-on who followed the wagons like jackals’[238].

Main Journeys by Eberhard Rosenblad 1894-1898. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 4.

Sixty Trekboer families cross the Kunene into Angola[239].

Theodor Leutwein, arrives at Swakopmund on 1 January 1894. The Berg-Damara Chief Cornelius Goresib was reportedly at Swakopmund when Leutwein landed, ‘with a wagon to fetch provisions’ – in the words of Gottleib Goresib, brother of Cornelius, in the Blue Book of 1918,

Cornelius happened to be at Swakopmund on business when Major Leutwein landed. He invited Cornelius to come to Windhuk and see him there. Cornelius did so [in 1894 or 95?], and ordered his councillors, Mattheus, Lucas, Jonas, Joshua and Solomon to meet him at Karibib. They all went to Windhuk. There Leutwein got Cornelius to sign an agreement placing the Berg-Damaras under the German protection. Cornelius came back and explained matters. He said he had pointed out that the land belonged to the Hereros, and that we were really under their protection by verbal agreement with their Chiefs, and that he, Cornelius, could not sign such an agreement as Leutwein suggested. Leutwein said that he would fix up all disputes with the Hereros, and that he would protect us from them. Then the agreement was made. Cornelius had to agree to German protection and the posting of German troops at Okambahe. He also undertook to supply the Germans with all Berg-Damaras they required for labour on public roads, &c. In return for this Cornelius received 25l. and then 75l. in gold and silver. Leutwein also promised him (a) that the Berg-Damaras would be ruled as an independent nation by their Chief and his successors, (b) that our laws and usages would be respected, (c) that all the scattered Berg-Damaras living under the Hottentot and Herero Chiefs would be collected and one big nation formed at Okambahe, (d) that a big piece of land extending from Okambahe north up to the Ugab River and beyond would be allotted to the Berg-Damara nation.

     These were the inducements we had, not a single one of these promises was ever fulfilled. On the contrary, our customs and laws were over-ruled, and the soldiers at Okambahe became the real governors. Cornelius hardly had any power. Our people were flogged and beaten, and there were no courts to which they could go for justice. When Cornelius died in 1910 the Germans said they did not recognise him, and they had decided to have no more Chiefs or allow them to rule their people. They said Judas was no Chief and only an ordinary Berg-Damara like anyone else in the tribe. We were all very angry and upset at this, and refused to recognise these men whom the Germans themselves appointed to rule over us. We did not know these people. We only knew the heir of our Chief. We protested, but the Germans merely laughed at us. Once before his death Cornelius and his council went to see the German Governor at Windhuk to complain of the ill-treatment and injustice and to point out that no promises made had ever been kept. The German Governor refused to see Cornelius. Some of the Governor's men saw Cornelius and chased him back to Okambahe. He got no hearing and no redress. That was in 1909, and Cornelius died the next year. After that we had to apologise and ask forgiveness for having sent a deputation to Windhuk. Then the Germans said we were to have no more Chiefs at all.

     In the Herero rebellion we remained loyal to the Germans because we were entirely unarmed. The Germans had taken all our rifles.[240] 

Leutwein writes of this ‘confidential visit’ of the ‘Berg-Damara Chief, Cornelius’ that,

[h]e had come to me solely with the object of begging me to free them from the Herero yoke, and for this reason I more readily took advantage of the opportunity afforded. [and that] ‘Missionary Irle ascribes the emancipation of the BergDamaras of Okambahe to the Mission, and says that it had taken place in 1870’, [but] ‘[h]owever that may be, Cornelius did not, in any event, feel that he was free from the Hereros in 1895. If he had, he would not have come to me to Windhnk with that request’.[241]

In Franzfontein, David Swartbooi succeeds Cornelius Swartbooi after his death in 1894[242].

Moritz writes,

[i]n a letter Dr. Hartmann informs the mission: "I would answer your question to establish a mission station up here with great pleasure and a decided "yes". The best place I can think of is ||Gaub (John Krüger’s werft [i.e. the grandson of Johannes Kruger who Hahn meets in 1871?]), situated fairly in the middle of the whole mountainous area, with only excellent arable land....(can) one day become a centre of economic life up here for farms or as a village or something like that. //Gaub is still considered the centre of the mountain Damara of the Otavibergland with John Krüger (Bastard) a very nice and apparently very decent character, as their captain. It would be advisable to use his influence on the shy inhabitants of the mountains with their mysterious behaviour. On the other hand, I would welcome it with great pleasure to have a missionary here, as the mineral sites, if worked, would also like to enjoy spiritual care, as well as the white farmers who will settle more and more in the //Gaub district just east of it.[243]

Leutwein initiates a series of raids, capturing first Andreas Lambert, chief of the Khaus Nama 100 miles south-east of Windhoek, who he executed after an attempted escape, forcing the Khauas to sign a protection treaty[244]. He proceeds to the Franzmann living south of Khauas on the edge of the Kalahari under Simon Kopper, and forces them at gunpoint to sign a protection treaty[245].

He then leads a second campaign (involving a newly arrived officer Ludwig von Estorff, who in 1895-96 is part of Georg Hartmann’s expeditions in the north-west) against Hendrik Witbooi and followers who had gathered in a new settlement high in the Naukluft Mountains (west of Rehoboth area) – the ‘Naukluft campaign – seeking first to convince Witbooi to sign a treaty and attacking only on 27 August, during which it was only the heavy artillery of the Germans that led to the eventual signing, on 9 September, of a ‘contract of protection and alliance’ through which ‘Witbooi acknowledged the German protectorate but maintained political and military independence’[246]. Leutwein acquired Hendrik Witbooi’s diary in this ‘Naukluft campaign’[247], following which the Witbooi abandoned Naukluft and settled at their former base of Gibeon where Leutwein established a military post and garrison, and was paid an annual stipend of 2,000 marks to maintain order in his territory[248]. The slow pace of ‘space-clearing’ for displaced German peasants - the Volk Ohne Raum, trapped through urbanisation in single-roomed urban hovels and needing land spaces to express the mystical German relationship between people and soil associated with the term Volk— led to criticism in Germany, where the Pan-Germanic League was founded (in 1894) in part to advocate nationalist settler colonialism in Africa and elsewhere[249].

Leutwein also signs a treaty with Maharero[250] to establish ‘the southern boundary of the Herero territory, situating it to the north of the Bay road’ between Walvis Bay, Windhoek and Gobabis in the east, with colonial control of the border ‘enforced through the seizure and forced auction of any livestock that ventured south of the boundary, with the colonial authorities sharing the proceeds with Maharero’[251]. This later provides a framework through which the colonial authorities lay claim to Herero- and Nama-inhabited land areas for European settler farmers[252].

In the decade before 1894 the German colonial administration had devoted more time to prospecting for mineral resources than in developing an active settlement policy.[253] It was not until after 1894, and the defeat of Hendrik Witbooi, that a serious motion towards expansive colonisation began. Leutwein and the district commandant of Otjimbingue, von Lindequist, developed a plan for civil administration (Zivilverwaltungsplan): The protected area (Schutzgebiet) was divided in three districts (Bezirke), Windhoek, Keetmanshoop and Otjimbingwe, each headed by a district commandant (Bezirksamtmann).


Rinderpest has devastated livestock herds in German East Africa (Tanzania) by 1895[254]. Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Beit, two multi-millionaires, conspire ‘to take over the Transvaal [and its mineral wealth] for themselves and the [British] Empire’[255].

Missionary Kremer moves from Tsumamas to ǁGaub with a small group of Damara in 1895, and the Damara from the Otavibergland also gathered here[256]: ​

[b]ecause of his reliability, missionary Riechmann had sent evangelist Phanuel Hendrik to Tsumamas (Otjombuima) as a teacher to resume the interrupted work due to brother Kremer’s departure. He worked there for a short time with joy and blessing. Missionary Riechmann reports: "It was touching what the people of Franzfontein told me about how they had said goodbye to the dying man, at the same time a testimony to the love and respect Phanuel had earned from all who knew him.”

     From Franzfontein, the elders, the larger school youth and the singing society set out before sunset to see him once more. "It was a journey of 10-11 hours’ drive; all night marching was required. They arrived at Tsumamas with the first dawn. Everything there was still in a deep sleep. But no sooner had my Franzfonteins reached the first houses than they began to sing, so that it resounded loudly over the quiet square. As soon as the dying man [Phanuel] in his hut heard the familiar song from afar, he joined in. But the inhabitants of the square, who in the meantime had awakened from their sleep, rushed out of their houses and ran in a flying hurry towards the direction from which the song came and joined the procession....

     "When the sick man saw the large crowd in front of his hut, he thanked them for the great love shown to him by his confreres and asked them to sing once more the song that had just died away: "Listen, Jesus is calling, come here all of you, I will lead you by the hand". The Franzfonteiners stayed until the next morning, when Phanuel passed away gently and peacefully with praise and thanksgiving on his lips".

     When missionary Riechmann visited Tsumamas a short time later, the place was deserted. After Phanuel’s death, the Bergdamra had left the place because of fever and had settled at water points nearby. After sending messengers, 24 Bergdamra were found to whom he could hold services. In the afternoon, the old schoolmaster spoke about a word from Isaiah in an old book of the Brethren's Watchwords. Under a shade tree, Riechmann was still able to preach to 45 listeners when he was on his way back. The second schoolmaster from Franzfontein was to take care of the Tsumamas congregation in the future; he was Phanuel’s brother.

        As it turned out that Tsumamas was not the right place for a larger station of its own, it was abolished as a station and continued to be served from Franzfontein as a branch.[257]

According to the communications of Missionary Eich and Dr. Hartmann, suggestions are made as to which places in the Otavi area could be considered for missionary work[258]. These places are:

Aub (Omutiakane), inhabited by John Kruger because of the abundance of water, it lies between Tsumeb and Otavi. Either place can be reached in 4 hours by horse. Agab (Otjomukuju) is equivalent to Aub. Otjatjingenga could become a branch of Otjozondjupa. Orupupa, which also has a lot of water.[259]

Moritz writes,

[i]n a letter dated 9 Dec. 1895, Missionary Kremer informs them that the little house consisting of a living room and kitchen in //Gaub has been completed. They then stay a few more days in Franzfontein to begin the move. On 15 July 1895 they set off. Kremer: "Br. Riechmann was kind enough to lend me his wagon and oxen. We therefore set out with 2 wagons, taking the same route in a northerly curve to Outjo.... Mountains and cliffs as well as an impenetrable forest of thorny bushes for the wagon (demanded this Vf.). From Outjo we then went in a north-easterly direction to //Gaub where we arrived on the 31st of the month with some teegenspoeden (difficulties Vf.) and tired of travelling. Our hearts were glad and grateful to finally be in our place. I do not yet know how far our station rights will go in the future. In my opinion, a mistake has already been made in letting us give //Gaub to ourselves."

     This posed a problem for leasing. The company should not take advantage of the land. Kremer answers the question where //Gaub is located by saying that the name Aub is mentioned on an atlas. In the author's opinion, this would coincide with the proposals for the  place. What should the place be called in the future? Missionary Viehe had suggested Oniha, but Kremer is in favour of //Gaub. Dr Hartmann would also probably be in favour of the Bushman name.

     "The Nama have already completed a little bush church. When the weather permits, we gather there to worship. It is a pity that our bell [16] is still not here, it is still in Omaruru. We now meet 4 times a week in our kitchen to practise songs and listen to a Bible word. Now that I don't have a schoolmaster to interpret, I have managed to get into the Nama a little, but it is and remains a bungling job and it would be desirable that a suitable person would be found soon (letter from //Gaub dated 9 Dec. 1895).[260]

     In a letter to the Inspector dated 5 October 1896, Kremer points out that the land granted by Dr Hartmann will probably be sufficient, provided that the Mission keeps it. Kremer: "In my opinion, it would be best to buy the whole plot and not let it be donated. One could then later with good reason ask for a lease from the people.” Since Dr. Hartmann, the General Plenipotentiary of the S.W.A.C., is going to Germany, he can make arrangements with the Mission there. Br. Viehe and Br. Kremer were to establish the border on site.

     In the beginning it was difficult to get a good night’s sleep. "Especially on moonlit nights there was no end to the yodelling, singing and dancing, which was more like stamping and flapping their hands, and it usually lasted until dawn. The decorative wheel[?] that some bushman and mountain damra women wear in the hair of their heads and on their wrists is not important, for it consists here and there of small shells, snail shells or rings of iron. The report tells us that John Krüger is now doing quite well. Externally, he does not make a bad impression; one always sees him in completely clean and white underwear. In his work, you notice that white blood rolls in his adem.[??racism!]"

     Kremer wonders how he is supposed to manage the work of farming, since he is not a farmer by birth and has no practical profession. He suggests sending a faithful craftsman or someone who understands agriculture and arboriculture to //Gaub.

     "Finally, we are informed that Grootf. received an occupation of 35 men and 1 lieutenant at the end of last month. In the near future, Rietfontein and Otavi will probably receive an even larger number. With love and respect to you and your family. [signed] F. Kremer and wife.[261]

At the time of missionary Kremer’s arrival at Gaub with a small Bergdamara community [from Tsumamas / Franzfontein?], Moritz relates that,

the Damaras were around that time were persecuted by everyone. The Nama and the Bushmen were stealing from them and the Hereros are said to have simply beaten them to death. In the whole area from the Orange to the Kunene they were, as it were, outlawed. A large number of them had fled to the Otavibergland and were hiding there.

     The missionaries of the Rhenish Mission sought [a place] for these persecuted people, where they could settle. So the farm Gaub was established as a reservation for them. With Missionary Kremer, some Namas also came to Gaub.[262]

A hunting party of Axel Eriksson that includes Eberhard Rosenblad travels through ‘Ovamboland’ to Aukas, Eriksson’s farm, in Grootfontein district[263]. Later in the year Rosenblad travels with Eriksson to Walvis Bay, meeting Dr Georg Hartmann in Grootfontein on their return[264]. Hartmann invites Rosenblad on ‘his expedition on behalf of the Otavi Minen- und Eisenbahngesellschaft [Otavi Mining and Railway Company] to investigate a route for transporting copper by rail from the Otavi area to the coast, and to explore the coast for a suitable harbour’[265].

In the spring of this year, Dr George Hartmann is again commissioned by the Kaokoveld Land and Mining Company to undertake an expedition to ‘the Kaoko-Feld’ to examine ‘the whole coast of the ǂUgab-river north of Cape Cross to the Kunene mouth for guano and landing sites’[266];  i.e. ‘to explore their newly acquired territory for minerals and guano’, and he sets off in this year ‘on the first of a number of expeditions in which he was to traverse the region from east to west and also travel along the whole coast from the Kunene mouth to Swakopmund’ – and ‘[a]lthough he discovered no deposits of value’ [this is incorrect – Hartmann’s first expedition to ‘Kaoko-Feld’ was in 1894, see above], in 1904 he ‘produced the first map of the Kaokoveld that was based on actual observation’ (see below)[267], and he publishes a text from his travels in 1897 [see 1894]. Based on his first Kaoko-Feld expedition [see 1894] Hartmann realises that exploration of the full coast would require provisioning stations along the coast: without this, horses, oxen and people could not move along the coast because of lack of water and grazing[268]. Hartmann rides to Aukas (Axel Eriksson’s farm, north-east of Grootfontein) to speak to Eberhard Rosenblad who was there, saying that,

he was about to equip a grand expedition to the Kaokoveld, and for this purpose he had engaged a couple of English mining engineers. In addition, the completely unknown coast-line would be thoroughly explored, especially to find a suitable place to construct a harbour. There were rumours that deposits of guano had been discovered at the coast and these were also to be located. Hartmann wanted me to go along and, as there was no objection from Eriksson, I decided to take part in the expedition, and I then moved to Grootfontein where the preparations were already underway.[269] 

Hartmann and Rosenblad’s journeys are summarised below and mapped online here, with more detail from their texts included in the review here.

At Grootfontein, and because ‘the reconnaissance of the coast had to be undertaken on horseback’, Hartmann gives Rosenblad riding lessons in which ‘[h]e was a very strict taskmaster’ making Rosenblad ride without stirrups, a requirement for which he was later grateful[270]. Whilst at Grootfontein ‘Hartmann, a medical officer and I’ make ‘a couple of short excursions to Otavi and some other places’[271]. Surveying ‘a high mountain close to Otavi … accompanied by a Hottentot called Daniel’ who guards the horses, Rosenblad shoots and wounds a baboon in a large troop,

but I felt very bad when I saw the poor animal standing upright and pressing soil against the wound to stop the flow of blood. During the attempt to escape, the baboon stopped from time to time, grabbed a fresh handful of soil and then continued the flight, holding his hand pressed against the wound in his side. He finally collapsed and I ended his sufferings with another shot. However, I had had enough of this kind of hunting, and in future left all apes in peace.[272] 

They return to find ‘Daniel lying dead drunk on the ground’ and, failing to rouse he, leave him there, learning when he later arrives back in Grootfontein that [82] ‘he happened to meet another Hottentot who had treated him to honey beer. He received a thorough hiding to cure him of his taste for this drink’[273].

Journey by Eberhard Rosenblad with Dr Georg Hartmann and Von Estorff in 1895-96, and Von Estorff’s route after Sanitatas. Nb. On this journey Hartmann does apparently make it separately to the Kunene River, see text. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 22.

On 1st August, and with ‘the English engineers Pearson and Crighton’, Rosenblad’s party leave ‘with all of the wagons for the watering-place Aimab in the Kaokoveld to wait there for Hartmann and the other participants who had been held up by other duties and were to arrive on horseback as soon as possible’[274]. They stop for a couple of days at Outjo ‘which lies on the border of Kaokoveld and has a large spring’, being where ‘an old trader called Lambert [Thomas Jan Lambert – an English trader from the Cape – m. a daughter of a Dorstland trekker – Engelina Oosthuizen, and was ‘the first white settler at Outjo’[275]] had had his trading business for a long time’ although, he reportedly had ‘much to suffer from Hottentots and Damara [Herero]’, although ‘since German troops had been stationed here, he had been left in peace by the natives’[276]. Rosenblad describes Lambert’s trading encounters with especially ‘a crowd of Hottentots from the northern part of the Kaokoveld and under the command of their chief Jan Ugamab [|Uixamab]’ after ‘Lambert had received several wagon-loads of goods from Walvis Bay’, in which he lost the goods to them[277].  Leutwein establishes a military station at Outjo in this year[278], presumably partly to intervene in and prevent circumstances such as those outlined above.

Hartmann and his party leave Grootfontein on 25 August 1895 for Aimab (north of Outjo), which they reach on 24 September, joining Rosenblad and company there[279].

In Hartmann’s text he summarises geographical information from this journey, reporting that he learns key information ‘the natives and especially some Hottentots of Seßfontein’, and observes that ‘the English Guano Company was already active at Cape Cross, [130] exploiting the large guano deposits in the salt pans immediately behind Cape Cross’[280]. He writes of his intention,

to explore first the northern part of the coast of the Kaoko-Feld whilst proven guides establish the three stations at the Estuaries of the above mentioned rivers of the middle Kaoko-Feld. This plan seemed to me purposeful because with travelling from the northern, that is the most distant and unknown area starting from the coast, in a southerly direction so to speak, I travel towards supplies instead of away from them. Major Leutwein was gracious enough to accept the requests of various officers who travelled to meet me in Grootfontein, to accompany me in this interesting expedition. And it was doubly pleasant for me, to place the leadership of the above three river expeditions into the hands of men who with all their energy and the greatest toughness would fulfill their tasks. … Lieutenant Volkmann took over the organization of the three southern river expeditions and carried out the ǂUgab expedition himself. Lieutenant Helm took over the expedition along the ǁHu!ãb, finally Captain v. Estorff the one along the !Uni!ãb The latter wanted accompany me to the northern Kaoko-Feld and from there to return to station at the |Uni!ãb mouth before my appearance there. I liked to weave in here the judgement of the old and famous elephant hunter Erikson, who has probably travelled the farthest around in our protected area, who at first thought my plan was unfeasible, and described the whole expedition as a first class achievement. … [

   each river expedition was supplied with ‘1 ox cart, 10 trek oxen, slaughter cattle, 4-6 riding horses, provisions and especially oats for three months, the necessary instruments, magnesium light, rockets and red flags’.]

   [131] The expedition to the middle Kaoko-Feld at Sorris Sorris east from the Brandberg left under Lieutenant Volkmann at the beginning of September, the northern expedition under my leadership began to collect in Otjitambi in September for their march in the NW direction.

   … we left Outjo to go north to the Etosha Pan and try to find a way to get from there in western direction via Okahahana to penetrate into the northern Kaoko-Feld. Large Ovambo accumulations north of Okahahana with hostile intentions, due to rumors from the Damara [Herero] that the Germans would come to wage war and take away their land, took place [however], and the immense dry areas west of Okahahana, which are only passable during the rainy season, when there is water in the form of large Vleys or puddles, made it advisable to turn back and take the old route via Otjitambi.[281] [From Grootfontein on 25 August Hartmann reaches Aimab on 24 September, and Otjitambi on 31 October[282]]

On returning to Aimab, Rosenblad’s party encounters a large herd of ‘quaggas’ (Hartmann’s  zebra) [283]. The expedition leaves Aimab in the beginning of October, Rosenblad writing that ‘soon we passed the werft of the Hottentot chief David [Swartbooi] at the Otjitambe[Otjitambi] watering-place … a man of some forty year’ [see Hartmann’s Otjitambi image in 1894 above, which may in fact have been taken on this expedition in 1895] who [t]he missionary [Rieckmann[284]/Reichmann] there could not tolerate ‘because he had several wives’ and so sought ‘to have another Hottentot appointed as chief … a cousin of David’ – Cornelius Swartbooi[285]. At the same time, ‘the German government was very strict about maintaining the status quo [? ‘status quo’ apparently established in a very short time!], [and] [t]herefore Hartmann rode over one day to the politicizing preacher who lived in nearby Franzfontein, to urge him not to become involved in matters that did not belong within his field of office. Shortly afterwards David rose in rebellion against the Germans, but to everyone’s surprise proved himself to be both a brave and humane man, so that after his capture he was well treated’[286]. Rosenblad writes that ‘[t]he further north we went, the more plentiful became the supply of game. We encountered giraffe on several occasions. Here they occurred in herds, and then we had our fill of their delicate marrowbones. Gemsbok were also plentiful’[287].    

From Otjitambi travelling north-west Rosenblad notes that ‘[w]e had lately quite often heard lions roaring during the nights’, having a very close encounter himself with a lion that had crept up behind him as he was reading the chronometer at a place that the text indicates is ‘Otavi’ [i.e. ’Gauko Otavi’][288]. They decamp and leave ‘Otavi’, i.e. ’Gauko Otavi’ later in November 1895, continuing northward, [89] the first ‘unusually heavy’ rains, including ‘hailstones as large as doves’ eggs’ falling soon after[289].

Hartmann writes:

… After six days we crossed the Hoanib, which runs to Seßfontein far to the west, and then headed directly for the Ovambo-Land and reached [Kaoko] Otavi, an area rich in springs, in early October, not to be confused with the other Otavi south of Etosha. Here Captain von Estorff, who was stationed in the southern direction travelled via Seßfontein towards the IUni!ãb river, while we in the northern expedition after some rest days continued our march in a western direction, towards the magnificent Hoarusib-river, which had lush tropical vegetation with palm groves and gallery forests, which we crossed and travelled until we reached at last the watering place Sanatanta in the !Khumib river, which could act as the base, from which the actual coastal expeditions could be sent.

   There were two English miners on the northern expedition, taken from the mining expeditions of South West Africa Co. and the mining investigation of the explored area, as well as a Swedish navy captain named [Eberhard] Rosenblad, whose acquaintance I had made in Grootfontein, where he was with the elephant hunter Erikson, a born Swede, having coming travelled there eastwards from the Portuguese colony [Angola, in July 1894 Eberhard travelled from Mossamedes / Namibe through ‘Ovambo-land’ to Grootfontein via Humbe]. In the absence of a German naval officer, I was delighted that Herr von Rosenblad accompanied me and helped me with the investigation of the coast through willingly promising to support landing sites. Also with the northern expedition was a sergeant of the Schutztruppe, named Fröde, to whom the administration of the provisions, the supervision of servants, the regulation of the inspanning and outspanning etc., and [132] who, like many other things, carries out his task quite masterfully. On our march from the Osombawe Mountains to [Kaoko] Otavi we moved again along that border area, where the eastern limestone area and the western primary rock area meet. Mighty grass plains, interrupted by bush forest areas, which are Ovambo land, soon made a wavy hilly terrain space, which became more and more torn and fissured the more we approached [Kaoko] Otavi. Here we found ourselves again in the middle of Kaoko mountains with its table and cone mountains, and this scenic picture remained the same until we reached the !Nadas river. This river originates directly at the western slope of the central table mountains and does not flow west wards, as shown on the map, but in a southwestern direction towards the sea [? could he be referring to the Khumib, which flows distinctively southwest rather than westwards and would match his route]…[290]

Hartmann seems to make a surprising suggestion here that the grass plains here with soft soils would be suitable for agriculture ‘on a larger scale’, the ‘absence of winter frosts’ making the area appropriate for ‘plantations’ of coffee and sugar cane [?**seems strange – is he referring back to Ovambo-land? – perhaps Ute can check German text?][291].[292] 

“Hoarusib River, landscape in the river valley west of Otavi (Kaoko).” Source: Hartmann 1897 Figure 2, p. 117.

“On the march through the mountains from Hoarusib river to Sanatantas” [presumably Sanitatis]. Source: Hartmann 1897 Figure 3, p. 121.

After Kaoko Otavi, perhaps in vicinity of Sanitatas according to map above, Rosenblad writes of arriving at a place that is,

a popular haunt of elephants, judging by the dung. We made repeated attempts to find these animals but they were very shy probably because they were constantly being harassed by the Hottentots living around here. However, we were shown a ravine that they frequented at [90] night to drink and bathe, and Hartmann and I lay there for 2 nights, ready and hoping to get a couple of fine elephant tusks as a memento.

   The direction of the wind was unfavourable the first night, so that the elephants certainly had sensed our presence and gone elsewhere.

   But we had better luck the following night. We heard a rustling in the forest and listened intently. It was followed by the snapping of trampled bushes and broken branches. Then six giant beasts strode slowly and solemnly down towards the water. We could see them distinctly in the moonlight.

   We lay still while they were busy drinking and spraying water over their huge bodies. It was wonderful to watch these giants of the wilderness in their natural state from such a short distance. You could almost imagine being transported back in time to a fabulous dream-world.

   When the elephants had finally had enough water inside as well as outside and prepared to move off, we selected the two biggest ones for sacrifice. They were shot behind their shoulders and did not get very far before they collapsed. …

   [91] When we reached the dead animals, we found that our booty consisted of two big males, but that their teeth - in this country the hunters usually use this word instead of ‘tusks’ - were broken and also otherwise damaged.

   As the method of hunting that we had had to employ on this occasion was unsporting and could be regarded as unnecessary slaughter, we decided never to use it again. It is a different matter when you encounter the animals in daytime and in the open veld.

   One day we were visited by the important chief Jan Ugamab [!Gomen Nama, |Uixamab], who arrived from his headquarters at Zesfontein [Sesfontein] accompanied by about 40 of his subjects. The crowd came marching in a long single file with the chief at the head, a most comical sight [patronising / othering / delegitimising]. As they filed past us with very serious and solemn expressions, each of them in turn shook hands with us without saying a word.

   Hartmann welcomed them and treated them to meat and tobacco. With the help of an interpreter he then informed Jan Ugamab that it would be most wise of this bandit to keep within bounds in future, as the German government was not to be trifled with and had their eyes on him.

   Thereafter Ugamab’s prime minister, an old noseless Hottentot, replied on behalf of the chief, promising to turn over a new leaf. At least, this was the interpreter’s version of the speech.

   It is quite possible, however, that the high state official had said just the opposite and had used the occasion only to arrange a little comedy for the pleasure of his fellow-tribesmen. The interpreter was naturally also a Hottentot and as such cunning and spiteful towards all whites, therefore it would not have required much persuasion to get him to perform that role. Previously other chiefs had behaved in the same manner.

   After these diplomatic matters had been completed, our worthy guests broke up, again shook hands with everyone, and marched off in the same imposing order as on their arrival.

   [92] I It was this Ugamab who had done such strange business with Lambert in Outjo. As punishment had not followed this misconduct, he, encouraged by success, had recently carried out the following exploit in about the same way.

   A trader in Walvis Bay called Sichel had undertaken a journey to the Kaokoveld with two wagon-loads of goods, hoping to open a new market. Everyone who had the slightest knowledge of conditions in the Kaokoveld knew that this was a daring venture, but Sichel was hoping to make some money, and probably also relied on the respect that the German troops had instilled in the natives.

   He was very courteously received by Ugamab and was asked to display his wonderful wares, and the wagons were off-loaded and the bartering commenced. Every object that appealed to the chief was put aside. After an enormous heap had been piled up to their mutual satisfaction, the hour of settlement arrived, but Ugamab constantly found the fixed prices to be too high and mentioned a ridiculously low price which he declared himself willing to pay.

   Finally Sichel lost his patience and ordered his servants to reload the goods. But then Jan Ugamab also gave an order for Sichel to be tied to the shaft of his own wagon and flogged until he relented and admitted that his prices were shameful. This happened and it was not long before Sichel found it best to declare himself satisfied with the prices that had been offered. After that he returned to Walvis Bay, certainly with much experience gained, but literally also fleeced even to his bare body.

   He did not have any reason to praise that market, and for a long time he had to suffer many jibes and sneers because of his stupidity and greed.[293] 

In December they continue ‘northward to penetrate to the Kunene River’, with the route becoming ‘worse and worse’ and ‘from time to time one of the heavy wagons overturned’[294].

Hartmann writes:

From our main camp near Sanatantas [Sanitatis reached on 23 December[295]] in the !Khumib river with an ox cart, the 16 best trek oxen and the 8 best horses I advanced to the watering place !Nadas in the !Nadas river, of that watering place, which, as already mentioned before, is located on the western edge of the central Bergland. In front of us the Namieb-plain, and from a mountain we could blurred and foggy, small hills can be seen, which we took for the sand dune wall. We were now in the driest time of the year, and according to the statements of natives [image caption indicates they were a ‘group of poor Damara (Ovatjimba)’, which we met here, there was no water either west nor north of !Nadas, with the exception of the Kunene River.[296] 

“!Nadas, watering place in the !Nadas river. Mr. Crighton [perhaps the English mining engineer mentioned in Hartmann’s text?] with group of poor Damara (Ovatjimba)”. Source: Hartmann 1897 Figure 4, p. 123.

West of !Nadas began the vegetationless rough coastal region, where we do not have access to food for our cattle. Nevertheless, I wanted to go from here to reach the coast like the Kunene. After several resting days at !Nadas in which our oxen and horses could eat up a lot and rest, we started our march to the coast on 29 December at noon 12 o’clock. After three hours trekking time, the eight inspanned oxen were exchanged with the eight loosely driven oxen were exchanged, and the same applied to the saddled horses. In this way we travelled the whole afternoon and night. In the night we crossed the Namieb and drove into the range of hills, from which we [133] left !Nadas for the sand dune wall. It turned out that these hills were smaller granitic and basaltic hills, with sand blown against them everywhere on the north-eastern side. Sand dunes were only sporadically present. The sand dune wall was small and single sand dunes were shrunk and showed their inner core, namely the naked rock, whose weathering led to the formation of sand and thus the sand drifts or sand dunes. Only with difficulty could we find our way through the heavy sand, which everywhere covered the ground covered, and we soon had to leave the cart behind. Only the next morning at around 10 o'clock from one of the granite hills could we see in the far west the sea surface, which stretched dark black to the horizon, and the surf as a fine white line. It was an uplifting feeling and with a longing heart, we looked at the goal of the project, which we now saw so close at hand. But still we had to ride four full hours we had to ride until we could see the coast itself. A mighty salt pan, which we could only carefully [cross?] held us up for a long time shortly before the beach. It was separated from the sea by a low beach wall of 2-1 m height separated, which extended to N and S for miles. The surf was very heavy, just like at the Hoanib mouth, and through our glass it seemed to the north and south not to be better. Since our horses had neither food nor drinking water, we had to return inland through the following night and arrived on the third day with our oxcart for happy days happy again in !Nadas, after we had been on the Namieb when a misfortune happened, when the cart drawbar broke. But our animals had their great performance behind them, the distance of 80 km from !Nadas to the coast and back without drinking water and to have put back with very meager food. From !Nadas we had visited the coast in exactly a western direction and does not at the mouth of Nadas, but even further north, still north of the Munutum foot, reached about 40 km south of the Kunene. Water and food shortages had made it impossible for us to continue our journey to walk along the coast.[297] … [the journey of Hartmann, Rosenblad and co. is cont’d below under 1896]

Reardon later writes of Dr Georg Hartmann being the first to report elephants in the desert ‘during that stalwart gentleman’s epic exploration of the lower Kunene and the Skeleton Coast’ in 1895, at which time,

[57] there were very few people living in eastern Kaokoland [?], which would discount the notion that human harassment had driven the elephants there. It would appear that they were in the desert ninety years ago simply because they chose to be there and in every likelihood they had made it their home for much longer than that.[298]

​​The infrequent references to the presence of local guides suggests that whilst local guides were clearly essential for these journeys as well as patently familiar with the terrain, Hartmann and Rosenblad rather mute the presence of these actors, bringing to the fore their own agency and economising surveillance of the Northern Namib and the ‘Kaoko-Feld’. The presence through the north-west landscape of local peoples is similarly muted (as well as strongly racialised). Nonetheless, Hartmann notes the presence of numerous peoples in these areas: “Berg-Damara” in mountainous areas of the “southern part of the Kaoko-Feld”, as well as “numerously at the Brandberg, on whose plateaus small independent tribes still live, practising small animal husbandry (sheep and goat breeding), and [also] north to the |Uni!ãb and Franzfontein”; ovaHerero in the north-eastern Kaokoveld, their relatives migrating south-eastwards; and “Zwartboois” and “Toppnaers” Nama at Fransfontein and Seßfontein, feared by northern ovaHerero but who “rendered outstanding services” as guides and “[a]t my instigation … recognized German patronage in 1894 [sending] … for the purpose of deputations … the main players at the top to Windhoek”.[299]

Captain Peter Möller, a Swedish traveller who from 1883-1886 served in the Association Internationale de Congo and founded the station Matadi on the Congo River, journeys from the Angolan coastal town ‘Mossamedes’ [Namibe] southwards through ‘Owampoland’ and ‘Damaraland’ to Walvis Bay, later [1899] publishing an account of his travels[300]: see detailed notes here and mapped journey here.

Möller describes his fascination for southern Africa’s ‘undiscovered secrets’, its interior belonging ‘to the most isolated parts of the world … still largely untouched by the European intrusion which has been taking place for a long time in the Cape Colony and neighbouring areas’, and because of which he ‘could count on finding the country and people in the original state and the veld filled with noble big game’[301]. He travels by steamer from Lisbon via the Cape Verde islands, observing Portuguese plantations and slave and contract labour systems in Angola.[302]

Benguela, south of which ‘is a barren coast of sand and rocks only, a burnt, waterless desert’, Möller meets Boers for the first time: described as having ‘a strongly developed love of wandering and liberty’[303], they arrive on the same day with ‘6 wagons and 150 draught-oxen’[304]. Möller reaches Mossamedes on 8 August [14] and describes it as ‘only a very small village with some hundred inhabitants’ where ‘fishing is a very profitable activity at certain times of the year’, and also especially at Port Alexander / Porto Alexandre,

to the south where salting-houses are being erected on a great scale’ with ‘the fish sold mainly to the natives from Kabinda and Loanda who sail here to exchange firewood, which they cut in the areas towards the delta of the Congo River.[305]

Möller observes that the Portuguese here ‘learnt to train their oxen as draught-animals’ from the Boers who immigrated from the Transvaal with ox-wagons[306]. A couple of days after arriving at Mossamedes ‘three Boers arrived from the settlement of Umpata with their wagons, one of which ‘with personnel’ is put at his disposal ‘for the journey across the desert up to the highland plateau’[307]. The Boers had brought with them dry grass in sacks as fodder and,

[t]heir herdsmen and other servants were natives of all different races; black boys from Oukouanjama and Oundounga … and, picked up further in the wilderness, small, yellow, cunning Bushmen with flat faces and hair like small woollen tufts here and there on the head[308].

Antipathy towards the English manifests in the naming and treatment of their draught-oxen:

[a]ll the oxen have names; common ones are: Taffelberg, Zeeland, Varenberg, Friland; one which is disliked and often gets the whip is sometimes called Engelsman[309], 


[t]he Boers have retained the patriarchal customs of old times and the reverence for the oldest man in the family is remarkable[310].

Although mostly ruling themselves, officially the Boers in Angola are Portuguese citizens but since ‘the government does not want to give the Boers any legal ownership of the land which they have cultivated, nor to any other land which they may want to buy’, which is a push factor in the trekkers leaving Humpata, going north to Kakonda and Benguela, returning to the Transvaal, or trekking southwards to ‘German territory’, such that,

[i]f good news were to arrive from these latter emigrants it will not be long before most of the Boers in Angola will leave the country and follow their friends on the way to the south.[311]

In the desert inland from Mossamedes Möller encounters Welwitschia mirabilis, ‘one of the strangest plants known’ [21] and hunts springbok, hearing around ‘the fire in the evening’ from ‘[t]he old Boer, who had taken part in the first trek to the Transvaal … how the country then swarmed with innumerable herds of all kinds of game’[312].

His narrative of his journey southwards through Angola and ‘Ovampoland’ is rich with observations regarding the landscape and peoples he encounters: in amongst and to the west of the Kuvale,

there are people of quite a different race living thinly scattered between Serra da Chella [Chela] and down towards Pedra Grande [i.e. ‘the Namib Desert parts of Angola’[313]]. My information about this race, or rather, what remains of it, is founded on the information that I succeeded in collecting from Europeans living in the country. I did not meet them, and they are seldom seen, as they are outcasts and as timid as wild animals. According to the meagre information given to me, these people are small and slight in stature, a dwarfish people with a black skin [Cuissi]. They do not build any huts but shelter under rocks or in caves, they are armed with small, short bows, with which they shoot arrows with poisoned bone points; they live exclusively from hunting and from certain roots which grow wild. Their language shows a quite different origin from that of the Bantu. These mysterious people are probably related to another primitive and little known race of people who live among the sand-dunes along the coast, from the mouth of the Kunene up towards Benguela [the Kwepe]. They live from fish and whatever else the sea casts out, run round naked and have no other tools or weapons than sticks and kerries; they also do not have dwellings and wander permanently along the coast searching for food.[314]   

The Cuissi are later described as,

not a Bantu people and probably inhabited the country before the Bantu arrived. They have forgotten their own language and now speak the language of their Kuvale neighbours. The Cuissi are very dark-skinned and their way of life is the same as that of the Bushmen.[315] 

The ‘Kwepe or Kuroca’ are described as,

also not a Bantu people and they still speak a click language, but it is not related to the Bushman or Hottentot languages. They now live mainly along and south of the lower Curoca River south of Mossamedes and it is said that there are only about fifty of them left. They practise some agriculture and cattle-breeding. In earlier times they also fished … They may be related to the Bergdama of South West Africa …[316]   

The landscape Möller encounters on his travels is repeatedly framed as wilderness:

[d]espite such disturbing visitors [hyenas / ‘werewolves’] there is something strangely fascinating in these night camps in the wilderness[317].

At the inland plateau around Humpata he provides detailed observations of the settlement of the Trekboers there, the circumstances leading to their travels from Transvaal, and the governance arrangements with the Portuguese colonial authorities, mentioning repeated swarms of locusts around Humpata in the years immediately preceding his visit, as well as conflict with local peoples.[318] Whilst in Humpata, Möller writes about Oorlam / ‘Hottentot’ raiding activities from southern Kaoko:

[b]ut the colonists [Portuguese] have encountered an enemy, still more difficult to fight than the natives, in the plundering hordes of Hottentots who come from as far away as Namaqualand and have extended their marauding expeditions through Damaraland Ovampoland right up to Mossamedes which they have actually besieged on a couple of occasions.  In parties of up to a hundred persons these feared foreigners advance through the country; all are excellent marksmen and as they are also mounted on horses or riding-oxen, they travel fast and appear unexpectedly, today here, tomorrow there, [34] everywhere robbing the natives of their cattle and killing people. When it finally becomes too hot for them, when the natives and whites are too close on their tracks, they collect their booty, often consisting of several thousand cattle, drive them southwards by forced marches, pass the Kunene and then disappear in the desert areas of the Kaokoveld. As long as the stolen cattle last, they live sumptuously, thereafter to repeat their visit to the rich ‘Portuguese land’ up there on the other side of the Kunene.[319]   


Möller writes further of engagements between ‘Hottentots’ and ‘Boers’ that,

[t]here are many tales of battles with the Hottentots. The last time they were here, a party of about forty had stolen cattle from the natives close to Chibia. Ten Boers set off after the Hottentots, following their tracks until at night they reached the unsuspecting robbers, who had made camp inside the palisade of a kraal, the inhabitants of which had been driven out. During the night the Boers quietly and cautiously occupied positions around the kraal, well hidden in the high grass, waiting for dawn. At sunrise they saw a scout of the Hottentots climbing a tree from where he scrutinized the surrounding country. However, he did not notice anything and in a while the gateway of the kraal was opened, the cattle driven out, and then seven men mounted on horses were seen, among them the leader of the party. When the latter had moved only a few steps he all at once discovered one of the Boers and made a sign to his followers, but at the same moment shots rang out and all seven Hottentots fell, mortally wounded, from their horses. The rest of the party now remained in the kraal and a heated battle commenced. The Hottentots, who soon realised that they were superior in number to the Boers, sent out some men to attack them from the rear. Soon two of the Boers were shot dead and one badly wounded, and the others had to withdraw, which they succeeded in doing only with the greatest difficulty; but during the retreat they encountered and were reinforced by a party of compatriots and again turned towards their enemies. On arriving back at the kraal, however, they found it empty; ten dead Hottentots and two horses lay there, but the robbers had taken the cattle with them and, as usual, they could not [35] be overtaken and succeeded in escaping to safety in the wilderness with their booty and all.

   Thanks to the Boers being used to warfare of that nature the Hottentots have also been severely punished on previous occasions and partly for this reason and also because of shortage of ammunition which they have great difficulty in obtaining these days, they have left the country in peace in recent years.[320]          

At Humbe and southwards to the Kunene River Möller meets meets Eriksson and describes how,

[i]In later years, since the elephants have been heavily exploited and the Damara people have become more and more unruly, Eriksson has trekked right across the continent to the Transvaal where he has purchased large areas of land along the Crocodile River and where his large herds of cattle graze. However, a quiet life on a cattle farm does not suit him; one day the urge to travel overpowers him, he again longs for adventures and the free life of the wilderness; then he loads up a few wagons and treks away westwards across the Kalahari and its thirst-veld, through troubles and difficulties of all kinds, which nobody knows better how to overcome than this experienced and seasoned traveller. After a journey of a year he was again in Damaraland, where he has now been living the last few years, occupied with the buying of cattle and ostrich feathers. During this period he also made some trips up to Angola and Mossamedes; it was on such a journey that he had now reached the Kunene.[321] 

Möller also describes the bustle of activity he witnesses in this ‘otherwise … completely uninhabited wilderness’ where,

[a]part from Eriksson's two wagons, I also saw wagons belonging to three Boer families, who had made the journey here through the Ovampo tribes under the protection of Eriksson. There were about 600 oxen and cows, goats and sheep, apart from dogs and numerous horses. The natives of the Humbe tribe had come here and new crowds of them were still arriving; apart from me, there had also arrived a colonist from Katekerou. … the river. Behind the camp, towards the south, began the vast wilderness that separated the Ovampo tribes from Humbe, a dangerous area to camp in because of the roaming cattle thieves, but known for its wealth of game of all kinds. In this game-veld I now stayed together with Eriksson and undertook some excellent hunts; I shot mostly the large, beautiful roan antelope, great numbers of which occur here in small herds, and also palla and hartebeest.[322] 

The lions were especially numerous round the camp and fresh spoors were seen daily.[323] Eriksson himself had killed several lions, once encountering ‘a pride of eight lions, four of which he killed with the help of his hunters’[324].  

On 16th December, with Axel Eriksson and in combination ‘4 wagons with 80 draught-oxen, as well as about 300 cattle, sheep, goats, horses and dogs, that Eriksson was to take along to Damaraland’ travelling south across the Kunene into [107] ‘Ovampoland’ Möller observes that,

[t]he natives travelling through this area to and from Ovampoland build structures in the trees where they spend the night to protect themselves from the lions. The lion is often a nuisance to the hunter.[325]`      

In the malaria-infested area around the Kunene, Möller reports that one of his wagon drivers who is ‘a Bergdamara’ dies of fever[326].

‘Crossing the Kunene River’. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], opp. p. 115.

‘Landscape along Kunene River’. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], opp. p. 99.

Legitimising claims to land against central Namibian Herero rivals, David Swartbooi of Franzfontein [and Otjitambi, see above] signs a protection treaty (Schutsvertrag) with the German colonial government (Leutwein in association with Hartmann of the Kaoko Land and Mining Company)[327].

Leutwein reports from a “Bushmen” and “Kaffern” settlement under the headman Krüger, a “Hererobastard” at Ghaub (east of Etosha): in another context, when reporting of meeting Aribib at Naidaus, he calls Krüger the Bushmen captain of the east and Aribib the Bushmen captain of the west, while again, in another context, he refers to Ghaub as a Berdamarasettlement (Bergdamaraniederlassung) under captain Krüger.[328] 

O’Reilly cites in the ”Blue Book ‘an intelligent Cape ”[**?]

According to Külz, the “Hererobastard” Krüger ruled over a settlement of Bushmen and Bergdamara at Gaub in former times, and the mission took over Gaub in this year, managing it as a mission farm, mainly inhabited by Bergdamara in 1909.[329] Leutwein concludes a treaty with Captein Aribib over the use of the Naidaus waterhole. According to the area in which he was reported to be living, Aribib was a Haiǁom - notably, Lebzelter mentions Aribib in his chapter about the !Kung Bushmen.[330] 

Hauptmann von Francois (calling himself a “Frontoffizier”) who did not claim to be a professional anthropologist, remarks on the difficulty in physically distinguishing the ‘Hottentots’ from the ‘Bushmen’[331]. He assumes that ‘Bushmen’ could be either ‘degenerated’ and impoverished Hottentots or they may represent a more original and more cultivated indigenous population. Despite his own trouble with categorisation, he mentions 8 different ‘Bushmen tribes’:

The Bushmen are mainly divided into eight tribes. South of the Okavango between the 18th and 20th longitude are the Haiumga Bushmen, and south-east of them in the Debra area [?] are the Nkung Bushmen. ... In the Namaland between Grootfontein, Naauw Gap and ǁGobam!Nas (Büllsport), the ǂGanin people, south of them the |Koma people to about Bethany; west of these last two the |Geinin people are vegetating in the unexplored, legendary area. South of the |Koma people to about the Orange River live the |Huini people, and at the mouth of the Great Fishriver into the Orange River live the ǁObanen. This classification is only a reflection of the temporary observations of recent years and cannot claim to be absolutely accurate, as the Bushmen continually move their homes depending on the food provided by nature.[332] 

He doesn’t (yet) provide any racial characteristics for (ethnic) classification and explains: [t]he Bushmen are Bushmen in the fullest sense of the word, hiding behind bushes, rockholes and the like in the remotest parts of their country.[333] 

He reports that they are oppressed both by ‘Hottentott’ and ‘Herero’, that they engaged in cattle theft which resulted in Herero and Boers hunting them down:

[t]he Bushmen’s habit of taking what nature and chance offers them makes them uncomfortable neighbours for herd owners. They don’t make a difference between the nomads’ abandoned animals and their domestic or herd cattle, but steal like ravens and thus inflict severe damage on the captive immigrants in the south, including the Herero at Waterberg. Both breeds, the Herero and the Boer, therefore often made raids and shot down the bushmen like predators, formal battue hunts were organised and the value of such a hunt was measured by the number of people killed. All the more they have retreated into their hiding places, all the more they have lost any claim to protection and clemency.[334] 

Von François claims that ‘Haiumga’ [presumably Haiǁom] ‘were staying south of the Okavango between the 18th and 20th degree of longitude’, i.e. east of Tsumeb and Etosha Pan[335].

‘In August the Landeshauptman Major Leutwein with a Division of seventy Schutztruppe, accompanied by Samuel Maharero, with fifty Herero cavalry and a handful of Damara Headmen came from Windhoek to Grootfontein’ to order the Damaras there ‘to vacate their water rich arable land in favour of the South West Africa Company Ltd’[336]. The Rhenish mission obtained farm ǁGaub (9,000 ha) and ǁKanaxa-ams ‘for the Damaras and a handful of San’[337].

Towards the end of the year, Leutwein, ‘when he had dealt with the Khauas, Franzmann and Witboooi Hottentots’, visits Omaruru ‘and had a palaver with the Herero Chief, Manasse Tjaherani’ who was taken by surprise at Leutwein’s knowledge of the existence of Okombahe, and writes the following (which differs markedly from Cornelius and Gottlieb’s accounts of Okombahe-German relations – see 1894),

About a day's march below Omaruru, on the river of the same name, is the Berg-Damara settlement of Okambahe. I declared (to Manasse) that the German Government required this on account of the labour supply available there.

     The Chief, astonished at first that I should have had any knowledge of this settlement . . . made over the place to the German Govern-[110]ment. Up to the present day (1905) Okambahe has remained directly under the German Government, and has remained loyal during the present rebellion.[338]  


In this year the closed season for ostrich hunting [see 1892] was extended to 31 November [from 31 October][339].

Hartmann’s and Rosenblad’s coastal Kaoko-Feld journey continues into the new year of 1896 …

Hartmann writes:

   After some rest days in !Nadas we undertook a ‘proof’[Vorstofs] trip to the Kunene, but only on horseback. We rode away at noon 12 o'clock, and every two hours one unsaddled for half an hour. I assumed that we were going to reach the Kunene the following morning but were still riding by the the next noon, [134] early around 10 o’clock. We were tired, hungry and thirsty, as were our horses, on the eternally same looking grass steppe along the St. Marien river [Marienfluss] when suddenly around a rock corner we saw the Kunene River winding with its lush tropical vegetation, its palms and ana trees and especially its running water. On seeing this we felt as if electrified, and all tiredness was forgotten. The same feeling was shared by our horses. In full gallop we ran towards the river, cheering and cheering hurrah. – But since we are thinking of the way back and the coastal expeditions still to come, we could not give our horses a chance to stay here more. We tried to ride along along the Kunene River on this side of the river but rocks and sandblows prevented this and finally, and with the full ignorance of the fords, which are found through the Kunene, I thought it advisable to turn back instead of losing more time here. It was with really sad hearts that we said goodbye to this wonderful river and after a twelve-hour ride, not counting the rest breaks, we reached our small stock at !Nadas. So the northernmost part of the coast is closed to us.

   The enormous abundance of game in the whole northern area was remarkable, it is a true El Dorado for the hunter for all antelope species up to the rare rooibuck [?] and waterbuck [?], one sees ostrich herds up to 100 animals; from big game the elephant appears in herds, in smaller troops the giraffe, and isolated rhinoceros. The traces of lions are nuerous, they only clear the field where the elephant appears, and they move with the big antelope-herds which move around to the good grass-grazing pastures in the country.

   In the following days I tried to travel along the Sechomib river, a small river between the !Nadas and the !Khumib, to penetrate the coast. Here I also found neither grass nor water, but only a brackish swamp, which the Sechomib disappears into after travelling through the middle of a granite hill range, which is again interspersed with small sand dunes. Here on the coast, where I only have the most reliable servants, the misfortune happened to us that the horses ran away from us at night. We had them tied to a log of driftwood but it was probably the humid cold, and above all the hunger and thirst, which caused them to get rid of it to disperse. While I spent the night at this desolate deserted place alone wrapped in a blanket on a small fire behind a sand dune close to the beach and the monotonous lamentation of the jackals, the raging and roaring [135] listened to the surf and the howling of the cold and humid southwest wind, my servant marched on foot after the horses, which he brought back following afternoon after an absence of 14 hours. I probably do not need to explain how much I longed for his return and with what indescribable joy I welcomed him. So this was the second time a futile attempt was made to find a place for a station on the coast.

   Only at the !Khumib estuary did we succeed in finding grass and drinkable brackish water relatively close to the beach which would enable a small station for longer stays. The same was also possible on the Hoarusib, and from the Hoanib I already knew from my first Kaokofeld expedition, that it would be possible to create a provisioning station at the estuary on the western side of the sand dune wall. From the !Khumib estuary the coast both in northern direction to the !Nadas, as well as in the southerly direction to Hoarusib, a thorough examination for landing places and guano was made, performed step by step from station to station along the entire coast to the ǂUgab river. Even before we made the connection with the middle Kaokofeld expedition, with the next station at the |Uni!ãb mouth, our provisions for the northern expedition were almost completely finished. Our renunciative life at the coast at the !Khumib and Hoarusib mouth will probably never disappear from our memory! There, due to the lack of flour, rice and livestock, we ground the oats for the horses in a coffee mill and sifted them daily in a butter box, the bottom of which we had pierced with a nail, in order to bake small rolls of oatmeal mixed with straw, and we enjoyed 14 long days of nothing else, until we made the connection with the middle Kaokofeld expedition. The achievements of our trek oxen were admirable. While I was on horseback along the beach, the ox carts moved in parallel further inland around 60 km away on the same path I took one and a half hours year before. But at that time it was the rainy season and even then there were not numerous water points full of water. Now we were in the driest time, and most water holes were dry or so brackish that they were undrinkable. The little available grass was withered, and the sun was burning in the on the barren desert surfaces. Cold ruled at night, due to the fast loss of radiation.[340]

Rosenblad writes:

With the new year, we commenced a slow return journey because the animals were very exhausted and therefore had to be spared to enable them to survive all the way to Swakopmund.

   Our plan was first to reach the mouth of the Kumib [Khumib, Chumib] River where Sergeant Froede and I were to stay for a time to study the country, while Hartmann had things to do elsewhere.

   One midday we arrived at a small spring that contained so-called brack water. This was so salty that even the thirsty animals would not drink it. We had just arranged ourselves as comfortably as possible for a well-earned siesta [sic], when a native reported that a number of ostriches were in sight. We quickly grabbed our guns, rushed out and hid behind some nearby rocks from which we could see the splendid flock, which consisted of several hundred birds fast heading straight towards the spring. I had never before witnessed such a sight, because inland the ostriches generally occur in smaller flocks or single families.

   The wagons were hidden behind a hillock, and the birds unsuspectingly came close to us.

   Then we opened fire, with the result that within a few seconds five ostriches were left on the field of battle. The rest dashed away in frantic flight but we did not waste any ammunition on them as we could see that the feathers were worthless.[341] 

During this event, Rosenblad triggers a shot from his Mauser rifle by accident, ‘and the bullet almost grazed the head of Hartmann who was just in front of me. To be sure he came out of it all with minor shock and some very expressive oaths about my carelessness, but I had learnt a good lesson for the future’[342].

Rosenblad echoes Hartmann above, writing:

[w]e had not had any complaints until then, but our provisions were precariously low. We still had some tinned food but not even a single pinch of flour. I was accustomed to living for long periods on meat only, but the poor Germans who had never been out like this suffered badly.

   Necessity is the mother of invention, and one day we came upon the idea of making bread with the oats brought along for the horses. The grain was ground in an old coffee-grinder, then the flour was passed through a sieve made by punching holes with a nail in the bottom of a tin. However, it was extremely time-consuming work to obtain enough for just one meal, and the sieving could never exclude all the husks. These stuck between your teeth and spoilt the otherwise tasty meal. The dough was then baked in the ashes.

   Our poor animals, oxen as well as horses, suffered much from lack of water and poor grazing. One or more of the former collapsed every day, the latter now had to be given half the daily ration of oats, and prospects for their immediate future seemed bleak.

   When we finally reached the Kumib River, these difficulties were forgotten for the moment. Hartmann, whom we met here, had succeeded in getting hold of a small supply of flour, so that we would not lack bread for the immediate future.[343] 


Rosenblad continues:

From the Khumib the journey continued via the Hoamsib [Hoanib] River [reached on 2 February[344]] to the mouth of the Ugab [River] where we were again to meet Hartmann who had ridden ahead with his detachment.

   Our supply of tinned food was exhausted shortly after we had left Hoamsib, but this did not cause much concern as we had up to now encountered masses of springbok, and had always had enough meat. It never occurred to us to save ammunition as we thought that there was a large supply of it in a cart.

   So as to avoid unnecessary delay, I had sent the wagons on ahead and had kept only a light open cart drawn by horses, which was quite sufficient for the needs of Sergeant Froede and me for the journey of reconnaissance.

   Imagine our shock when Froede and I discovered one lovely day that our entire supply of ammunition consisted of one single, I say one single, cartridge! This was inexplicable, because at Kumib we had both seen two large packets [97] of ammunition lying in the cart. Thus there was nothing else to do than to save the last cartridge for beasts of prey.

   In this area we were never safe from attacks by lions, and now we had to live solely on bread and coffee without sugar or cream for at least a fortnight. Had we not had the flour, we would have starved to death.

   This diet was highly unsuitable, weakened as we were by attacks offever and hardships. Within a short time we more resembled skeletons than human beings, and with each passing day we became more depressed so that we soon felt completely tired of life.

   It was now impossible to pass the time with hunting. The horses were so weak that it was only with the greatest difficulty that we could reconnoitre the areas, and in the end this also had to be abandoned.

   Thus all that remained for us was to lie on our backs and shake in the wretched cart. Subjects of conversation had long since been exhausted and we could no longer talk nonsense - we were too tired and irritable for that, and entire days would pass without our exchanging a word.

   All that temporarily pulled us out of our stupor - this is just the right word to describe our condition - was when the cart toppled over while we were travelling at night. And this happened frequently. Then we flew out together with all our belongings, and it took quite some time to gather them up again in the darkness. On these occasions we received some considerable knocks, and once Froede even had concussion when he landed head first on a large rock.

   Our only desire now was to reach Goabis [south-west of !Uniab-ǂGaob confluence] as soon as possible where the non-commissioned officer Cleve was in charge of a food depot.[345] 

In this journey to Goabis they are frequently bothered by lions who consume at least one of their emaciated horses[346]. Because of their lack of ammunition,

[s]omething that annoyed us immensely was that daily we lost the most excellent opportunities to hunt. Apart from the innumerable springbok that literally swarmed around us, we often had ostriches and large herds of quagga [zebra] within range. The latter did not hesitate to come right up to the car and look at the horses with the greatest interest. … We had to lie and look at all this while our stomachs cried out for meat.

   We finally arrived at Goabis long after midnight. Froede and I had not had the patience to go with the cart, but had gone on foot a couple of hours ahead. When we saw the fires of the natives, we fired our precious cartridge in our jubilation. And now the camp came alive at once. The dogs put up a terrible din, the livestock lowed and bleated, while the natives ran to and fro among the fires wondering what was happening.

   Cleve came rushing out with gun in hand but calmed down somewhat when he was addressed out of the darkness in his mother-tongue. …

   In Goabis I had expected to receive news from Eriksson about his future plans, but Cleve had not heard anything from the direction of Grootfontein. After we had rested for a couple of days and provided ourselves with a sufficient supply of ammunition, the journey continued southward and we reached the next provision depot, which was situated near the Brandberg, without any notable adventures. From here we made excursions to the mouth of the Ugab River as well as to Cape Cross, and after that we set off towards Swakopmund where the expedition was to be disbanded.[347] 

As they pass Spitzkopje [Spitzkoppe] they encounter a wagon,

the driver of which asked anxiously whether we had seen a couple of white men during the previous days, to which we replied in the negative. The man told us that he had been employed by two newly arrived Germans who planned to set up a trading-store at Spitzkoppe. The men had left the wagon a couple of days earlier to try their luck at hunting, but had not returned, therefore he feared that they had lost their way and perhaps died of thirst. We later heard that they had never been found.[348] 

This is the year that the Deutsche Kolonial Gesellschaft starts farming operations at Spitzkoppe under the management of Carl Schlettwein:

The farmhouse at Kleine Spitzkuppe 1896. Source: Rick Rohde / Future Pasts archive.

Rosenblad’s party arrive at Swakopmund, the final destination of the expedition, ‘which was at the time a very insignificant place consisting of some small houses, some stores, as well as a small hotel’[349].

Summing up, Hartmann writes:

   [136] Of the three other river expeditions, the one along the |Uni!ãb under Captain v. Estorff, found the least difficulties. The way along the |Uni!ãb was sometimes very difficult. But the sand dune wall was relatively low and was broken through by the |Uni!ãb. On top of that, there was found to be drinkable brackish water and grass almost to the estuary. Lieutenant Helm had far greater difficulties along the Hu!ãb. Through the consumption of poisonous water [?] he lost several of his horses and was forced to make his coastal surveys almost only on foot

[350]. Lieutenant Volkmann had no less difficulty along the ǂUgab. With two of his companions he happily reached the coast on horseback, but his animals there were also affected, probably also as a result of consuming poisonous brackish water. Volkmann was compelled, to march 60km along the beach to Cape Cross on foot from the ǂUgab estuary, which on to on the map is much too far south. He and his companion marched with bare feet in the sea water to help[?] with strong swelling and inflammation [from marching on foot?], which kept him tied to bed in Cape Cross at the Guano Co. for almost four weeks. After four weeks he marched again on foot with his companion across the Namieb to the Brandberg, where half dying of thirst he then languished at the main warehouse at Sorris Sorris.

   By and large the exploration of the coast had gone smoothly. The individual expeditions fulfilled their special tasks and we travelled[?] the whole coast to Swakop-Mund. Sergeant Fröde, who had been with me at the Kunene also accompanied me all the way to Swakop. -

   The following can be said about the population of the Kaoko-Feld:

The originally ruling population here seems to be the Berg-Damara [Mountain Damara], that coal-black, compactly built race of people, which reminds one of the pure negro types of North Africa. Now they have moved to the southern part of the Kaoko-Feld and there are limited to the mountains. We find them numerously at the Brandberg, on whose plateaus still small independent tribes are to live, practising small animal husbandry (sheep and goat breeding), and north to the |Uni!ãb and Franzfontein. They are perhaps all in all a few thousand heads strong. Further to the north live Ovaherero - as they call themselves - or Damara, who seem to have immigrated from the north of the mountain Damara. They are Bantu-Negroes of slim [137] build, chocolate brown color, oval face with almond-shaped eyes, which differ sharply from the mountain Damara, but are racial relatives with the Ovambo in the northeast. The great dry spells between the Ovambo country and the Kaoko field prohibited these Ovaherero to spread out in an easterly direction. At the end of the last and in the first half of this century they seem to have been with still small herds in the south in Oruseva, Okombahe and then east via Omaruru (Okosondye) to Okahandja and to have hiked even further southeast. Only in the second half this century have they been hard pressed from the Hottentots in the south moving gradually northwards into areas then only inhabited by bushmen and few mountain-Damara in the area south of the Etosha, which was still full of elephants and other wildlife. So Waterberg or Otjozondjupa, which in the years of the early seventies was still a Bushman and mountain Damara mission station, was only in the middle of the seventies taken possession by the Damara [Herero] chief Kambazembi who, like Manasseh on Omaruru and Samuel Maharero on Okahandja, is still called “Kaoko-Damara” today[351]. This shift of the tribes is interesting and worth knowing, as it proves that the Damara or Ovaherero are not of old age the masters of the land they now inhabit and claim [of course this would also be a narrative that is useful to the colonisers]. The Ovaherero or Damara still living in the Kaoko-Feld I estimate at several thousand heads. It is strange to see that in the seventies two small Hottentot tribes coming from the south have immigrated into the Kaoko-Feld and even far into the Portuguese territory instilling fear and terror not only to the natives, but also to the Portuguese; these are the Zwartboois on Franzfontein and the Toppnaers at Sefsfontein. Although small in number, with powder and lead and their own ruthlessness they have bent to themselves the Berg-Damara in the south and the Ovaherero in the north bent under itself armed with only with bows and arrows. On our first Kaokofeld Expedition we suffered first under the impudence of the Toppnaers on Sefsfontein but with wisdom and politics they later became friendly and even of great use to us. Especially on the second Kaokofeld expedition the Zwartboois, like the Toppnaers, rendered outstanding services. Deficiency of ammunition has now made them tame. At my instigation they recognized German patronage in 1894 and for the purpose of deputations sent the main players at the top to Windhoek. In the north of the Kaoko field I often had the opportunity to see, what a terrible fear [138] impoverished Ovaherero (who do not call themselves Ovatjimba, but Ovaherero and together with the people living further northeast Ovatjimba must not be confused), had of the Hottentot and what strict gentlemen these Hottentots are. I believe that these two Hottentot tribes hardly exceed thousand.

   A quite degenerate and also in number decimated tribe the “Seebuschmänner”, the apparently bastardized Hottentot or crossbreeds between Hottentotten and Berg-Damara, probably less between Hottentots and bushmen are, live along the beach only at the mouths of the |Uni!ab-river up to the Hoarusib and sleep where in the dunes the ǂNaras [!naras] fruit is to be found. The tongue and lips need a long time to adapt to the aromatic, but afterwards pickling taste [of the fruit]. The cores also cause a burning pain in the anus. I only tried to eat it twice. The Sea bushmen, the real Sea Hottentot, must be at most 100 people [Köpfe - heads]. 

“Group of sea-bushmen at Hoanib mouth; captain with a woman in the foreground”. Source: Hartmann 1897 Figure 6, p. 129.

The results of this great Kaokofeld expedition can now be briefly summarized below:

As far as the coastal belt is concerned, the Namieb, that peculiar plain, which we call the first step to the African the highlands, runs through the Kaoko-Feld. The assumption that a sand dune wall runs between the beach and the Namieb, parallel with the Namieb through the whole Kaoko-Feld, has not proved to be true. Coming from the south, the dunes begin only north of the ǂUgab river after granitic and basaltic hills, and north of the Huab river forms sand drifts and sand dunes. Further to the north these sand dunes increase in thickness and seem to reach their maximum at the mouth of the Hoanib. Therefore it also means that it is only the Hoanib that disappears between the sand dunes, while all other major rivers extend their valleys to the beach. The groundwater of all rivers is more or less brackish, even sometimes bitter and then poisonous. Our coffee, cocoa or tea which we enjoyed, almost always had a disgusting aftertaste and was sometimes undrinkable. The vegetation at the mouth of the large rivers consists of dense reed grass and bushes, all of which are salt plants, which are characterized by a matte coloring that plays into the gray and occur only in the coastal belt. They remind us of the grey-green vegetation at the Etosha salt pan, where also a special vegetation springs up from the salt-pregnated soil.

   [139] Between the beach and the coastal hills, which, like before said, on rocky hills or sand dunes, an on average 2 to 5 km wide plain, which is partly under, and partly slightlyly above sea level and in the former case forms salt pans with boggy ground. There, where the plain extends over raises the sea level, the soil is sandy or friable and occupied by single small sand dunes. After the beach is closed this level almost continuous through a 1 to 2 m high beach wall cut off from the sea. This beach wall still carries the traces of sea erosion, consists almost exclusively of brecciated scree and sand and is covered several times with beach dunes. From the occurrence of walrus bones and old driftwood on top of the beach wall, which lies embedded in the scree and sand there, without that it can still reach the high tide, the conclusion is justified, that this beach has been uplifted in recent times, and I would like to express the assumption that the whole beach today is still in the process of being lifted. At the mouth of the Hoanib they showed me living sea-bushmen reed grass places between the sand dunes, which only fifty years ago were ponds, on whose islands thousands of birds nested. These ponds stirred from the groundwater of the Hoanib. In the same proportion as the country raised, the water level sank deeper. Today the ponds are dry. The birds can no longer live on the small islands where they were protected from the jackals, brood and flew away. But the fresh guano, which rubs here still meter thick, reminds of their activity.

“Rietgrasfontein close to the mouth of the Hoarusib, on the north side of the spring, protected from the southwest wind, abandoned huts of the Seebuschmanner; two servants of Dr. Hartmann with horses”. Source: Hartmann 1897 Figure 5, p. 127.

In January L. von Estorff also finds ‘deserted, circular reed huts at the Uniab River mouth’ and on return in February finds here ‘a band of 30 “Bushmen” who had just arrived from the Hoanib River. They were living off narra for the most part’ and he also mentions finding ‘a narra knife made from elephant rib at the Hoarusib River’[352].

Hartmann continues:

   We have found fresh guano several times along the coast, but only in small quantities, for example in Cape Frio, at the Hoanib mouth and |Uni!ãb mouth, and it is hoped that in the great salt pans at the ǁHuab mouth, which we did not search thoroughly enough could, and perhaps even after the Kunene, at the mouth of which large flocks of birds should breed, even more fresh guano foundwill be. The old [bird?] camps had a considerable size guanos at the !Khumib and Hoarusib mouth. At the moment another small expedition is at the |Hu!abmouth to investigate the local large salt pans on guano. The result is still to be awaited, before a final verdict on the guano findings is possible. …[353] 

He speaks positively of the possibility that weak surf ‘about 10 km north and also [especially] 10 km south of’ the !Khumib estuary ‘yield a favorable final result for the northern half of our protected area’ in terms of ‘a convenient landing place, which is about 600 km or by ship 3 to 4 days closer to Europe, than the Swakop mouth and Walfisch-Bai’, and speaks appropriatively of the potential economic value of the north-west:

[t]he great value of the inland of Kaoko-Feld is as cattle breeding land and further north as arable and plantation land, especially if it is possible to use the water of the Kunene River for irrigation purposes as I have already illuminated. For the landing place at the !Khumib-Mund, the connection along the !Khumib river to the interior is not much more difficult than at Swakop-Mund. Only the middle mountain range of the Kaoko-Feld is likely to offer difficulties for the construction of a railroad or transport route, offering difficulties for ox carts. But once they reach the mighty plains that extend east of Otavi to the Etosha, there would be no more obstacles to a railroad construction on the Okahahana-Etosha route and further east past Grootfontein through [141] the Tebra-area[?] to Lake Ngami. Only recently, the expedition of Dr. Esser also found a landing site in the north of the Kaoko-Feld, north of the !Nadas-Flufs and only 20-25 km away from the Kunene estuary. It is therefore located in the area, which I did not reach, and I would like to emphasize that the landing sites we discovered are not identical. Which will be more usable, the future will tell us. Hopefully they both are. They both serve the same purpose, for the northern part of our colony and the two coastal points are at most 20 to 30 km apart, so it is for the general question: "Shall we build a railroad to Swakopmund to lie to the north to the Otavi mines south of the Etosha or from the !Khumib-mouth or Kunene mouth (Esser’s landing place). Viewed from inland, we have in the north so to speak only two openings into the colony, the southern opening at Swakop-Mund or Walvis-Bai and the northern one at !Khumib or Kunene mouth. The only important thing is to decide whether to build a railroad from Swakop-Mund to the Otavi mines or from one of the two northern landing sites from the Otavi mines. Since I have seen the northern part of our protected area as the most valuable, and since I consider it necessary that the Kunene area will be economically attached to us, I fully share Dr. Esser’s view that it is more important and necessary to for the northern area, to build a railroad from the !Khumib- or Kunene mouth instead of from the Swakop mouth across our reserve. Not only would the whole northern area be covered by such a railroad but our southwest African colony in its most developable parts would with a single blow be opened up, but it would also be possible with a trans-African railroad alone to cause life and activity, work and profit through transit traffic. Let us hope that the interest in our colony will by our nation will become even more active and lively, so that capital-strong and at the same time nationally minded men can be found who will give this thought practical form for the salvation of our colony and our fatherland.[354]

Axel Eriksson writes in a letter of early this year that Eberhard Rosenblad ‘is a very pleasant and friendly man to have as company’ [6] but unfortunately has ‘the weakness of looking too deep into the glass when there is the opportunity’[355].

After journeying through ‘Ovampoland’ Eriksson and Möller again part company at Kambonde’s village at Oundounga [Ondangwa], Eriksson travelling west to Amutoni [Namutoni] and Grootfontein ‘where he owned vast areas of land and where he was taking all the cattle he had with him’; Möller travelling south via Oumaruru [Omaruru] to Walfish Bay[356]. Kambonde is described as harassing them for ammunition and trying to prevent their onward journey at which point,

a party of Hottentots arrived from the south, and when my wagon driver who was also a Hottentot, met his countrymen he declared, drunk as he was, that he would not come along, whereupon without further ado he took all his traps and went over to his friends. There was no thought of trying to force him to follow me because these Hottentots are revengeful and murderous fellows, who do not allow any ties. Thus there I stood, without a driver and guide among the riotous gang, but cost what it may I had to get away from there and had already told one [138] of my Bushman boys, who showed a talent for driving, to become my driver when a man came forward out of the crowd. He was a Damara [Herero] man who had driven before and who now appeared very keen to be employed. Although I had never before seen the man, I immediately employed him, and after Eriksson and I had shaken hands for the last time the whips cracked and our wagons rolled away in different directions.[357]       

Möller has a choice of ‘two routes with watering places’,

the shorter leads straight to the south [‘straight southwards from Olukonda to Okaukeujo. About fifteen kilometres from Olukonda the last village and the last trees are passed. Thereafter lies ahead a flat grass plain, to a great extent covered with water during the rainy season, but otherwise dry. Sixty kilometres from Olukonda is a small mopane forest at Iitota§. Ten kilometres further the road crosses the Ekuma River, then goes through mopane bush to Etsilo§ (a small valley) and Katurmare§ (a well), then along the Etosha pan to Okondeka and Okaukuejo. [This road was used regularly until 1957 when a road to Tsumeb was built; it is still passable except for the obstruction caused by the border fence between Ovamboland and the Etosha game park …]; the second runs towards the south-west, but is quite a bit longer, and it was not known whether there was any water [The other road goes south-west from Olukonda, crosses the Ekuma River and goes on to Onoholongo§ [Onolongo, Onoolongo, Oshimalongo (old name according to O. Eriksson, Otjimarongo in Herero] where mopane bush is encountered. At the Onoholongo water-hole are some acacias. The water is muddy but sometimes the holes are cleaned and occasionally [196] Ovambo herdsmen take their cattle there. This road Mr. O. Eriksson has followed to Onoholongo and then left it, following the southern border of Ovamboland westwards and then again southwards to a small salt pan where the Aakwambi still today collect salt. He does not think that the road from Onoholongo to Okahakana has been in use for the last fifty years [prior to 1874] and it can no longer be followed …]. I was therefore recommended to take the former; it was thought that we would find water after about eighteen hours of continuous travelling; there I should rest our oxen, then travel over two further long thirst-velds before I would reach water in Damaraland.[358] …  

     Trekking by moonlight, on his way he encounters ‘a small fire at which two dark figures were squatting in the middle of the track’: they turned out to be two Bergdamara on their way to Olukonda and carrying post for the missionaries. … A couple of long bows were stuck under their arms, over their backs hung hide quivers packed with arrows and on their heads they wore caps of shaggy jackal skin’. [140] They advise him not to continue on this route due to lack of water, explaining that they had just left a party of Boers at the next watering hole but their was so little water there that their cattle were dying and they were retreating to Okaukeujo.

Möller retraces his steps so as to pick up the second route described above, and

‘[i]n this veld I saw for the first time in their own country representatives of the people who are generally called by the common name of “Bushmen”. They only appeared at dusk when they silently and cautiously emerged out of the bushes, filled their vessels with water, slaked their thirst and disappeared as shyly as they had come, without approaching the wagon. The Bushmen live in these areas and everywhere in the desert-veld south of it where there is water. They have no dwellings, sleep here and there, and live from the wild roots and plants as well as game.[359] 

Further indicating the significance of these routes west of Etosha pan, he also encounters ‘a company of Oukouambi traders and smiths, who were on their way to Damaraland’[360].

Near the watering place, called Akahakana [Okahakana] they arrive at a ‘Bergdamara camp’ called Ovidoumba where two Bergdama men appear with long bows and quivers, and also encounter a company of Bergdamara coming ’from Okouambi where they had paid a tax of salt to the chief under whom they are taxable’[361]. Möller provides quite detailed accounts of both Bergdama and Haiǁom, stating that the former ‘live in family groups, mainly in Damaraland and especially in its mountainous and more barren areas and in the desert parts of the Kaokoveld’.[362]     

‘Bergdama’, text indicates that they were encountered at Okakahana, to the west of Etosha pan. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], opp. p. 147.

Möller encounters a party of Nama-speaking ‘Bushmen’ at Okaukeujo [i.e. Haiǁom], who live ‘south of the Ovampo tribes [and] pay a yearly tribute to them in salt, copper ore and game’ and that ‘[t]he Hottentots call the Bushmen by the common name of Ai Saab (preceded by a smacking sound)[363]. He provides detailed description of their material culture including long bows and their hunting practices which include running down large animals, digging game-pits and using disguises, including,

[t]hey outwit the watchful and sharp-eyed ostrich by drawing an ostrich skin over their backs and threading the skin of the neck and the head of the bird on a stick; the hunter, disguised in this manner and imitating the movements of the ostrich, approaches the unsuspecting birds, and when within range the bow string hums and the arrow kills the otherwise unapproachable bird[364]. [**see later image from Denver expedition, 1925, and sceptical comments by Gordon]. To hunt elephants they use ‘a kind of spade-like cutting tool of iron made by the Ovampo’ with which they cut the hamstring of the hind-leg of an elephant, thereby reducing its capacity for movement[365].  

‘Bushmen’. Möller’s text indicates that they were Nama-speaking, i.e. Haiǁom, and were encountered at Okaukeujo, to the south-west of Etosha pan. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], opp. p. 162.

From Okaukeujo Möller travels southwards to Omaruru, his wagon ‘loaded with horns and trophies from my hunts as well as ethnographica’, [156] observing available water in deep wells to often be ‘soiled and stinking from the cattle of the Ovaherero’[366]. South of Ombika at Otyovazandu [Otjovasandu / Urub], which he reaches ‘one morning at dawn, a company of Hottentots were camping, the first I met within their own area’:

[a]s the Hottentots have for long been notorious for their robberies and plundering from the black population as well as from the whites whom they encounter, I was already warned against them. I had hardly discovered one of them before the whole yellow-skinned company had surrounded me. They demanded cartridges and ammunition, whereupon I immediately answered that if they gave me goat’s milk for my coffee I would give them a handful of Ovampo tobacco, but that we should not speak about ammunition. Luckily they let themselves be satisfied with this; the headman withdrew and did not show up again, but I escaped without trouble from this meeting. The fact that the Boers were at Oukouquejo and that the Germans had a military station at Oumarourou certainly contributed to this.[367]     

‘Hottentots’. Position in text indicates that they may have been those encountered at Otyovazandu [Otjovasandu / Urub], South of Ombika. Source: scan from Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], over from p. 162.

Möller first encounters Ovaherero at Otyamungundi [Otjamungundi or Aimab), a short distance north of Outjo, after which he has daily contact with them for the remainder of journey.[368] They have ‘a large number of fire-arms of older as well as more modern types’[369]. He describes the Ovaherero as having,

immigrated into the area where they are at present settled. As far as can be ascertained the Ovaherero, who comprise a branch of the great Bantu group of peoples settled over the whole central Africa, came wandering from the north-east, living for some time on both sides of the Kunene from where they moved down across the Kaokoveld in the south-west, where they seem to have stayed for some time, and finally penetrated southwards to their present region, Damaraland, where they arrived as late as in the end of the last century and in the beginning of this century.

… The Ovaherero have left obvious traces behind them as they [164] moved forwards. Thus there are still both on the other side of the Kunene and in the Kaokoveld remnants of the large migration, the so-called Ovachimba, who were once one with the Ovaherero people, but who stayed behind in the inhospitable area that the majority of their tribal relatives did not find good enough; here they have degenerated and are despised by the actual Ovaherero.[370]      

He arrives in Omaruru on 9th February observing here ‘a German military station’ with ‘[t]wenty-five German soldiers and non-commissioned officers … with a Lieutenant Volkmann [Volksmann] in charge’ who treats him to breakfast with ‘[a] nicely laid table with flowers and bowls of fruit and grapes’[371]. Omaruru itself gives,

the impression of a neat and well-kept place. The river always has some water running over the sand. The surrounding landscape is beautiful; green plains of camel-thorn trees with kopjes and mountain masses.[372]   

Leaving Omaruru he passes through ‘a large Damara [Herero] village where the chief, Manasse, on of the most important in the country, has his abode’, photographs an Ovaherero village at Erongo where ‘there is not a blade of grass, only bushes’, observing that although this should be the rainy season ‘there has not been any rain this year, so everything is dry’[373]. On 15th February he arrives at ‘a cattle-post, Oukhas [Aukas] where some Bastards have settled along the dry sandy river, Kaan [Khan]’[374]. His expedition stops at Kätma Noams§ [Nkätma Noaams / Ketmannsnam?], an outspan ‘marked by the remains of burnt out fires and wagon tracks’ from where it is a two hour walk into the mountains to get water, [171] and at Heikankop [Haigamkab / Haigamehab] in the Swakop River where there is water and where because ‘the place is close to the border of the English Walfish Bay, the Germans had built a small customs station where there were four German soldiers and a non-commissioned officer at the time’[375].

Möller arrives Walvis Bay on 21st February noting that,

[s]ome Hottentots are settled here; apart from fish, which they collect on the beach at low water, they live from the nara fruit (Acanthosicyos horrida [now horridus] Welw.), a kind of cucumber with fruits the size of an orange, that are numerous on the sand-dunes. After another hour's travel in deeper sand we saw the houses of Walfish Bay; I stopped, took a last photograph of the wagon, and then drove forward to the trading station where I was well received by Mr. Gunning, and for the first time in a long period moved into a room. After having written some letters, which had to accompany my people inland again, I took farewell of my men and paid them off, the whips snapped again over the poor oxen which quickly had to start the long way back as there was nothing for them to eat or drink - water for the whites at this place comes from the Cape with the steamer.  

   There is not much to say about Walfish Bay. Some houses of corrugated iron and wood are on the beach. This place and the one just north of it, Swakop, are the import and export harbours of Damaraland. Hides, goat-skins, ostrich-feathers and horns are the main exports.[376]  

Möller returns to Sweden via the monthly steamer to Cape Town and publishes an account of travels in 1899[377].

German military stations are erected at Otavifontein, Grootfontein and Outjo,[378] the most westernmost of which is Sesfontein[379]. Külz also reports that Outjo was established as military post by Leutwein in this year, its importance being due to its location:

the access routes from the south and from the east (from Omaruru and from Waterberg) meet at Outjo and the paths to the Kaokoveld, the Amboland and the Otavi area and Grootfontein had their base there, although. However, Outjo lost relevance to Otjiwarongo since the railway line passed at Otjowarongo.[380]

By mid-1896 the German colonial authorities consist of around 500 soldiers with 400 more due to arrive[381], with the colonial census of 1896 reporting that of the white residents of Windhoek, some 600 were soldiers[382]. Colonial authority relies on ‘contracts of representation’ negotiated with African allies including Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maherero, the latter exploiting ‘the presence of German troops to defend his position against competing Herero chiefs’ so as to emerge as ‘leader of the Herero community’[383]. Forced seizure of livestock from the control areas of the southern boundary of the Herero area (established in 1894) results in violent clashes between March and May, plus suppression of a joint Herero-Nama rebellion in the vicinity of Gobabis and consequent expansion of colonial authority and settlement by European farmers in this area, which also separated the ‘sphere of influence’ of Maharero and Witbooi[384]. Control granted by the German authorities to African allies over specific territories (forming the seeds of the distinct settlement areas of the Reservation system) amidst ‘negotiated treaties [for Europeans] to settle the borders of these territories’[385]. In June an import ban ‘on all ruminants and their products’ is ‘issued by German military command’, beginning attempts to halt the spread of rinderpest[386]. The ‘northern district’ centred on Outjo is officially proclaimed charged with controlling the spread of rinderpest and trade in livestock[387] and, ‘with additional military outposts along the east-west axis at Grootfontein, Otavifontein, Naidaus, and Fransfontein’, begins to act to ‘sever any alliance between the Owambo and Herero regions’[388].

The private prospecting enterprise the Kaoko-land und Minen Gesellschaft (the Kaoko Land and Mining Company) buys Kaokoland from the German government and the KLMG formally owns Kaokoland between 1896 and 1920[389].

Twenty Trekboer families arrive in Angola[390].

In 1896, the “Deutsche Kolonial-Handbuch” (German Colonial Handbook) compiled by Rudolf Fitzner appeared for the first time. It was published a total of 13 times until 1913 (from 1909 onwards without any indication of authors). It might provide an idea of what was “generally known”  of the colony during that time, how that knowledge was categorised. Therefore, some excerpts are provided here. In the Preface, Fitzner writes:

In the present work, an attempt has been made for the first time to summarise everything worth knowing about the German protectorates in the form of a reference work and, in addition to the geographical and ethnographical aspects, to emphasise above all the economic aspects. In addition to making extensive use of official sources, I have endeavoured to extract the core of the complex colonial literature, to put the multifaceted material into a clearly structured form and thus to make it useful for practical use. I have been most fortunately supported in this by numerous original communications from the protectorates themselves, as well as by the fact that previously unpublished material has been made available to me here in the most obliging manner on several occasions.[391]

One part of the handbook is devoted to German South-West Africa). In the chapter on general geography,  the surface shape, climate, health conditions), vegetation and fauna are described.[392]

This is followed by a chapter on the population of the colony, divided into different "peoples" (“Völkerschaften”).[393] Here it becomes clear, among other things, that in the meantime 'racial' criteria for categorisation also play a role, "Bushmen" and "Hottentots" are counted as belonging to the same race, the difference between them being "cultural possession":

The indigenous population of the reserve is made up of light-coloured South African peoples (and Bushmen), the tribes of the Bantu - race (Ovaherero, Ovambandyeru and Ovambo) and the Mountain Damara. Apart from the sparse remnants of the Bushman population, the Mountain Damara are the oldest inhabitants of the country, into which the Hottentots migrated from the south and the Ovaherero and Ovambandyeru from the north, while the Ovaherero and Ovambandyeru migrated while the Ovambo took possession of the area along the Kunene.

   Bushmen and Hottentots belong to the same race and have the same physical characteristics. The Hottentots are taller than the Bushmen, who were stunted under unfavourable living conditions, but both have in common a leathery-yellow skin colour that tends to wrinkle, sparse body hair and tufts of matted head hair. The skull is extremely narrow and low (platydolichocephalic). The face with the angular forehead, the protruding zygomatic arches, the slanted eyes narrowed to protect against the glare of the sun, the receding, narrow chin - and the upturned, downwardly strongly widened nose has a sullen, sullen expression. The limbs show a strikingly weak development; arms and thighs are thin, the lower legs without calves, hands and feet are small and daintily built. Remarkable is the steatopygia that occurs in women, an enormous development of fat masses above the coccyx muscles. The senses, especially the face, are excellently developed. Only the cultural possessions distinguish the two tribes. The Bushmen live a miserable life of gathering and hunting, barely clad in furs, and shelter in leafy umbrellas or rock caves in bad weather. The Hottentots, on the other hand, live in spacious pontoons united in large villages (werfts), are almost always dressed in European style, well mounted and armed with rifles, often breech-loaders. Most of them are Christians and can read and write. Their character is cheerful, carefree and generous, but they are thieves, lazy, unclean and highly prone to drunkenness. The Bushmen roam the Kalahari bush steppe on the eastern border of the protectorate in small hordes, their number of heads probably not exceeding a few thousand.[394]" (152-153)

   The Hottentots, once more widespread but pushed south by the Ovaherero, inhabit Greater Namaland and part of Kaokoland. They are politically divided into 12 tribes, seven of which immigrated at an untraceable early period, the remaining five, the so-called Orlarns, only coming from the south in the course of this century. The other five, the so-called Orlams, only advanced northwards from the Cape Colony across the Orange River in the course of this century. The former are: 1. the Zeibs, 150 - 200 men, under Jonathan Zeib in Keetmanshoop, 2. the Veldschoendragers, 800 - 1000 men, without a captain, in Geitaub, 3. the Fransmanns - Hottentots, about 800 men, under Simon Köpper in Gokhas, 4. the Zwartboois, about 400-500 men under Petrus Zwartbooi in Otyitambi, in the Kaokofeld, 5. The Red Nation, about 600 men, under Manasse Noreseb at Hoakhanas, 6. The Bondelzwarts, about 1800 under Wilhelm Christian at Warmbad, and 7. The Toppnaers, about 200 under Piet Eibib at Walfisch - Bai and another detachment under Jan Michamab [|Uixamab] at Zesfontein.[395] 

The "Orlam" include: "1. the Bethanians, about 900 to 1000 men under Paul Frederiks, 2. the Hottentots of Bersaba 900 - 1000 men under Christian Goliath, 3. the Gibeoners under Hendrik Witbooi, 4. the Khauas - Hottentots, formerly resident at Gobabis -Aais under Manasse Lambert, and 5. the small remnant of the Afrikanders, 30 - 50 men under Jan Afrikander at Gansberg."[396] 

Then follows a section on the "Bastards" before the "Bergdamara” are dealt with:

The Bergdamara (Gaukoin) occupy a special position among the population of German South-West Africa. Their origin is completely unknown; they are thought to be the thinned remnants of the original population inhabiting south-western Africa before the immigration of the Bantu tribes. They are of short, stocky build with a skin colour that plays into the blackish; their lips are bulging, the root of their nose is usually depressed, their cheekbones are broad, and their hands and feet are delicate. They have adopted the language of the Hottentots, who once ruled them. Oppressed and enslaved by the Oveherero and Hottentots, they have settled in the Erongo, Etjo and Omuweroumve mountains, as well as in the districts and villages between Hereroland and 18 0 S. Br. Br. and the headwaters of the black and white Nosob rivers. The German government, which is trying to protect them from the oppression of the Ovaherero, has granted them the places of Okombahe, Aais and Gaub as settlements and assembly points. The total number of this unpretentious and industrious population, which also practices fairly extensive horticulture, is estimated at 35,000 souls.[397]

Thereafter,  the "Ovaherero" are described, about their internal structure is reported:

The nation, estimated at about 65,000 souls, is nominally under the chief Samuel Maharero, other captaincies are Waterberg in the north Herero country under the rich chief Kambazembi, Omaruru in the north-west under Manasse, Otjimbingue under Zacharias Zerana, and Gobabis in the east under Nicodemus, to whom the whole tribe of the Ovambandyeru, who are closely related to the Ovaherero and settled in the country about the same time as the latter, is subordinate.[398]

About the Ovambo, the author simply states:

In the northernmost part of the protectorate the Ovambo, a vigorous Bantu tribe, are settled. They are a farming people with a fairly highly developed soil culture. They are described as industrious, reliable and true and have also proved themselves as workers for the white settlers in Damaraland. Amboland is fertile and densely populated, the number of Ovambo on German soil is estimated at 60,000.[399]

On the white population it is reported:

The white population has increased considerably in recent years; German immigration is slow but steady. The number of the German civilian population has been greatly increased, especially by the disengaged Schutztruppe crews, a not insignificant number of whom remain in the country; most of them devote themselves to commerce, the transport trade (driving freight) and handicrafts. The immigration of farmers from Germany has been low. During the war with Witbooi several Boeren families have been admitted to settle and have settled in the Grootfontein area in the concession area of the South West Africa Company.[400] 

Fitzner reports the total number of Germans in the protectorate in 1896 as 2025.[401] 

After the description of the population groups, sections on the production of the country, trade and transportation, postal system, colonial societies (175-176), mission and administration.[402] It seems somehow odd and amusing, how Fitzner describes - in the section on trade and transportation - the articles/German products that are readily bought by the Herero in detail over several pages.[403] 

In a chapter on the various districts, headquarters and areas, one section is dealing with “Kaokofeld and Amboland”, where Franzfontein, some stations (mission) in “Amboland” and – remarkably, Grootfontein, the mission station Gaub and other water places, are described. Outjo only appears in the 1901 handbook of the same author. In 1896, the following information refers to Franzfontein:

Franzfontein. Protestant mission in Kaokofeld. 1105 m above sea level. 5 Germans.

The village is situated on a mighty mountain ridge which stretches from west to east for several days. The ground is mostly stony, calcareous and overgrown with thorn bush; only on the west side, where the rock gradually descends to the plain, is there a wide field of reddish clay with many deciduous trees. From the plain, one gradually climbs about 1000 m over limestone scree to the spring. This spring carries its water in a 1 ½ foot wide and 2-3 inch deep bed down to the plain, where it waters the gardens of the indigenous people. The mat houses of the Zwartbooi Hottentots, of which there are about 450, form a wide circle around the spring. The water is bright and clear, free of any bad taste; it is a little warm at the spring, but cools down quickly. The surrounding area is rich in bushes and trees to the south, east and west, and there are several small springs, some of which are good pastures. The view is limited by a low mountain range. Franzfontein offers a good passage through the mountains on the way north. A gate leads to Otjitambi (copper mine), inhabited by Zwartboois people, and to Zesfontein, the six-spring place, where a part of the Topnars, belonging to the Hottentots of the Walfischbai, is currently staying. The climate is tropically hot from November to February, otherwise moderate. The hygienic conditions are quite favourable; among the natives there are about 2 to 4 cases of malaria per year.

Mission: The station of the Rhenish Mission Society was founded in 1891. The spacious schoolhouse built in 1894 is used as a church. Services are held on Sundays in the morning 9-11 am and every 14 days in the evening 4-5 pm, as well as during the week on Wednesdays in the afternoon 4-5 pm. The congregation has 356 members. Head: Heinrich Riechmann, missionary, and family.

Wages: Daily wages in the village with food 1 Mk., without food 2 Mk., on journeys with food 2 to 3 Mk.

Prices of food and goods: 1 pk. coffee 2 Mk., 1 pk. rice 50 Pf., 1 pk. flour 50 Pf., calico à m 1 Mk., blue print à m 1,50 Mk.

Distances : to Okombahe 5 day's journey, to Otjitambi 1 1/2 day's journey, to Zesfontein 11 1/2 day's journey.[404] (214-215)

Grootfontein is reported as a “settlement in the Upingtonia area” with 5 Germans, 1 Englishman and 38 Trekboeren:

The place is situated at the source of a right tributary of the Omuramba Hamatako in fertile country, the field being closed off to the north-west by a series of limestone hills. Here, in 1885, a number of Boer families who had emigrated from the South African Republic under the Cape trader Jordan's leadership in 1874, had settled with the intention of establishing their own free state "Upingtonia". After Jordan's assassination in 1886, they placed themselves under the protection of the German Empire. The wider area around Grootfontein is one of the most fertile parts of the German protectorate.

Captain of the Mountain Damara and Bushmen : Jack Kruger.

South West Africa Co, Ltd \ Lieutenant Dr Hartmann, Agent.

Prices of food and goods: 1 pound sugar 1 Mk., 1 packet ! Tobacco 2 Mk., 1 bottle of beer 2,50 Mk.

Gaub (Oniha). Protestant mission in the Otavi area. 1 German. Mission. The station of the Rhenish Missionary Society, which existed in Otyiombuima near Franzfontein among the Bergdamara, was transferred here in 1895. 1 principal [Vorsteher]: Friedrich Kremer, missionary.[405]

Apart from that,  “Kalkfontein” as water place, near the eastern boundary with 12 Trekboeren, “Struisvogelfontein”, a  water place with 25 Trekboeren., “Gemsbocklaagte” as a water place with 11 Trekboeren, “Kraaifontein” as a water site with 9 Trekboeren and Tsumeb as a water place with 7 English, are mentioned in the section on Kaokofeld and Ovamboland. [406]


‘Establishment of a cordon to prevent the incursion of rinderpest into central Namibia and the emergence of the concept of a colonial veterinary border’[407].

’Road network 1894 and vet fence 1896/97’. Source: Miescher 2009, 48f.

Control posts are erected at Namutoni, Okaukuejo and Rietfontein which were later converted into permanent police posts (not Rietfontein).[408]


The rinderpest epidemic reaches German South West Africa by April 1897[409] with the first infected animals reported in and around Windhoek, Grootfontein and in the north-east, despite attempts by the German colonial government to close ‘the border to cattle and animal products from British Bechuanaland or the Transvaal’[410]. Rinderpest precipitated the collapse of the Herero and Oorlam-Nama pastoral economies and caused the death of some 90% of cattle (including Himba herds) in southern Angola, pushing pastoralists further into the Portuguese colonial economy, including working as mercenaries, with Thirstland Boers, as the Portuguese sought to contain rebellions of Owambo-speaking groups in southern Angola[411]. This is the context in which leaders such as ‘Vita’ Tom / ‘Oorlog’ (meaning ‘war’ in otjiHerero and Afrikaans respectively) and Muhona Katiti enhanced their regional power[412]. It is also likely that as elsewhere rinderpest had significant impacts on buffalo and large antelope like eland, kudu[413].


Following a conference on the rinderpest crisis convened by the British Cape Colony at Vryburg (British Bechuanaland) in late August 1896[414], a border - the ‘defense line’[415] or Absperrline[416] - is established to control movement of livestock between northern ‘native’ areas and southern and central European settlement areas[417]. This cordon consisted of ‘a chain of [16] military outposts, established between November 1896 and February 1897[418], some of which became permanent after the pandemic had run its course, in part due to local resistance to colonial authority[419]. There was a roughly 30-kilometer neutral zone or “no go” area to the north of the line’ - in practice ‘defined by the specific water holes that were banned from use’[420]. An officer named Kaiser was stationed at Outjo, and the four most north-western stations were located from west to east at Tsawisis in the west, Omaruru on the Huab River[?], Kauas-Okawa/Okaua, from which it ran along the southern margin of the Etosha Pan to Okaukeujo[421] (the largest station)[422].

Rohde and Hoffman write that,

[t]he Rinderpest cattle disease reached the borders of South-West Africa in April 1897 and spread through the country “like a tempest”... German authorities estimated that 50% of the country’s cattle herd perished within the first six months of the panzootic and over the next year up to 90% mortality was reported among Herero herds in the central highlands…[423]

When German troops arrived in the Outjo district in 1897, no “real” boers were there, some Kaplanders and Transvalers who lived a nomadic lifestyle in the district. A couple of cattle, goats and the longtail Afrikanersheep, called Namakwasheep constituted the whole boerdery during that time. Tom Lambert [a trader mentioned above] was the only settled farmer. Sometimes trekboere passed Outjo around the turn of the century.[424]

Fransfontein, which by this year had a mission congregation under Reichmann of 460 people or half the Swartbooi population of the area[425], was thus positioned inside what became the Police Zone. Sesfontein, which gained the young evangelist Nicodemus Kido in this year after a visit by Reichmann[426], and most of ‘Kaoko’ were beyond the red line[427]. Mission stations in the north-west in this year were also maintained by African evangelists at Tsumasas[?] near the Brandberg / Dâures and at Otjitambi[428].


A letter from RMS missionary Kremer reports that he unfortunately ‘found that Gaub was in a fever corner, several people fell ill and so did he, but with quinine and going to bed in time, it was remedied’[429].

Local support and ‘auxiliary troops’, and especially local knowledge of waterholes, was essential for the siting of outposts along the cordon, and was garnered especially from Kaptein David Swartbooi of Fransfontein, the “Bushman chief”, Johannes Krüger from Gaub, Kambazembi, the Herero chief at Waterberg, and traders such as Axel Eriksson[430]. It is reported that 50 Swartbooi men were provided and played an important role along the cordon ‘because of their “great influence on the Bushmen and Bergdamara of these regions”[431]. These outpost guards ‘were instructed to maintain the “neutral zone” along the cordon, keeping it free of humans and animals, including killing all wildlife found in the zone’[432].

According to Deputy Governor von Lindequist the northern parts of the protectorate (beyond the veterinary cordon) were to ‘be treated as foreign territory’[433], except Kaoko in the north-west, for which the intention is ‘to include the inhabitants of Sesfontein, Kaoko’s former centre of power, within the cordon’[434]. Jan |Uixamab, then Nama ‘chief’ of the settlement, refuses ‘to support the cordon’s construction’ and rejects ‘the suggestion that he, his followers, and their livestock should temporarily leave Sesfontein and move south near Fransfontein’, their feet-dragging indicated further by refusals ‘to provide more than vague assurances that they would move their herds [out of the “neutral zone”, i.e. so their herds must have been spread throughout this area] north to Warmbad (Warmquelle), south of Sesfontein’[435]. As Rizzo writes, the colonial authorities asked Jan Uixamab in Sesfontein and David Swaartbooi in Fransfontein to clear the areas north and south of the border and to move people and animals as necessary, but their request went unanswered’[436]. In Fransfontein 2,685 head of cattle were inoculated but it is unclear how many belonged to the RMS and how many to African Christians[437]. Beyond Sesfontein, ‘Kaoko had no military or Christian missionary presence and so did not benefit from the colonial inoculation campaign’[438]. Although herds may have survived through retreat to remote areas, the ‘devastating toll’ of the [rinderpest] pandemic is suggested by residents of Sesfontein remembering, 50 years later, ‘the destruction of their herds’[439]. David Swartbooi, kaptein of Franzfontein, ‘is removed from his post by von Estorff and replaced by his old rival Lazarus Swartbooi’[440].

Rinderpest impacts were significant despite the cordon, although difficult to ascertain exactly due to movement of herds to remote springs and outposts[441], differential access to and compliance with the military-like inoculation campaigns between Europeans and African élites on the one hand and poorer more remote African herds on the other[442]. For example, 40% of the herd at Otjimbingwe was lost following inoculation (Koch method)[443] and impacts on African herds in central region were devastating[444]. The disease also appears to have spread from the south towards northern Namibia (Ondonga and Uukwambi) (where famine is also observed by Axel Eriksson in July 1897[445]), and to have moved from here into southern Angola[446]. Effects include ‘the collapse of the transport system based on ox-wagons, the explosion of prices for stock and trade goods, as well as the weakening of African political systems due to the economic crisis’, leading to ‘the strengthening of the colonial administration and to the establishment of the settlers as the dominant agricultural entrepreneurs’[447]. Prominent European traders and settlers such as Axel Eriksson and James Chapman (who estimates losses of up to 90% of African-owned cattle in Angola) inoculate some African herds (generally of local élites, thereby reinforcing economic differences, precipitating further raiding and bolstering more extensive patterns of herding so as to spread risk) on their travels in northern parts of the territory[448].

Sesfontein becomes ‘the main source of arms trade’ and ‘local commandos were forced to intensify the supervision of herds and to extend their raiding activities into ever expanding territories’, leading to ‘resistance from Portuguese and Boer settlers in southern Angola’ as the latter extended into ‘Kaoko’[449]. Although cattle numbers are reduced in Sesfontein and the newly established Christian congregations threaten to fall apart[450], ‘people managed to keep substantial numbers of goats’, unaffected by rinderpest while ‘[g]ardening and crop cultivation, i.e. tobacco, maize and sometimes wheat, increased significantly and were used both for subsistence farming as well as in small-scale trade’, and men from ‘Kaoko’ are also reported to have taken up work on farms and as wagon-drivers[451]. The Otjitambi !Gomen (Oorlam Nama) community moves to Sesfontein[452].  

Eberhard Rosenblad is charged with looking after Eriksson’s cattle at Namutoni to try and escape rinderpest and notes a Swartbooi attack here Namutoni[453]. Swartbooi attack on Namutoni is noted on map of Eberhard Rosenblad’s main journeys[454]. Resistance to the colonial authorities is led ‘by a coalition of Herero under Kambatta, as well as other groups from Fransfontein and Sesfontein’, as ‘a response to the economic stranglehold on the region that had resulted from the destruction of herds during the rinderpest outbreak and to the rising debts owed to European traders’[455]. ​​Swartbooi Namas in ‘Kaokoveld’ under Samuel Swartbooi rebel against the Germans[456]. Swartbooi Uprising at Franzfontein and ǂAnhes (Otjitambi) is brutally crushed by three colonial divisions under Captain Ludwig von Estorff as head of Outjo District, Major Mueller, Victor Franke and Captain Kaiser, and reportedly resulting in the torturing, rape, disease and malnutrition of Topnaar, Damara, Herero and Swartbooi women and children in military camps, e.g. at Kai|uis (Grootberg) and Tsunamis[457]. Prisoners of war were marched to Windhoek via Outjo, and Kaptein Swartbooi reportedly dies at |Ubab (Farm Palmfontein 158 - now in southern part of Ehirovipuka Conservancy)[458]. These events were witnessed and recorded by the young |Gaio Dama Max !Gâgu Dax[459]. [See 1898 below].


Of this complexity, Bollig and Olwage write ‘[o]nly when the power of the Swartboois and Topnaar communities was broken by the German colonial forces did Kaokoveld’s plentiful game become accessible to professional hunters operating mainly from southern Angola’[460].


At the same time, ‘[t]he consequences of the Rinderpest epidemic in 1897 spurred engagement in elephant hunts by local residents in the Kaokoveld and in adjoining areas in southwestern Angola for another decade: communities dependent on livestock husbandry vied for opportunities to procure commodities or to render services in order to exchange them for cattle’[461].

Governor Leutwein travels to Berlin to argue for funds to construct railways in South West Africa, in the belief that pacification of the American west was based on ‘rapid construction of railways and the creation of native reserves’[462]. The explorer-botanist Kurt Dinter arrives in Swakopmund in June and begins collecting: originally employed as an official state botanist (Botaniker des Kaiserlichen Gouvernements), his journeys through the territory are sponsored by the Scientific Society of Hamburg and Hamburg Botanical Garden[463]. A report by the Kaoko Land and Mining Company sponsored geographer and mining engineer Georg Hartmann is published in this year[464], and Hartmann refers to the north-west as ‘Kaokogebiet’ (i.e. ‘Kaoko area’)[465].

The German journalist turned geographer, Friedrich Ratzel, publishes ‘his influential book’ Politische Geographie which, inspired by nationalism, colonialism and social Darwinism, details his Lebensraum - or living space - theory, arguing that for colonisation to truly take place colonial settlement by peasants needed to take place, justifying and requiring wars of extermination of ‘inferior races’[466].

In February of this year Dr Georg Hartmann publishes an account of his travels in the north-west of the colony[467].


The German Kaoko Land and Mining Company reportedly sponsors an expedition to Kaokoland by Hartmann[468], to search for ‘the opportunity for a further harbor along the northern coast and to look [274] for a possible track for a railway line’[469] [is this a reference to Hartmann’s journeys of 1894-96?]. He is reported as describing ‘Kaokoland as almost uninhabited’[470].


Exceptionally good rainfall years and catastrophic floods…[471]


Construction of narrow-gauge railway from Swakopmund to Windhoek [using forced labour following the defeat of uprisings] reduces need for transport using oxen, especially in wake of rinderpest[472].


‘In the spring and summer of 1898 malaria and typhoid epidemics affected Herero communities the hardest with up to 90% of the population contracting the diseases resulting in high mortality… In the same year a plague of locusts devastated the few crops that were planted by pastoralists in the hopes of sustaining them while their herds recovered.’[473]

The Karte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika of this year is notable for its positioning of Khoekhoegowab groups as follows:

  • ‘Hottentot’ all along coast from Walvis bay north to Nadas;
  • ‘Bergdamara’ in bands stretching east to west south of Etosha, south-east of Windhoek (|Khomas) and north-west Erongo up to the Brandberg;
  • ǁKangao|gôan’ (difficult to read) (= Swaartbooi) in band to west of BD (Outjo area), just south east of Etendeka mountains and north of Fransfontein
  • plus multiple Nama/Oorlam groups in central and south Namibia.

OvaHerero are denoted in a band north to south west of Etosha and east of Etendeka mountains. The name ‘Kaoko’ hangs over the far west of the country from the Hoarusib River to the Brandberg.
‘Haiumga’ south of Okavango in between two Omurambas north of Grootfontein are interpreted later as ‘Hai
ǁom’ [also 1895][474] 

|Geinin Bushman are positioned in the Namib south of Kuiseb.

Ovambandyeru and Ovatyimba are positioned in the sandveld to the east of the country.

Detail, Karte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1898. Source: 14 August 2020.

The Portuguese explorer Pereira do Nascimento writes in this year of the Nama ‘marauders’ from Sesfontein and Fransfontein into Kaokoland that:

[f]or a long time those ferocious bandits have been invading … every year, robbing and killing the natives, the cultivators and the herders established in Gambos, in particular the Vu-Kuvale, Ova-himba, and Vu-ndimba … It is estimated that 2 000 head of cattle are stolen annually from these poor people from the Hottentots.[475] 

Simultaneously, the ‘campaign against Monembonge’ from January to June in southern Angola follows ‘the killing of sixty Portuguese [179] Royal Cavalry near Humbe’, with ‘the help of the Boers in this and other campaigns’ leading to decisive victories for the Portuguese‘ and the conquering of most of southern Angola except for the Ovambo territory’[476]. The Dorsland trekkers settled in southern Angola (Humpata) begin ‘large-scale elephant hunts in the northern Kaokoveld’ in this year[477].

Important for missionary at ǁGaub was ‘job creation for the Bergdamra, so that a livelihood could be created’, the thought of a Bushman mission, and the intention of constructing ‘ditches to drain the water’ so as to reduce the malaria area[478]. He also indicates in this year that the RMS ‘now has the first purchase right in its hands in writing’[479]. But,

[t]he hope that the Bergdamara werft would fully and would remain whole has not been fulfilled. Only 4 so-called big people stayed. Kremer: “[s]o as long as they are not offered an existence in this place, there is no thought whatsoever of the Bergdamra settling down. The question arises, whether the faith has strengthened internally?”[480]

Around this year, Jan |Uixamab recruits the evangelist Nicodemus |Naistab Kido (referred to in oral histories as Gâseb[481], also ‘Hudo’) from the Rheinische Mission in Franzfontein [connected with RMS Outjo] to Sesfontein to come and teach the people gardening there - they had been severely impoverished due to rinderpest and Kido taught them how to prepare land for gardening, sow wheat and irrigate as well to give religious instruction[482].

After initial successes, the African resistance [‘a regional coalition of Herero and Oorlam leadership’[483], described elsewhere as ‘Topnaars of Sesfontein and Zwartboois of Franzfontein’[484]] to colonial authorities along the western cordon meet with a ‘devastating defeat in Grootberg’ by German military troops led by Captain Ludwig von Estorff[485]. He and his company of cavalry were sent to negotiate with the Nama in Fransfontein leading to the battle of Grootberg on 13 March[486], after which ‘[s]ome [indigenous] coalition forces withdrew to Sesfontein, and others fled to Owambo or surrendered to the German military’[487]. Swartbooi Namas in ‘Kaokoveld’ under Samuel Swartbooi rebel against the Germans[488]. Swartbooi Uprising at Franzfontein and ǂAnhes (Otjitambi) is brutally crushed by three colonial divisions under Captain Ludwig von Estorff as head of Outjo District, Major Mueller, Victor Franke and Captain Kaiser, and reportedly resulting in the torturing, rape, disease and malnutrition of Topnaar, Damara, Herero and Swartbooi women and children in military camps, e.g. at Kai|uis (Grootberg) and Tsunamis.[489] Prisoners of war were marched to Windhoek via Outjo, and Kaptein Swartbooi died at |Ubab (Farm Palmfontein 158).[490] These events were witnessed and recorded by the young |Gaio Dama Max !Gâgu Dax.[491] 

Viktor Franke wins an Iron Cross ‘for his leadership in battles against the Topnaars, notably at the Battle of Grootberg’[492]. The clan are disarmed[493]. David Swartbooi, the Kaptein of Fransfontein, is deported to Windhoek, and in August Jan |Uixamab, Kaptein of Sesfontein, surrenders in Outjo and hands over most of his weapons[494]. More drastic punishment is avoided due to limited military resources, but he is forced into a protection treaty (Schutsvertrag) with the German colonial government (Leutwein in association with Hartmann of the Kaoko Land and Mining Company) as well as charged 1000 head of small stock and requested to hand in all arms and ammunition owned by himself and followers[495]. The Kaoko Land and Mining Company begins selling farms to German and Boer settlers with Jan |Uixamab of Sesfontein selling 4,000has constituting the farm Warmbad (Warmquelle) on 3rd October of this year that is later taken over by Carl Schlettwein[496].


More than 500 people are deported to Windhoek from the Franzfontein community, however, and forced into dependent work relationships up until 1906 with 25 men ‘identified as followers of Kambatta … charged in Omaruru as war traitors and sentenced to forced labour for several years’[497]. Finnish missionary Rautanen intervenes to prevent Owambo kings including Kambonde to refuse participation in this ‘Swartbooi and Topnaar’ uprising[498].      

Of this complexity, Bollig and Olwage write ‘[o]nly when the power of the Swartboois and Topnaar communities was broken by the German colonial forces did Kaokoveld’s plentiful game become accessible to professional hunters operating mainly from southern Angola’[499].

Impact of rinderpest exacerbated by epidemics, described variously as scurvy, typhoid, malaria and typhus that ‘claimed many thousands of lives among the already weakened and malnourished African population’, especially amongst the Swakop and Nossob river basin settlements[500]; followed ‘by a plague of locusts that consumed the crops the Hereros had desperately planted in the hope of sustaining themselves while their herds slowly recovered’, and then a drought which ‘killed off yet more of their cattle’[501] and particularly affected north-west Namibia and Owambo from 1898-1900[502]. Impoverishment in central area (‘Hereroland’) encourages previously powerful men - Ovahona - to attempt ‘to regain financial status by selling land, procuring contract laborers (e.g., for the railway construction industry), and raiding the herds of neighbouring communities’[503], and in a reversal of fortunes Hereroland had fewer cattle than the north-central Owambo areas[504]. Overall, ‘the colonial state and its allies succeeded in maintaining their political and material advantage and authority’ through the rinderpest pandemic, and accounts indicate a strong African association between rinderpest, colonialism and European presence[505]. Impoverishment through rinderpest also exacerbated social stratification more broadly, triggering conflicts, raiding and, in Owambo, the concentration of cattle wealth in the hands of élite’s[506].

In this year, one of Leutwein’s subordinates, von Estorff (unintentionally?) replicates the act of concluding a treaty with Captein Aribib over the use of Naidaus[507] -see 1895], although in his chapter on protection treaties (“Schutzverträge”), Leutwein does not mention the treaty with Aribib.[508] The 1898 treaty asserts that:

[t]he Bushmen cede to the German government the entire territory to which they believed up to now to have claimed. It extends from the area of Outjo up to the area of Grootfontein. The northern limit is the Etosha Pan. The southern limit is formed by the northernmost werfts of the Hereros. In return, the German government promises to provide the Bushmen with security and protection from everyone. The Bushmen may not be driven away from the waterhole !Naidaus, where they are presently. They are also entitled at all times and everywhere on their former territory to collect veldkos. In return, they promise not to oppose the settlement of German farmers, but to be of assistance to them and to remain on good terms with them. In particular they promise not to set grass fires. Captein Aribib vows to remain always loyal to the German government and to meet its requirements with good will. He receives, as long as he fulfils this obligation, an annual salary of 500 marks. For every grass fire noted in the area described in paragraph 1, 20-50 marks will be deducted.[509]

The colonial authorities negotiate ‘contracts of protection with influential leaders’, including Kaptein Aribib of Naidaus through which Germans are ‘granted control of the region between Outjo and Grootfontein and up to the edge of the Etosha Pan in exchange for the sum of 500 marks per year’, for which with ‘local “Bushmen” were promised German protection and were granted the right to gather veldkos … anywhere within the territory’[510].

Kruger reports that: ‘Thomas Lambert was trading in Sesfontein with Topnaars in 1898, they owed him 920 mark, sale of land to Lambert to pay their debts, Lambert was the first white owner of land in Kaokokeld: Warmbad, later Warmquelle, Schlettwein bought further ground from the Topnaars… Warmquelle got bigger’.[511]

Eberhard Rosenblad continues undertaking journeys for the trader Axel Eriksson[512].

​​Captain Peter Möller, Swedish traveller publishes account of travels[513].


The German authorities start construction of a harbor at Swakopmund, at the mouth of the Swakop / ‘Zwachaub’ River, and a wooden landing pier is replaced by a stone jetty and later by an iron jetty[514]. A condenser is installed at Walvis Bay to distil water from the sea[515].


Trading business of the S.W.A. Company (in the Grootfontein district?) is transferred to the “Damara und Namaqua Handelsgesellschaft” Hamburg.[516]


Major commercial hunting expeditions by Dorsland trekkers settled in southern Angola continue throughout these years involving hunting ‘in small groups of usually less than ten well-armed hunters’ with elephant hunts ‘conducted on horseback, and herds … surrounded and chased in order to tire them out’[517]. Hippos providing hippo-hide sjamboks ‘sold at two shillings for a large whip and one shilling for a small whip’ with ‘£30 profit from a single hippo skin’ led to around 300 hippos being ‘shot along the lower Kunene and the hippo population was practically wiped out’[518].


Grootfontein district, forming part of the Outjo district beforehand, is declared a separate district.[519]

The Germans import 20 camels from the Sudan in order to improve communication and control facilities, some of which were later used in Etosha, as remembered in 2000 by elderly Haiǁom.[520]

Eberhard Rosenblad returns to Sweden from Cape Town early in the year, suffering intermittent attacks of malaria; a letter of 4 August to his sister from Axel Eriksson mentions that Rosenblad had been poorly treated for unclear reasons[521].

Captain Peter Möller, Swedish traveller publishes an account of his travels[522].

by late 1800s

‘[T]he Germans had subjugated most of the indigenous people by means of “protection treaties”, with military posts established at various places’[523].


Rebuilding of herds and wealth is occurring, indicating African resilience even in the face of the natural disasters of the late 1900s[524]. Around this time the Kwanyama king Mandume focuses on the recentralisation and regeneration of his kingdom, including the curbing of omulenga (headmen) powers[525].

Mining work begins in Tsumeb: “[t]he sub-captain tries to hire out the Damara in the mountains. They will be lost to the mission, Kremer says, if we do not start sooner than the company”.[526] Moritz writes:

[i]n 1900 the congregation grew from 8 to 24 members. New members were registered for baptism, among them also the sub-captain Wind [?]. The mining work in Tsumeb has begun. The freight cars pass by Gaub, even on Sundays. Until now, “were they only those of the God-fearing? The church was a place of pilgrimage for the people of the Boeren, who banged past the church, while natives and bastard drivers often stopped on Saturday evenings in order to be able to attend the service on Sunday.

     Kremer asks whether it would not be right and good if the honoured society now acquired a solid livestock - milk and cattle for slaughter? For apart from the fact that the magnificent pasture, which in earlier years fed thousands of cattle, is lost every year,

there is already a great and urgent demand from the whites in Tsumeb for butter, meat, eggs and vegetables. So we will find a ready market here.[527]

Moritz writes,

[a]ccording to the signature, the Gaub farm was purchased on 30 January 1900 by the South West Africa Company from the Rhenish Missionary Society by way of purchase. The purchase price was nine thousand marks in cash.

     The name //Gaub is written according to the contract and the letter from Kremer with appropriate buckling marks. The size of the farm is given as nine thousand acres, with the Mission acquiring only the above ground rights.[528]

Early in the year German troops under Lieutenant Franke advance to Sesfontein[529], and reportedly around this year Franke presents Kakurukouje / Kasupi ‘with a gun’ and makes him the agent for German administration in Kaokoland’[530]. The gun is ‘known in oral traditions by the name ombandururwa’ and,

was given to underscore the will of the colonial administration to acknowledge traditional leaders in the area and, as traditions claim, to enable Kakurukouye to venture to southern Angola in order to convince other Herero (Himba or Tjimba) to cross the Kunene into German South West Africa.[531]. 

Resistance led by the ǂAonin!Gomen / ‘Topnaar’ leader Jan |Uixamab of Sesfontein, makes Sesfontein a priority for a military station, despite being located ‘nearly 150 kilometres northeast of the [veterinary] cordon’[532]. Carl Schlettwein ‘buys’ a further 20,000ha of land from Jan |Uixamab of Sesfontein[533]. Franke travels ‘through the region up to the Kunene … to look for chiefs with whom he could declare the overlordship of the German government’[534].


In May, missionary Reichmann – the first member of the RMS in the north-west – from Fransfontein (see above) journeys to Sesfontein, his observations legitimizing further missionary and government expenditure there: this was,

a trip which would take him several arduous weeks of meandering with his heavy ox-wagon through an inhospitable landscape or thorny bush, stony gorges and sandy riverbeds. In his report to the deputation [Franzfontein] the missionary sketched a picture of desolation and squalor. He encountered numerous herds of small and big game along the way, but most places, which had been inhabited in earlier years such as the big fountains at Otjitambi, had been deserted and people had apparently dispersed far beyond the main routes and sites known to the missionary. When Riechmann eventually reached Sesfontein, his expectations were no less disappointed. A small group of around 80 people were said to be residing there. The copious gardens where maize, wheat, vegetables and tobacco used to be harvested looked shabby and abandoned. To the missionary's discontent the few goats [p. 25] the people kept were used to barter coffee, sugar and other items sold by traders and there were no signs of a stock economy covering the local community's subsistence. Indeed, the Rhenish Mission’s most remote outpost which, but a few years before, had induced expectations of a long-standing and successful missionary endeavour in Kaoko had lost its prosperity. Rinderpest, several years of drought and a fever pandemic had hit the area. Yet, Riechmann left no doubt that the main cause of Sesfontein's economic and social disintegration had most of all been the Topnaar leadership's incompetence and mismanagement.[535]         

Georg Hartmann writes in a secret report written in Sanitatas (southern Kaoko) that informants in Sesfontein tell him of ‘Portuguese hunters, who usually spent several months (August to November) at Otjijandjasemo, a significant water-place in northern Kaoko’ who would ‘enter the region with their ox-wagons or would cross the Kunene on horseback’, [d]epending on the Kunene’s water-level and on the quality of the roads’[536]. They would be ‘[w]ell-armed and supported by large numbers of African carriers and guides from southern Angola and from Kaoko’ and ‘would shoot up to 100 elephants all over the area and collect their loot at Otjijandjasemo’[537]. Hartmann considers Herero headman Kakurukouje / Kasupi of Ombepera in north-east ‘Kaoko’ to be involved with Portuguese hunting in the areas, ‘supplying these hunters with guides and carriers’ and with Ompebera acting as ‘one of the northern bases of the Portuguese business men, from where they got land for corn and oat cultivation to be used as forage for the horses’[538]. Kakurukouje / Kasupi is also allied with the Sesfontein Oorlam leadership, and is ‘involved in herding cattle belonging to Jan |Uixamab’, Nama ‘kaptein’ of Sesfontein, as well as paying tribute and supplying the Oorlam leadership ‘with information on herds, with herders, guides and menial work’[539]. He is ‘among the first men in the northern area to own a gun’[540].

The former name of Franzfontein is given as “Ombombo” by Külz and a police station is positioned here since 1900.[541][**I’d be v interested to know more about what Külz writes on this!]

In this year a group of Boer hunters reportedly conducted a ‘record hunt’ spending,

five months in the Kaokoveld, starting their hunt by shooting hippos at Enyandi, and then tracking further south via the Ondoto River. Local scouts were usually employed to track down elephant herds. At the end of the hunt some 100 (!) locally recruited carriers transported elephant tusks across the Kunene back to Humpata, crossing the river at Epupa[542].

Englishmen Speak and Peterson (?) reportedly in the Kaokoveld area since this year, as reported by Kuntz in 1910

Members of the white population in South West Africa voice opinions on the Herero and Nama and on the necessity of corporal punishment in a debate on corporal punishment in the colonies at the Reichstag, amidst a context in which ‘reports of beatings, rapes and murders … speak of a colony slipping out of control, in which isolated settlers and Schutztruppe officers were able to act with almost complete impunity’[544].

Kruger reports 105 Germans and Caplanders in Outjo and six Russians and 35 non-indigenous farmers[545].

According to Külz, Leutwein built, after a visit to the area in November 1900, a border station to Ovamboland at Okaukuejo, “in order to protect Ovambos from the disastrous consequences of uncontrolled schnapps and arms imports”, and Franzfontein becomes a police station in this year.[546]


Reported as drought years[547].


The Thristland Trekkers from Angola come down ‘as far as the Hoanib River to poach elephant: ‘names chiselled out on stones in the Khowareb Schlucht bear witness to these illegal hunting trips’[548].


Many now Himba families moved from south-west Angola (back) to north-west Namibia across the Kunene River, including some Herero families who had left central Namibia to escape German persecution[549].


In 1901, the “Deutsches Kolonial handbuch” of Fitzner (see 1896) appears a second time. It might be indicative for the “progress” of colonisation that much more information is now provided along district administration (“Bezirkshauptmannschaften”).[550]

The Oujo district (though Leutwein apparently already established a military post there in 1895), which was not mentioned in the 1896 edition, is mentioned:

Outjo. Seat of the district governor, military station, post office, Protestant mission. - 103 Germans, 1 Englishman, 1 Austrian, 7 Capetonians (total 112); about 400 natives.

The station is situated on the southern edge of the Outjo sandstone terrace, which slopes down to the plain. A spring comes to the surface here and forms a series of shallow pools in the granite bed of the river. The landscape is characterised by an undulating, calcareous, almost treeless terrain surrounded by ridges of sparsely wooded hills.

The place has only gained in reputation through the installations of the Schutztruppe, which erected seven large buildings there, including a military hospital. Several merchants have settled in the place. The population is mixed and consists of Hottentots, Bushmen, Mountain Damara, some Ovaherero and Ovambo, almost all of whom are employed and fed by the troops. The Rhenish Missionary Society established a station in Outjo in 1899, which is temporarily administered as a branch of Franzfontein by a coloured schoolmaster.

Distances: to Franzfontein 5 days by wagon.[551]"

For Franzfontein, 13 Germans are reported (compared to 5 Germans in 1896)[552] (199)

Regarding the mission in Franzfontein, Fitzner states:

Mission: The station of the Rhenish Mission Society was founded in 1891. A spacious school building was erected in 1894 and a chapel is under construction. The congregation, including the Bergdamara branch of Tsumamas, 12 hours' drive east of Franzfontein, has 356 members.[553] (200)

Furthermore, for the Outjo district, the following places are mentioned: Naidaus as a water place and military station with two Germans  is mentioned, as well as Rietfontein (further east), Otavifontein (14 Germans), Waterberg (6 Germans, 600-1000 Ovaherero), Streyfontein (14 Transvaal Boers), Grootfontein (14 Germans, two English), Aukas (3 Swedes, 2 Transvaal Boers), Orupupa (6 Germans), Gaub (2 Germans), and some mission station in Ovamboland.[554] 

Rainfall: Outjo 347.9; Fransfontein 159.8 mm; 1.1.1901: German Government introduces Angora lambs to cross with indigenous bokke[555] 

For Outjo district, Kruger reports about apparently 39 non-indigenous farmers in the district in this year:


6 burgers of SA Republic


2 Transvalers


1 Englishman, 6 Transvalers, 1 Capelander


3 Germans


2 Germans


2 Germans


2 Germans


5 Englishman


6 Capelanders


1 Englishman


2 Germans

Settlement is rather informal: the immigrants gathered with their livestock around available water supplies and the number of occupants of the ‘farms’ varied from year to year, most probably mainly dependent mainly on the particular grazing conditions at the specific locations[556].

Külz reports that Zesfontein was established as a station in 1901 by Leutwein and that it was formerly a place inhabited by Topnaar.[557] By March ‘a district command under Lieutenant Viktor Franke’ is stationed permanently in Sesfontein and begins to construct a military fort there so as ‘to supervise the entire area up to the Kunene’: so as to ‘undermine the smuggling of arms and ammunition within the area and through Kaoko into Owambo’ and ‘to put an end to illegal hunting activities by Portuguese and Boer hunters regularly entering Kaoko from the north’ and ‘successfully cooperating with local guides and hunters’[558] = i.e. big game hunting linked Angola, Kaoko, Owambo[559]. A ‘commando of 40 soldiers with 25 horses were deployed’, and ‘[i]t was further planned to have ten (10) acres of good soil used for agricultural purposes for planting carrots, cabbage, tomatoes maize, wheat, tobacco etc. and date trees were also imported, [with] [s]prings … used for the irrigation of the garden and date trees’[560]. German personnel reportedly begin ‘raping women and young girls’:

[u]pon realizing what was happening Captain Levi /uixomab start advising his people to start hiding in the field during the day and stay away from the military station. Because they mostly targeted women and young girls[561].

Franke tries to use the networks of Kakurukouje / Kasupi in the north to control Portuguese hunting[562]. Also to prevent rumoured ‘Boer-driven attempts to undermine Topnaar leadership in Kaoko and dominate commercial trade’ and to supervise ‘European-driven commercial activities in the area’[563]. Construction begins on a new military station building in Sesfontein[564]. Franke counts 40 head of large stock in Sesfontein, but this omits animals dispersed beyond the settlement[565]. ‘These soldiers also established a garden drawing water from a different spring than the one used by Nicodemus [= Tâsib]. Initially they tried to employ local men to till this field, but were unsuccessful. Instead residents of outlying areas [mostly Namidaman], people who did not have plots, but were instead reliant upon pastoral activities for subsistence, were imported into the community to work these fields … [representing] ‘the first major ethnic realignment of the community since the [69] Topnaar had arrived’.[566]

Bollig writes only of Franke in Sesfontein that,

apart from the rather shallow descriptions of people and landscape in his diary, which says more about male supremacist and racialised attitudes than about his natural and social environment, he did not leave any published material, let alone photography’[567].

Moritz writes:

[i]n the conference report April 1901 Kremer writes:

“[o]ur church treasury received a gift of 1000 M. from the Otaviminen- und Eisenbahngesellschaft through Dr. Hartmann, so that at present there is a fund of 1347 M. in total. Now it is possible for me to provide our schoolhouse with a corrugated iron roof, and to bring it into a worthy condition. Furthermore, there is now the prospect of assistance in school, preaching and evangelism. ... In this the Lord has provided me with advice and help by sending a certain Ovambo Hendrik Djuella to our house[568]. He was taken to Germany by Count Rex, educated there and baptized in Ober-Örtmannsdorf (Silesia) by Father Ritter. After he had been in our mission house for half a year, he came back here with Dr. Hartmann. Hendrik has the most ardent wish to become a teacher, and to all appearances he is serious about it. Also because he speaks Ovambo, Herero and Nama he is suitable for this area.”

     Dr. Hartmann gives him a good report card. For Kremer, his "modesty" is important, although not everyone who has been to Germany is able to [function?] here in the country again well. The schoolchildren fluctuate between 35 and 40.[569]

     By Christmas of this year, 140-180 people can gather at ǁGaub[570].

In 1901, the German economist Friedrich Wilhelm Detering (b. 1873) comes to Southwest Africa to practice agriculture and cattle breeding on Gaub[571]. He leaves for Southwest Africa on April 6 with the Marie Woermann, bringing twelve chickens and six geese, half of which perish in storm, arriving 7 May in Swakopmend and travelling by train to Karibib, then by ox cart to Gaub, where he builds a house of 10 x 12 m with four rooms funded by 2000 Marks (finished in April 1903), becoming engaged to an August Dieker from his same hometown (Sieker)[572].

Post-rinderpest, archival sources report price increases for livestock in southern Angola and northern Kaoko to 60 Milreis (200 Reichsmark), impacting negatively on exchanges of cattle for imported goods such as arms and contributing to increases in violent raiding[573].

On 30 May, trader Axel Eriksson dies at Ouropapa / Urupapa

The 1900 border station at Okaukuejo is transformed into a District Command [‘Distriktskommando”].


Pocks among the indigenous population in the Outjo district[575] .


Prolonged drought (following heavy rains and flooding) further reduces the success of river-bed crop cultivation[576].


The number of elephants killed by Boer hunters from southern Angola ‘usually reached between 130 and 150 animals … in total perhaps 1000–1500 animals’, ‘usually with a large number of local residents being engaged in the hunt and the transportation of goods’ and ‘ was highly profitable’ reaching around £30–40 per tusk’ such that 1,000 elephants equates to some ‘£60,000–80,000, concentrated in a small group of hunters’[577].


Rainfall, Outjo: 482,8 mm[578]; outbreak of cattle plague, killing around 3,000 cattle in Outjo district[579].


In 1902 the first government ordinance for controlling hunting was proclaimed – called Verordnung betreffend Jagd der Ausübung der Jagd in Deutsch-Südwest Afrika Schutzgebiete [Ordinance Concerning the Exercise of Hunting in German South-West Africa Protected Areas] – and reportedly signed by Governor Von Estorff.[580] As Joubert writes:

[c]ertain areas were closed to hunting (these areas were claimed as game reserves by Governor von Lindequist in 1907 [see below]), and it was furthermore illegal to set any form of traps or snares. The Territory was divided into districts (later to become magisterial districts) and each district had an official known as a District Chief. This District Chief had the authority to enforce hunting seasons of varying duration for various game species depending on circumstances in his district every year.[581]

The German Administration thus imposes the first hunting proclamation (Jagdverordnung vom 1. September 1902)[582] ‘to protect this financial resource’ and attempts ‘to regulate closed and hunting seasons’ and ‘to introduce compulsory hunting licences’ and making provision ‘for the potential establishment of game reserves, if the hunting regulations were not sufficient’ (in paragraph 4)[583].

Under Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, ‘the driving force behind Germany’s acquisition of colonies’[584], the largely uninhabited north-west of the country is leased to the Kaokoland Land and Mining Company’ [Kaoko Land und Minengesellschaft], with Carl Schlettwein as its local representative[585]. Schlettwein’s instructions were ‘to prospect for minerals, as well as divide the Territory into farms for sale to immigrants’[586]. Schlettwein moves ‘to Warmquelle, where he planned to breed horses for the colonial forces’[587], having ‘bought a farm in Warmquelle’ [see also 1898] near Sesfontein and in this year is observed as benefitting from ‘his almost exclusive monopoly on small scale trade in tobacco and stock with the local African people’[588].

Van Warmelo reports for this year that the Germans establish a military post in Sesfontein after Swartbooi uprising at a time when Jan |Uichamab is still the !Gomen [i.e. Topnaar from Walvis Bay] kaptein there[589], at which time ‘[t]he garrison consisted of Germans and Hottentot soldiers or police’[590].


The population of Sesfontein is reported as 120 people, mostly women and children, but ‘the station commander conceded that he neither knew how many people lived in Sesfontein’s surroundings, nor what their economic activities consisted of, beyond growing maize and wheat in the local gardens’[591]. Letters from Nicodemus Kido in Sesfontein report ‘cases of women being forced into sexual relations with German military personnel’[592].

In a letter from //Gaub at the end of March 1902, missionary Kremer reports [19]:

[i]n the past conference year, we have again taken a step forward with the missionary work here. From the Gentiles I had the joy of baptizing 10 adults and 7 children, which is a number like never before. Our congregation now numbers 30 adults and 21 children, for a total of 51 members. There are also 12 people in the Nama classes, most of whom are Bergdamra and since 12 Herero from //Ganaxa-ams, which is 1 hour away and is also a missionary base, have joined us, I have started a good class with them since New Year's Day. On the other hand, the school is still attended as in previous years, namely by 35 children, who not only come regularly, but also teach eagerly and with good success.

     Since the beginning of the year I have employed the well-known Mr. Djuella for this school work. Hereby I would like to ask the conference to determine the salary for him, since what comes in as school fees is not enough to cover his living expenses. The Sunday service was relatively well attended by Christians and pagans.

     When I now look back on the 6 years of our presence here and take into consideration that when we established this station in 1895, so to speak, no one lived here, I would not call the above success, however small it may be in comparison with other areas, because at that time I would not have dreamed of such a thing.

     But something else, purely external, which also belongs to our profession, should be mentioned here. The mission house could be completed. Also, the 1000 M. of the Otavi Mine and Railway Company made it possible for me to transform our school and church into a more livable and dignified building. Now that the building has a corrugated iron roof, door and windows, school, lessons and church services can be held with more regularity than before, even in the rainy season. I am also happy about this progress. And since the room holds about 150 people, it will suffice for the time being.

    If once after year and day the actual church should be necessary, also a small fund of M. 346.70 is already available for this purpose, which shall be interest-bearing at the cap.”

     A harvest festival, which broke in about 45 M. could be celebrated again this time. The state of health in the family and was a very satisfactory one; not a single death occurred.[593]

     On the 1st Sunday of Advent, he [Kremer] was able to introduce the first elder, who was a Nama, who was baptized only at the end of last year. He had behaved impeccably in the house and in the congregation since he was a student, or even since Kremer knew him, so that he was able to appoint him with joy. “The choice was also well received by most of the congregation, only some Bergdamra, since he was not from their tribe, had something against it, but this soon subsided. The church installation ceremony made quite an impression on all participants. The Sunday services were actively attended by Christians as well as pagans during the past year, especially in the last quarter, for, since a small Herero captain from the Omuramba came here with his werft, the school building was sometimes quite crowded.

     [20] “In the school, on the other hand, the number dropped from 40 to 25. Mrs. Kremer had begun a sewing school with the girls on Wednesday afternoons. Brother Detering, if God continues to grant him health, will begin a work school in the new year, from which is hoped to be a blessing.[594]


Another report for Kaokoveld is produced by Kaoko Land and Mining Company sponsored mining engineer Georg Hartmann[595], in which he extemporises on the racial characteristics of peoples of the Kaokoveld in a prejudicial manner that continues into contemporary circumstances: Herero are framed as ‘are Bantu Negroes of slender build, chocolate brown color, oval faces and almond shaped eyes’ whilst Damara are a ‘jet black, stocky built breed’[596].


Rainfall Outjo 295,8mm[597]. The number of districts is increased to six (including Outjo, Omaruru and Swakopmund)[598]. Work commences on a railway line from Otavi to the coast, as per Hartmann’s expedition to find a route in 1895-96, but is halted the following year ‘due to the Herero revolt’[599]. A map of north-west Namibia by cartographer Max Groll which became the basis for ‘the German war map of 1904’, ‘based on travels of Hartmann, Franke and Toennissen [an engineer called Toenessen]’, positions ‘ovaTjimba’ just south of the Kunene in the far west and ‘Bergdama’ in the mountains flanking the Khumib River, south-east of Cape Frio on the coast and north-west of Puros on the Hoarusib[600]. As Bollig writes,

[t]he Norwegian mineral explorer Toennissen travelled through the area from east to west in 1903 on behalf of the Kaoko Land- und Minengesellschaft but he left no published texts or photography either. However, his archived reports are filled with naturalistic and technical drawings of the landscape and its geomorphology[601].

Bollig and Heinemann write that ‘[o]nly the Kunene and the Marienfluss are named as rivers’[602], but it appears that there are in fact names linked with the westward flowing rivers on this map (e.g. from south to north, Hoarusib, Chumib, Sechomib), although they are difficult to make out, and Hartmann certainly knew the names of other rivers as he writes about the !Nadas, Khumib, Sechomib, Hoarusib, Hoanib, ‘|Uni!ãb’, ǁHuab, ‘ǂUgãb’, etc. [see 1894-96].

North-west detail of 1903 map drawn by Max Groll, based on the travels of Georg Hartmann (plus Viktor Franke and Toennissen [?** when is Toennissen’s expedition - NAN A326 Kaokoveld Expedition Toenissen. 1909. Referenced in Bollig 1997]). Source: Figure 1, Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 274, from Map XX, 81 ma, Max Groll, Staatbibliothek, Munich, downloaded from 14 August 2020.

Detail of Hoanib and Sesfontein of 1903 map drawn by Groll from Hartmann’s journeys.

The German military station at Sesfontein is completed[603].

Moritz writes:

[i]t is interesting that missionary Kremer thought of introducing compulsory schooling on //Gaub for all parents who were garden owners there. Until the government will do so, it may take a considerable time, he thought. But what should be done with those who do not send their children? Can they be deprived of the garden? With the Christians there would be the church discipline.

     But they would send their children of their own accord. Kremer would also have liked to have had the relationship to [21] Detering clarified by the mission management, but they wanted to leave it up to him.

     There was also a question about the general taxes. Rent for the garden 10,- Mark or 30 working days? 5 marks for a school child. Is not too much, since we live in a "hungry country"? he asked himself.[604]

The Kaiser dispatches 10k Schutzruppe to SWA under the command of General Lothar von Trotha[605], who had previously suppressed rebellions in German East Africa and China[606]. Dr Paul Rohrbach arrives from Germany with a grant of 300,000 marks as the Commissioner for Settlement reporting directly to the Colonial Department in Berlin, to explore forced expropriation of land, ‘used successfully by the British’ in South Africa, so as to support large-scale settler farming[607]. He understands the disinheritance and pacification of Africans as a key means of gaining ‘a considerable economic resource’, but also justifies ‘eradication’ so as to support White settlement[608]. Work begins on railway from Swakopmund to copper mines at Otavi[609].  


In 1903, the first native “reserve” was created for Herero at Otjimbingwe, further reserves were planned at Okahandja, Waterberg and Gobabis. The undiplomatic “negotiation style”, partly forcing signatures by the Okahandja District Chief Zürn regarding the establishment of  reserve borders is one of the reasons for the outbreak of the Ovaherero-German war.[610]


​​Land under settler control increases from 4.4% to 13% of total landmass with European farms increasing from 458 units totaling 4.8 million hectares to 1,331 units totaling 14.3 million hectares[611].


Übersichtsblatt zur Kriegskarte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1:800000, Berlin 1904: Dietrich Reimer.

The Kriegskarte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika of this year includes the following positionings:

  • ‘Berg Damara’ in mountains west of Rehoboth (Blatt Rehoboth)
  • ‘Oigab’ (!Oeǂgāb) is recorded alongside ‘Erongo’ (Blatt Windhoek)
  • Plus ‘Heikum-Buschmänner’ at the Owangowa-Veld northeast of Grootfontein, plus unspecified ‘Buschmänner’ west of here[612].

German colonial war breaks out with especially Herero and Nama in the centre and south of German colony. German forces are amplified by Schutztruppe troops and horses shipped in from Germany and pursue ‘a merciless war of destruction’[613], supported by the drawing up in this year of the ‘War Map of German South West Africa’ that includes topographical information, traffic routes and settlement names[614]. In Sesfontein / !Nani|aus, the resistance includes involvement by the !Gomen Nama leadership, against wishes/advice of evangelist Nicodemus Kido[615]. Oral history reports that two German men at the Fort are killed by Nama – one was hit with an iron bar and another was shot – and that these are two of the men in the cemetery behind the Fort[616]. One is indeed dated 18-09-04 (Karl Pietrowski)[617].

Samuel Maharero had - for strategic reasons [see 1896] - for a long time cooperated with the Germans. Gewald writes:

In the symbiotic relationship between him and Leutwein, Samuel Maherero profited from German colonial rule and secured his own position. Conversely, Leutwein was also dependent on Samuel Maherero to strengthen his influence and give the appearance of legitimacy to his colonisation policy.[618]

However, his politics increased tensions among the Herero, who lost land that was cheaply sold to German settlers. Cattle plague was another factor:

After the cattle plague, Herero society had become existentially dependent on the goodwill of the colonial state.[619]

Gewald notes:

The German-Herero War was the result of the settlers' persecution mania and the incompetence and panic of a German officer.[620]

Attempts by Samuel Maherero and Leutwein to reach a peace agreement were deliberately undermined by the Germans eventually  Leutwein was replaced by the Kaiser's candidate, Lieutenant General Lothar von Trotha who takes over the military command in the territory, while Leutwein remains Governor.[621] After the battle at Hamakari (Waterberg), after which the Herero fled into the Kalahari Sandveld of the Omaheke, von Trotha issues a proclamation threatening the Herero with total extinction in October 1904. Herero who surrendered, are put in concentration camps and Herero prisoners were forced into labour.[622]

Hendrik Witbooi rises against the Germans after the defeat of the Herero and after this proclamation, joined by other Nama chiefs [623] This can be attributed to a number of reasons, among them the loss of land of Nama to white settlers, and the violent approach of von Trotha. Hillebrecht explains:

What followed was years of guerrilla warfare, with hundreds of smaller individual battles and raids, with heavy losses for both sides.... the Nama, unlike the Herero, avoided facing large field battles in which they were certain to be outnumbered. Rather, they concentrated on exploiting their advantages: their familiarity with the terrain, ...their knowledge of vital water points, the support of non-combatants in information gathering and transmission, all qualities that the cumbersome German war machine did not possess.[624]

Important leaders in these Nama-units are Hendrik Witbooi, Cornelius Frederiks, Jacob Marengo and Abraham Morris. The German troops in the colony doubles between September 1904 and September 1905 from 7000 to 14000, while the number of armed Nama fighters is not exceeding 2000. However, in October 2005, Hendrik Witbooi (70 years old) gets shot in a battle close to Fahlgras. Subsequently, the Nama units surrender one after the other, the last one being the  unit under Cornelius Frederiks, who has to surrender in March 2006. Fredericks dies 1907 while being interned at Shark Island.[625]

Although largely not part of the broader uprising, northern Owambo troops from Ondonga attack the German Schutzruppe police station at Namutoni to the east of Etosha Pan[626] = the ‘battle of Namutoni’. The state forbids trade and movement into Owambo ‘thereby hoping to prevent export of arms to the north and any potential conflicts between European traders or recruiters and Owambo leaders’[627].

The German Geographer Georg Hartmann produces a map of ‘Kaoko’ derived from his travels for the Kaokoveld Land and Mining Company, starting 1895[?] into 1897[?] - in the northern part of the map he positions ‘Heikum-Buschmänner’ with ‘Haiumga?’ below[628].

Vita Tom / Oorlog assists the Portuguese in southern Angola to recovery after their defeat by the Mbandja[629] - the worst military disaster suffered by Portugal in Africa was the massacre of Vau de Pembe[630]. Oorlog himself decribes how:

For several years I worked with Portuguese Authorities going towards Benguela Railway etc. I was called upon to assist with my people against the HUMBE tribe who killed 50 of my followers and many Portuguese before being overcome. We also assisted against the OMRONDO tribe on the Kunene River also against the EVARE people near OVAKUANYAMA and later against some OVAMBOS on the OKOVANGO River. I went on Portuguese Government orders each time. There were many smaller expeditions to suppress unrest in the land. [and that] After the Herero war many fled to me at Neve [in southern Angola] for protection against the Germans (1904).[631]

In Grootfontein district there are 25 European settler farms[632], although the total non-military white population in the Omaheke is only 12 people[633]. As a result of the Herero uprising, RMS missionary Kremer has to leave ǁGaub, which is looted, and move to Grootfontein, a military station, where he serves as a field preacher to Germans living there but dies of fever here in May 1904, and is buried in Grootfontein[634]. Following this period Detering ‘holds services on Sundays’, drains the swamp area and builds huge stone walls ‘to protect the land from the animals’[635].

People are required to wear numbered metal pass tags[636].


A list and map of this year specifies ‘the following closed areas of occupation for the Bergdama before the Herero Wars’ as:

a larger tract of land at the Chumib and two smaller ones at Oachab and at the Hoarusib, further east of Sesfontein at the water source of Anabib and at Urieis, and one larger one south-west of Fransfontein, besides southwards of Okaukuejo at the water sources of Ombika and Otjovasandu and at the central region, the land to the south of the Ugab, which includes the Brandberg, Okombahe, and the Erongo, and furthermore, smaller groups at Esere [SE of Otavi], Otjikango and Outjo, west of Otavi; in the mountain land of Gaub, at the Waterberg, Otjipaue, Etjo, Omburo, northwestern[?] Omaruru, in the Khomas Highlands at Seeis, in the Onjati Mountains and at Otjisauna and in the Kaukauveld.[637]

Haikum Buschmänner are positioned north-east of Grootfontein, with unspecified ‘Buschmänner’ crossing from here westwards to west of Etosha pan. Topnaar / AoninGomen are around Zesfontein, west along the coast towards Walvis Bay and around Walvis Bay. Zwartboois / Kaugoan are around Otjitambi.
Owatjimba are somewhat scattered north and east of Zesfontein and Owaherero are in a separate band from Karibib to Waterberg with Owambandjeru to the east of this.


A protracted genocidal colonial war is concentrated in these years[638].


Ordinance 151 is passed by the German Authorities permitting ‘confiscation of property of the insurgent groups’, ‘under which any claim to land north of the Tropic of Capricorn by the Herero, the Swartboois of Fransfontein and the Topnaars of Sesfontein fell away’[639]. Fransfontein is ‘declared a reserve for Nama and Damara people’[640] and German settlers, many of them Schutztruppe soldiers, start to occupy land between Outjo and Fransfontein[641].

A 1905 map of Deutsch Südwestafrika includes the following positionings:

  • ‘Bergdamara’ north-west of Puros on Hoarusib; north-west of Erongo, plus ‘Hau-koin’ stretching from Spitzkoppe to Ugab; around Ghaub in between Grootfontein and Otavi; north of Waterberg; west of Windhuk up to Okahandja
  • Auningomen – Walvis Bay area (ǂAonin !Gomen)
  • ‘OvaTjimba’ just south of Kunene in the far west and north of Puros
  • ‘ovaHerero’ just north of Puros
  • ‘Topnaar Hottentotten’ in a band west and south of Zessfontein
  • ‘Zwartbooi Hottentotten’ south of Otjitambi
  • ‘Büschmanner’ north of Otjitambi around Ombika; south of Otjikoto
  • ‘Haiumga-Heikum Buschmanner‘ around Tsintsabis
  • ‘OwaHerero’ east of Etosha and across central Namibia

Detail 1905 map by Herrmann Julius Meyer - Meyers Geographischer Hand-Atlas, Public Domain. Source: 14 August 2020.

The Kaoko-land und Minen Gesellschaft as mapped stretches from Kunene to Ugab River. Sesfontein and Fransfontein designated as Topnaar Hottentotten and Swartbooi Hottentotten areas respectively. This map basically carves the land area of Namibia up into company land for economic, especially mineral exploitation.[642] 

Karte des Landbesitzes und der Minengerechtsame in Deutsch-Südwestafrika, by Max Moisel and Paul Sprigade 1914, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - Preußischer Kulturbesitz: a) detail of the Kaoko Land und Minen Gesellschaft area; b. full map. Source: Public Domain image,, accessed 19 August 2021.

Mixed marriages are prohibited by the German administration and ‘men maintaining relationships with non-white women risk being denied the right to vote’[643].


The Police Zone under direct colonial control and where whites are permitted to settle under police protection comes into existence comprising the southern and central areas of Namibia and beyond which ‘it was prohibited to trade in guns, horses and alcohol’[644]. On 23rd March, the colonial government issues an ordinance that makes provision for the confiscation of Herero stock (movable property) and land[645], enabling ‘the colonial state to appropriate vast parts of formerly African-owned land and stock’[646], and precipitating the confiscation, i.e. primitive accumulation, of Nama property in livestock (see below) at a time when they were experiencing post-rinderpest impoverishment following their ascendancy. Completion of the railway from Otavi to Tsumeb encourages an influx of white settlers[647].

German colonial intervention in Sesfontein is reportedly ‘legitimised by the participation of the Topnaar [!Gomen] leadership under Jan Uixamab in the colonial war of 1904’[648][?], although military forces are then ‘withdrawn from the north-western outposts in order to be available in central Namibia’ and missionary activities here collapse temporarily[649]. The RMS urges the colonial government ‘to forcefully remove the Zesfontein community to Fransfontein in order to raise the number of residents and hence to guarantee the continuity of the mission work’[650].

In March, ‘missionary Heinrich Brockmann, who had followed the deceased Reichmann in 1904, reported to the Rhenish Mission Society’s deputation that [p. 27] a group of leaders from Sesfontein and Fransfontein, including the caplains Jan |Uixamab and Lazarus Swartbooi, had been arrested and taken to Outjo charged with murder, plundering and unspecified involvement in the war against the Germans. Imprisonment, bad treatment and the strenuousness of the journey had soon caused the death of six men, among them |Uixamab [who died on the way to
Outjo; Swartbooi in the Okahandja prison[651]]. This gave the German authorities the legitimate [?!] right to replace the removed leaders with new ones. While the missionaries of the Rhenish Mission Society blamed |Uixamab and Swartbooi and disparagingly qualified their involvement in the war against the Germans as a matter of individual interest and ambitions, the colonial government, by contrast, presented it as a matter of collective rebellion and … expropriated all tribal property.’[652]   

On 17th July, Sesfontein’s ‘tribal property’ (Stammersvermögen) is expropriated under the 23 March government ordinance[653], as a consequence of alleged involvement by the Topnaar leadership of Sesfontein in uprisings associated with the colonial wars further south[654]. A meeting takes place in Sesfontein of a commission appointed to estimate ‘the value of the community’s possession in large stock, which the German colonial authority intended to confiscate’ ‘for sale at auction in Outjo to local European farmers’[655]. This exchange led to the community in Sesfontein receiving small stock purchased ‘with two-thirds of the compensation money, while the remaining one-third was refunded in the form of allocation of additional garden land’[656]. The commission included[657]:

  • the mission evangelist Nicodemus Kido (known as ‘Hudo’ check**[658]) associated with the RMS station in Outjo - originally of a Swartbooi family from Fransfontein, but considered at the time to be of the Sesfontein Topnaar leadership;
  • the government surgeon Jungels;
  • the trader and settler Carl Schlettwein who had settled at the farm Warmbad [Warmquelle] (= C. Schlettwein, Agent for the Kaokoveld Land and Mining Company ‘which has most of the interests in this vast territory’, who in March 1917 was occupying Otjitambi, north-west of Outjo[659]);
  • the district commander Lieutenant Schmidt.

Their report, compiled by Schmidt, ‘listed the large stock owned by - or rather attributed to - seven men and two women’. The financial compensation was 14,560 German Reichsmark for 81 cattle that had been intended for sale to European settler farmers in Outjo[660].

Having lost the land of Sesfontein to the German government, on the basis of regular lease payments the ‘Sesfontein community’ is granted right of residence[661] to the 31,416ha ‘farm Zesfontein’ in the district of Outjo for use by the ‘Topnaar Swartbooi Hottentot’ for grazing purposes, being bounded as ‘a 10km radius from the waterhole Zessfontein’[662]. Residents could be relocated by the district commander at any time, and thereby ‘forced into dependent work relations’, but right of residence included ‘the allotment of 2 ha of garden land and the ownership of small stock, provided it did not exceed a total of 1500 animals’[663]. Unsettled were the community’s savings ‘of 1665 Reichsmark and 41 small stock… intended for the building of a church building’[664]. Kido was allowed to keep his 18 cattle but this privilege would expire on day of his death when his large stock would be taken over by German authorities.[665]

Rizzo writes that ‘[b]y 1906, the community of Sesfontein was [already] seemingly impoverished, most people had left and dispersed into the bush [see comments re: impacts of military above]. Colonial reports as well as those by the missionaries of the Rhenish Mission Society portray an image of an almost unpopulated area, where there was limited economic activity... [thus] the expropriation of 1906 marked the low point of a gradual collapse of a society and its economic and political basis, a process in which German colonial intervention was but only one factor and… a rather marginal one at that’[666] [see 1900 – missionary Reichmann had already observed impoverishment in Sesfontein].  

This history is remembered locally in the following terms:

In Sesfontein in August 1906,

without having any other choice of helping his people Captain [Jan? Levi |Uixomab] further advice [sic] the inhabitants to resist this immorality of the military, from the Lieutenant to the cavalrymen. Because their immorality act has affecting the missionary work and people could not attend services as they did in the past and the Evangelist becomes very worried.

     The situation has deteriorated to such an extent that the military has used force and has taken more than eighty (80) people to the concentration camp at the military station (fort).

More than fourty (40) people had died of thirst and hunger while kept at the concentration camp and had been buried in a mass grave at the military station in one of the rooms to cover up their [2] dirty job, Captain Levi /uixomab and his two assistants were taken to Outjo but unfortunately Captain Levi /uixomab died on their way and had been buried halfway at Aob river, and assistants also died on their way before reaching Outjo and buried  in Outjo, subsequently declared of died because of malaria.

Lieutenant Schmidt’s replacement at the end of 1906 was met with great relief in Sesfontein. Fortunately situation improved considerably under the new commander.[667]

In this year Fransfontein too experiences similar treatment: ‘land and cattle was [sic] confiscated, the community was allowed to keep 2ha of garden land and a maximum of 500 piece of small stock, five mission evangelists were allowed to keep their large stock, and the district commander reserved the right to determine where people would be allowed to reside and to work’[668].

North of the Koigab and Huab George Elers, on his expedition to seek northern deposits of guano, builds a road so as to travel northwards towards Sesfontein, doing this with 'a large number of Berg-Damaras who live in this [sic] Velds. I may say that these natives gave me every assistance and made nearly 100 miles of new road taking in new water places, as so many of the known ones were dry. [He subsequently arrives at Sesfontein, a small military post under the command of Lieut. Smidt.]'[669].
writes further that,

Lieut. Smidt informed me he thought it was impossible to proceed further north near the coast on account of the drought. However although it looked hopeless I decided to try and am glad to say got through to the mouth of the Hoanib. I got the cart down to the high dunes and proceeded over them with carriers.
I found plenty of water in the sand dunes but of very bad quality [e.g.
Auses?] and my oxen would hardly touch it although they had come through a long thirst. I also found much better water on the sea-side of sand dunes and there made my base. I stayed and examined all this part of the coast thoroughly. An old sea Bushman remembered the birds [white breasted cormorants] nesting there as he used to kill them for food and take the eggs.

From Hoanib I proceeded to Hoarusib, I found this the only river that has run for many years. I have no difficulty with water but could not get cart nearer the sea than 40 miles, on account of wash outs and dense reed and bush … I found some Berg-Damaras and Bushman who live close to the sea and these people are constantly walking up and down the coast in search for whales that come ashore, you will find their Kraals all the way to Khumib and also a long way south to the Hoanib … North of the Khumib it was impossible to go on account of the drought.[670]

The German medical officer (Oberarzt) Werner published a report on anthropological, ethnological and ethnographical observations of “Heikum” and “Kung” Bushmen (1906: "Anthropologische, ethnologische und ethnographische Beobachtungen über die Heikum- und Kungbuschleute"). With regard to the relation of Bushmen to Hottentots, he conceived the lack of „Steatopygie“ and language differences as adequate criteria to guarantee the different origins of both races.[671] He believed to have found the original “Heikum language”, closer related to !Kung than to Nama.[672]

Von Luschan expresses “hope” for the creation of a ‘Bushman’ “reserve:” 

[t]here is one hope I would like to express here - that the system of treatment for the Bushmen will be completely changed. As things stand now, this interesting race is heading for complete and rapid extermination. ... The Bushmen’s hunger for meat, which in the old days could be satisfied by hunting, is now naturally driving people to steal sheep. But every one of them is put into prison for a year or two, and so we now see the last remnants of one of the world's strangest breeds perish ingloriously before our sighted eyes in the penitentiaries. Should it really be impossible to collect the last descendants of the old masters of the country, to settle them in a reservation and to give them a pair of sheep from time to time as an official gift! Many animals and plants are now under official protection. Shouldn't this be possible for the last remnants of the Bushmen?[673]

[1] Contribution statement: an initial 180 pages of literature review organised into a chronology was shared by Sullivan with Dieckmann on 1st September 2020. We have collaborated iteratively on this document since then.

[2] As historian Lorena Rizzo (2012, pp. 3, 7) writes, historical and present dynamics demonstrate ‘Kaoko’s instability and its shifting materiality as a territory and socio-political space’, especially in relation to mobilities that blur ethnic, geographical and economic colonial boundaries.

[3] Rizzo 2012, p. 64.

[4] Calvert 1915, pp. 1-2.

[5] Also in Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19.

[6] Calvert 1915, p. 3.

[7] Taylor 1961[1955], pp. 115-116.

[8] Calvert 1915, p. 3.

[9] du Pisani 1986, p. 17.

[10] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 38, i.e. colonial alliances re: state and private commercial interests/investments.

[11] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19.

[12] Deaton 2011, p. 242.

[13] Esterhuyse 1968, pp. 56-57.

[14] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 14.

[15] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 39.

[16] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 14.

[17] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 14.

[18] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 40.

[19] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 41.

[20] Calvert 1915, p. 6.

[21] Calvert 1915, p. ix, also 9.

[22] Calvert 1915, p. 8.

[23] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19 – although Hendrik Witbooi who had established himself as ‘the pre-eminent Oorlam-Nama leader’ manages to avoid this p. 20..

[24] Rizzo 2012, p. 65.

[25] Schinz 1891, p. 347; also Mouton 1995, p. 48 – see Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48.

[26] Kranz 2016, p. 78.

[27] Bollig 2009, p. 330 and references therein.

[28] 240417, Silvester and Gewald 2004, p. xxviii.

[29] Kanzler 2012(2003), p. 44.

[30] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 93.

[31] Also Rizzo 2012, p. 64.

[32] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 42-43.

[33] Olusoga and Erichsen 2010, pp. 1-6.

[34] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19.

[35] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f7 p. 174.

[36] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f63 p. 181.

[37] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 83.

[38] |Uirab 2007, p. 22.

[39] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 95. Rizzo (2012, p. 32) writes that Belck finds Otjitambi occupied by Topnaar [!Gomen] and Swartbooi families under Jan |Uixamab’s [!Gomen] leadership.

[40] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 94.

[41] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 95.

[42] Förster et al. 2016, online.

[43] Vigne 1994, p. 8 quoting Dreschler 1980, p. 25.

[44] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 95; Rudner and Rudner 2007, f68 p170.

[45] Rizzo 2012, p. 63-64; Esterhuyse 1968, p. 107.

[46] Vigne 1994, p. 8 quoting Dreschler 1980, p. 25.

[47] Rizzo 2012, p. 63.

[48] Rizzo 2012, p. 64 after Dreschler 1985, p. 33.

[49] Rizzo 2012, p. 64.

[50] Esterhuyse 1968, p. 107.

[51] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48 and references therein.

[52] **Reference from Schinz here?

[53] Mouton 1995, p. 52; Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48.

[54] Schinz 1891, p. 348; see also Berry 1997, p. 3.

[55] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48; also Mouton 1995, p. 52.

[56] Gordon 1992, p. 41.

[57] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48, Schinz 1891, p. 350. See also Külz 1909, p. 118.

[58] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48 drawing on Gordon 1992, p. 41.

[59] Schinz 1891, p. 350 quoted in Dieckmann 2007a, translated for German to English with help of Deepl by Sullivan, 10 November 2020.

[60] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 48 after Schinz 1891, p. 351.

[61] Republic of South Africa 1918, pp.148-150.

[62] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 44-45.

[63] Dierks 1999, p. 35.

[64] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 45-46.

[65] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 45.

[66] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 46-47.

[67] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 47-48. Hendrik Witbooi was multilingual and a devout Christian, who in his early life had ‘witnessed the devastation wrought upon the Nama peoples by the Boers as they fanned out across the Cape, forcing Africans off their land and into bondage’ and leading to Hendrik’s father and grandfather migrating northwards towards Namibia, ibid. 

[68] Lau 1995(1989), p. xiv.

[69] Lau 1995(1989), p. xiv.

[70] Lau 1995(1989), p. xiv, nb. ‘Missionary Meyer’s Herero informants at Groß-Barmen claimed that Witbooi’s party had lost 51 lives, 70 horses, with 30 Herero dead and 100 wounded’, ibid and references therein.

[71] Olusaga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 50.  

[72] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 35, 56.

[73] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 97.

[74] Dierks, 1999, pp. 34-35.

[75] Dieckmann 2007a, pp. 48-49, referencing Gordon 1992, p. 41; Mouton 1995, p. 55. **was it only Haiǁom involved in this resistance?

[76] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f61 p. 181.

[77] Mackenzie 1987, p. 56.

[78] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 49 drawing especially on Mouton 1995, p. 54 and Schinz 1891, p. 352.

[79] Bollig 1998, p. 166.

[80] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 8.

[81] du Pisani 1986, p. 19.

[82] Times 1 December 1886, in 

[83] Rizzo 2012, p. 29.

[84] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f68 p. 170, after Esterhuyse 1968, pp. 95, 113-114.

[85] Rudner and Rudner 2007[1924], f74 p. 170.

[86] Dierks 1999, p. 36.

[87] Germinhuys and Staal 1979, pp. 110-111; in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 74.

[88] |Uirab 2007, p. 22.

[89] Gordon 1992, p. 41; Dieckmann 2007a, p. 49.

[90] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 49; Mouton 1995, p. 55.

[91] Mouton 1995, p. 55.

[92] Dierks 1999, p. 37..

[93] Dierks 1999, p. 55, also Lenssen 2005[1953], p. 191.

[94] Manning Report 1917**

[95] Wadley 1979, p. 24, with ‘drought’ considered as rainfall less than 85% of the average, after Wellington 1967, 41.

[96] Grove 1987, p. 26.

[97] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 119.

[98] !Haoës 2010.

[99] Dierks 1999, p. 38.

[100] !Haoës 2010.

[101] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 58-59.

[102] Krönlein 1889.

[103] Quoted in Lau 1979, p. 25.

[104], 180319 - Brincker is transferred to Cape Colony, retires in Stellenbosch in 1892, is awarded an honorary doctorate in literature 1899 from the University of Cape Town, and actively supports German colonisation of Namibia, dying in Stellenbosch on 26.11.1904.

[105] Olugoas and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 98-99.

[106] Rizzo 2012, p. 32.

[107] In Rizzo 2012, p. 33.

[108] Rizzo 2012, p. 60 and references therein.

[109] Palgrave 1876; Krenz (1972), p.5 in Inskeep 2003; Rizzo 2012 and refs therein.

[110] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing Siiskonen 1990, p. 148.

[111] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 65 referencing Gewald 2011.

[112] Bollig 2009, p. 330 and references therein.

[113] Rizzo 2012, p. 68.

[114] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f37 p. 179.

[115] Lenssen 2005[1953], p. 29.

[116] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 60.

[117] Francois, Curt von 1899.

[118] Union of South Africa, 1918, p. 103.

[119] Galton 1890, p. ix.

[120] Rizzo 2012, p. 55.

[121] Rudner and Rudner 2006, p. 192 in Rizzo 2012, p. 40.

[122] Wadley 1979, p. 13 after Möller 1974, p. 33.

[123] Bollig 1997, p. 16 after Chapman nd. a, b.

[124] Rizzo 2012, p. 41.

[125] Rizzo 2012, p. 43.

[126] Rizzo 2012, p. 55.

[127] Mackenzie 1987, p. 56.

[128] Dierks 1999, p. 43.

[129] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 62.

[130] Lau 1995(1989), p. xvi.

[131] Boois 2017, p. vi.

[132] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 12.

[133] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 12.

[134] Moritz 2015, p. 9.

[135] Henrichsen 2018, **.

[136] Schinz 1891, p. 75.

[137] Schinz 1891, pp. 75-76.

[138] Schinz 1891, p. 77.

[139] Schinz 1891, p. 127 in Dieckmann 2009, p. 355.

[140] Schinz 1891, p. 77.

[141] Schinz 1891, pp. 121-122.

[142] Schinz 1891, p. 123.

[143] Schinz 1891, p. 124.

[144] Schinz 1891, pp. 125-126.

[145] Schinz 1891, p. 126.

[146] Schinz 1891, p. 127.

[147] Schinz 1891, p. 208.

[148] Schinz 1891, p. 208.

[149] Schinz 1891, p. 210.

[150] Schinz 1891, p. 210.

[151] Schinz 1891, p. 211.

[152] E.g. Dieckmann 2009, p. 13.

[153] Either the place was occasionally inhabited by the different groupings, the groups could not be clearly distinguished/identified by Schinz or they simply have not been clearly distinguishable groups.

[154] Schinz 1891, p. 212.

[155] Schinz 1891, p. 212.

[156] Schinz 1891, p. 339.

[157] Schinz 1891, p. 342.

[158] Schinz 1891, pp. 339-340.

[159] Schinz 1891, p. 293.

[160] Schinz 1891, p. 341.

[161] Schinz 1891, p. 341.

[162] Schinz 1891, p. 396.

[163] Schinz 1891, p. 396.

[164] Gürich 1891, p. 140 quoted in du Pisani and Jacobson 1985, p. 109.

[165] Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 55.

[166] Gürich 1891, p. 86 in Lau 1979, p. 24.

[167] Gurich 1891, p. 138 in Lau 1979, p. 50.

[168] Hayes 2009, p. 227.

[169] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 8.

[170] Leutwein 1906, p. 11.

[171] Külz 1909, p. 116; also Dieckmann 2007a, p. 66.

[172] Köhler 1959, p. 20.

[173] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing von François 1993[1899].

[174] Von Francois, 1899, p. 107.

[175] Von Francois, 1899, p. 107; Miescher 2009, p. 98.

[176] Joubert 1974, p. 35.

[177] Moritz 2015, p. 10 drawing on letters by Kremer 1892.

[178] Moritz 2015, p. 10 drawing on letters by Kremer 1892.

[179] Moritz 2015, p. 10 after Kremer letter of 31 Aug. 1892.

[180] Rizzo 2012, pp. 63-64.

[181] Hartmann 1897, p. 118.

[182] Hartmann 1897, pp. 118-119.

[183] 5 December 2020.

[184] In Rizzo 2012, pp. 33, 37; 010119.

[185] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 61.

[186] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f37-f38 p. 179.

[187] Köhler 1959, p. 35.

[188] Perhaps connected with the story of Tua-kuri-ǂnameb, the ǂNūkhoe warrior who rescued several children who had been kidnapped by ovaHimba men from the spring and dwelling place called ǂNaos, west of Sesfontein – Ruben Sanib tells this story (14/03/2015) online at

[189] According to Nathan ǂÛina Taurob 1995-96.

[190] Fuller 1993, pp. 67-68.

[191] Moritz 2015, p. 9, also Moritz ** Heft 19, p. 83.

[192] Moritz 2015, p. 11.

[193] Moritz 2015, pp. 11-12.

[194] Moritz 2015, p. 12.

[195] Moritz 2015, pp. 12-13, quoting RMS missionary Kremer.

[196] Moritz 2015, p. 13.

[197] Wegener 1907, p. 31.

[198] As also in the map of Namibia of 1937 reproduced in Hartmann et al. 1998, p. viii.

[199] Calvert 1915, p. 29.

[200] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 18.

[201] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[202] Silvester and Gewald 2004, p. xxv; Lau 1995(1989), p. i.

[203] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[204] Silvester and Gewald 2004, p. xxv.

[205] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 65-69.

[206] Lau 1995[1989], p. i.

[207] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 68.

[208] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 76.

[209] Wadley 1979, p. 24.

[210] ǁHawaxab 2019, p. 2.

[211] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f60 p. 181.

[212] Hartmann 1897, p. 115.

[213] Hartmann 1897, p. 116.

[214] Hartmann 1897, p. 119.

[215] Hartmann 1897, p. 119.

[216] Hartmann 1897, p. 120.

[217] Hartmann 1897, p. 120.

[218] Hartmann 1897, p. 120.

[219] Hartmann 1897, p. 120.

[220] Hartmann 1897, p. 121.

[221] Hartmann 1897, p. 122.

[222] Hartmann 1897, p. 121.

[223] Hartmann 1897, p. 121.

[224] Hartmann 1897, p. 123.

[225] Hartmann 1897, p. 124.

[226] Hartmann 1897, p. 124.

[227] Hartmann 1897, p. 124.

[228] Hartmann 1897, p. 124.

[229] Hartmann 1897, p. 124.

[230] Hartmann 1897, pp. 124-128.

[231] Sylvander 2007[1924], p. 11.

[232] Rudner and Rudner 2007, pp. 4-5.

[233] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 5.

[234] Sylvander 2007[1924], p. 11.

[235] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[236] Rosenblad 2007[1924]: pp. 20, 28.

[237] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 26.

[238] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 27.

[239] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f60 p. 181.

[240] Quoted in Union of South Africa 1981, p. 109.

[241] Quoted in Union of South Africa 1981, p. 109.

[242] Rizzo 2012, p. 64.

[243] Moritz 2015, p. 15 after an 1894 letter by Dr. Hartmann, p. 22.

[244] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 79-80.

[245] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 80.

[246] Miescher 2012, p. 21; Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 80-83.

[247] Vedder 2016)1938), p. viii.

[248] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 83. Lt. Volksmann stationed in Omaruru at time of Möller’s visit in early 1896 takes part in the Naukluft Campaign (Rudner and Rudner 1974, f173 p. 201).

[249] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 84-90, 108.

[250] Silvester, Wallace, Hayes 1998, p. 5.

[251] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[252] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[253] Oelhafen von Schöllenbach 1926, p. 17.

[254] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 98-99.

[255] Pakenham 1999(1979), p. xxii.

[256] Moritz 2015, p. 13 after Lenssen 1999, p. 71.

[257] Moritz 2015, p. 14 quoting Berichte der Rheinischen Mission, 1896 pp. 375f, 377f.

[258] Moritz 2015, p. 15 after sheet dated 9 Dec. 1895 dated //Gaub or Oniha No. 37 in the RMG archives.

[259] Moritz 2015, p. 15.

[260] Moritz 2015, pp. 15-16.

[261] Moritz 2015, pp. 15-16.

[262] Moritz 2015, p. 16 following Vedder.

[263] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[264] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[265] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[266] Hartmann 1897, p. 128.

[267] Owen-Smith 1972, p. 29; nb. Bollig (1998, p. 170) writes that the Kaoko Land and Mining Company sponsored Hartmann to travel to Kaoko in 1897-98, although Hartmann’s text is published in February 1897 (Hartmann 1897).

[268] Hartmann 1897, p. 128.

[269] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 81.

[270] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 81.

[271] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 81.

[272] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 81.

[273] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 81-82.

[274] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 82. Rudner and Rudner (2007, f63 p. 169) reference Von Weber (1979, p. 93) as mentioning that ‘two engineers ‘Toenessen’ and ‘Speak’ … accompanied Hartmann to plot a route for a railway line from Otavi to the coast’.

[275] Rudner and Rudner (2007, f66 p. 169).

[276] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 82-83.

[277] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 82-83.

[278] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f66 p. 169 and references therein.

[279] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f65 p. 169.

[280] Hartmann 1897, pp. 129-130.

[281] Hartmann 1897, pp. 128-131.

[282] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f65 p. 169.

[283] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 83-84.

[284] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f71 p. 170, who also write that ‘Hartmann and von Estorff visited Franzfontein, now Fransfontein, where the missionary Rieckmann and his wife received them hospitably’, referencing Kutscher ed. 1982, p. 117).

[285] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 85.

[286] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 85.

[287] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 85.

[288] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 87.

[289] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 88-89.

[290] Hartmann 1897, pp. 128-132.

[291] Hartmann 1897, p. 132.

[292] Hartmann 1897, pp. 131-132.

[293] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 89-92.

[294] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 93.

[295] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f65 and f75 pp. 169, 170-171, after Kutscher ed. 1982, p. 119.

[296] Hartmann 1897, p. 132.

[297] Hartmann 1897, pp. 132-133.

[298] Reardon 1986, pp. 56-57.

[299] Hartmann 1897: 136-137.

[300] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899].

[301] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], p. 1.

[302] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], pp. 8-12.

[303] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 36.

[304] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 13.

[305] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 13-14.

[306] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 14.

[307] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 15.

[308] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 15.

[309] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 17.

[310] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 20.

[311] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 45.

[312] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 20-21.

[313] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f29 p. 178.

[314] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 26.

[315] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f29 p. 178.

[316] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f29 p. 178, after De Almeida 1965.

[317] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 27, up to high plateau after Muninho§, southern Angola.

[318] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 29-33.

[319] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 33-34, also in Rizzo 2012, p. 34.

[320] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 34-35.

[321] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 61.

[322] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 63.

[323] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 62.

[324] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 63.

[325] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 106-107.

[326] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 109.

[327] Rizzo 2012, p. 64, 65.

[328] Leutwein 1906, pp. 87, 88, 482.

[329] Külz 1909, p. 120.

[330] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 65.

[331] Von Francois, 1895, p. 233, in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 56.

[332] Von Francois 1895, p. 233-234; see also Dieckmann 2007a, p. 56.

[333] Von Francois 1895, p. 235.

[334] Von Francois 1895, p. 236.

[335] Von François 1895, p. 298 in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 35 and 2009, p. 355.

[336] ǁGaroëb 2002, p. 4.

[337] ǁGaroëb 2002, p. 4.

[338] Union of South Africa 1918, pp. 109-110.

[339] Joubert 1974, p. 35.

[340] Hartmann 1897, pp. 133-135.

[341] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 94.

[342] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 95.

[343] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 95.

[344] Rudner and Rudner 2007[1924], f78 p. 171, after Kutscher ed. 1982, p. 119, map.

[345] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 96-97.

[346] Rosenblad 2007[1924], pp. 96-97.

[347] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 100.

[348] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 101.

[349] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 102.

[350] Rohrbach writes that Helm’s reconnaissance finds that ‘the Koichab has plenty of water until close to its mouth, … Immediately in front of the mouth is a large salt pan, separated from the sea by a narrow spit. The mouth of the Koichab is visible as a wide and shallow depression in it’ (Rohrbach 1907, p. 60, trans. by Ute Dieckmann).

[351] Kambasembi, who became ‘chief of the Waterberg Herero tribe’, was born in the Kaokofeld and died ‘before the outbreak at a very old age’, ‘made the migration with his tribe to the eastwards via Grootfontein [Otjivana-Tjongue]’, having as a young man ‘helped to open the wells of Otjivana-Tjongue’ in order to water his cattle – Rohrbach 1907, p. 22, trans. by Ute Dieckmann.

[352] Jacobson and Noli 1987, p. 174 and references therein.

[353] Hartmann 1897, pp. 139-140.

[354] Hartmann 1897, pp. 140-141.

[355] Rudner and Rudner 2007, pp. 5-6.

[356] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 137.

[357] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 137-138.

[358] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 138, f148, f150 pp. 195-196 (in italics).

[359] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 143-144.

[360] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 143-144.

[361] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 144-145.

[362] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 153-154.

[363] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 148.

[364] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 151; ‘Stow (1905) and several early travellers refer to various Bushman “disguises” when hunting, including the use of an ostrich skin with a stick through the neck to keep the head erect’ (Rudner and Rudner 1974, f156 p. 197).

[365] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 151.

[366] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 155-156.

[367] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 157.

[368] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 163.

[369] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 164.

[370] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 163-164.

[371] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 169. Volksmann had previously taken part in the Naukluft Campaign against the Witbooi Nama led by Leutwein [see 1894] and had been left with two officers and 23 men at Omaruru after Leutwein had signed a treaty with Capn. Manasse of Omaruru to ‘station a military force at Omaruru to protect the Herero’ (Rudner and Rudner 1974, f173 p. 201).

[372] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 169.

[373] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 170.

[374] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 170.

[375] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 170-171.

[376] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 172.

[377] Rudner and Rudner 1974; Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6;

[378] Dierks 1999, p. 48; Köhler 1959, p. 21.

[379] ǁHawaxab 2019, p. 1.

[380] Külz 1909, p. 113.

[381] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[382] Olugosa and Erichsen, 2010, p. 102

[383] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[384] Miescher 2012, p. 21.

[385] Miescher 2012, p. 22.

[386] Miescher 2012, p. 22.

[387] Rizzo 2012, p. 66.

[388] Miescher 2012, p. 22.

[389] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 271.

[390] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f60 p. 181.

[391] Fitzner 1896, p.v.

[392] Fitzner 1896, pp. 139-152.

[393] Fitzner 1896, pp. 152-158.

[394] Fitzner 1896, pp. 152-153.

[395] Fitzner 1896, pp. 153-154.

[396] Fitzner 1896, p. 154.

[397] Fitzner, pp. 154-155.

[398] Fitzner, pp.155-156.

[399] Fitzner 1896, p. 156.

[400] Fitzner 1896, pp. 156-157.

[401] Fitzner 1896, p. 157.

[402] Fitzner 1896, pp. 158-178.

[403] Fitzner 1896, pp. 163-165.

[404] Fitzner 1896, pp. 214-215.

[405] Fitzner 1896, p.217.

[406] Fitzner 1896, p.217.

[407] Miescher 2012, p. 202.

[408] De la Bat 1982, p. 12.

[409] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 98-99.

[410] Rizzo 2012, p. 55.

[411] Bollig 1998, p. 164.

[412] Bollig 1998, p. 164.

[413] Mackenzie 1987, p. 48.

[414] Miescher 2012, p. 20.

[415] Miescher 2012, p. 19.

[416] Rizzo 2012, p. 59 after Miescher 2009, p. 44.

[417] Miescher 2012, p. 3.

[418] Miescher 2012, p. 23.

[419] Miescher 2012, p. 33.

[420] Miescher 2012, p. 26.

[421] Miescher 2012, p. 23-24.

[422] Miescher 2012, p. 33, also Rizzo 2012, p. 59.

[423] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278 and references therein..

[424] Kruger n.d., p. 15.

[425] Rizzo 2012, p. 69.

[426]  Rizzo 2012, p. 69.

[427] Rizzo 2012, p. 59.

[428] Rizzo 2012, p. 69.

[429] Moritz 2015, p. 16, after Kremer letter of Jan. 29, 1897.

[430] Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[431] Deputy Governor von Lindequist quoted in Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[432] Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[433] Quoted in Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[434] Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[435] Miescher 2012, p. 25.

[436] Rizzo 2012, p. 59.

[437] Rizzo 2012, p. 58.

[438] Miescher 2012, p. 33.

[439] Miescher 2012 op. cit., p. 33, after van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 53, based on interviews conducted in 1947.

[440] Rizzo 2012, p. 67.

[441] Miescher 2012 op. cit. p. 27.

[442] Miescher 2012 op. cit. p. 29.

[443] Miescher 2012 op. cit., p. 29; Rizzo 2012, p. 67.

[444] Rizzo 2012, p. 56.

[445] In Rudner 2006, p. 15.

[446] Rizzo 2012, p. 56.

[447] Rizzo 2012, p. 56.

[448] Reported in Rizzo 2012, p. 57-58, 62 and references therein.

[449] Rizzo 2012, p. 61.

[450] Rizzo 2012, p. 69.

[451] Rizzo 2012, p. 62.

[452] Miescher 2012; Rizzo 2012, p. 61.

[453] Rudner and Rudner 2007, pp. 4, 6.

[454] Rosenblad 2007[1924], p. 4.

[455] Miescher 2012, p. 33.

[456] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 154.

[457] !Haoës 2010.

[458] !Haoës 2010.

[459] !Haoës 2010.

[460] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 – nb. this moment is undated in this text but linked to 1897 in Bollig 2020, p. **.

[461] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63.

[462] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 114.

[463] Krantz 2016, p. 64; also 050119.

[464] Bollig 1997, p. 14, cf. Hartmann 1897.

[465] Ref?**

[466] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 109-111.

[467] Hartmann 1897 – translated by Sian Sullivan from German to English with the help of Deepl and Google Translate, in November 2020.

[468] Bollig 1998, p. 170.

[469] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, pp. 273-274.

[470] Bollig 2006, p. 58.

[471] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278 and references therein.

[472] Deaton 2011, p. 242.

[473] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278 and references therein.

[474] For example, Dieckmann 2007a, p. 35.

[475] Quoted in Jacobsohn 1998(1990), p. 13.

[476] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f35 pp. 178-179.

[477] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63.

[478] Moritz 2015, p. 16, after Kremer letter of May 20, 1898.

[479] Moritz 2015, p. 16, after the Gaub conference report, dated April 12, 1898.

[480] Moritz 2015, p. 16.

[481] For example, Philippine |Hairo ǁNowaxas, Sesfontein, 15/04/99; it is Gâseb’s niece who baptises Ruben Sauneib Sanib – he is baptised after Gâseb’s time 12/05/19.

[482] Van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 43; also Fuller 1993, p. 68.

[483] Rizzo 2012, p. 66.

[484] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 385.

[485] Rizzo 2012, p. 66; cf. ‘[a]nother Nama group, the Topnaars and Swartboois, under Swartbooi, were living at Sessfontein in the Kaokoveld from about the 1860s or 1870s from where they raided the Kaokoveld and southern Angola ... In 1898 they rose against the Germans and were beaten’ (Rudner and Rudner 1974, f163 p. 199.  

[486] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 154.

[487] Miescher 2012 op. cit., p. 33.

[488] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 154.

[489] !Haoës 2010; cf. ‘Fort’ near Grootberg? as per photos etc.**

[490] !Haoës 2010.

[491] !Haoës 2010.

[492] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 127.

[493] Tronchi et al. 2012, p. 154.

[494] Miescher 2012 op. cit., p. 33.

[495] Rizzo 2012, p. 64, 67.

[496] Rizzo 2012, p. 65; Miescher 2012, p. 33; !Haoës 2010.

[497] Rizzo 2012, p. 67.

[498] Eirola 1992, pp. 82-84 in Rizzo 2012, p. 66.

[499] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 – nb. this moment is undated in this text but linked to 1897 in Bollig 2020, p. **.

[500] Miescher 2012, p. 31; Olugosa and Erichsen 2010, p. 99.

[501] Olugosa and Erichsen, 2010, p. 100.

[502] Rizzo 2012, p. 60.

[503] Miescher 2012, p. 31; Olugosa and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 100-101.

[504] Miescher 2012, p. 32.

[505] Miescher 2012, p. 31.

[506] Miescher 2012, p. 32. 

[507] Gordon 1992, p. 49.

[508] Leutwein 1906, pp. 237ff.

[509] ZBU W II.2043, cited by Gordon 1989:145. Original in Friederich 2009, pp. 54-55.

[510] Miescher 2012, p. 34.

[511] Kruger n.d., pp. 1-2.

[512] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[513] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[514] Calvert 1915, p. 17.

[515] Green 1953, p. 203.

[516] Köhler 1959, p. 21.

[517] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing von Moltke 2003[[1943], pp. 222, 43.

[518] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing von Moltke 2003[[1943], pp. 222, 43.

[519] Köhler 1959, p. 9.

[520] Dieckmann 2007a, pp. 69.

[521] Rudner and Rudner 2007, pp. 6, 5.

[522] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p. 6.

[523] Rudner I and Rudner J 2007, p. 6.

[524] Olugosa and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 102-103.

[525] Hayes 1998, p. 177.

[526] Moritz 2015, p. 17, after II and III Quarterly Report [by Kremer?], September 1900.

[527] Moritz 2015, p. 18, quoting Kremer, Annual Report Dec. 1900.

[528] Moritz 2015, p. 20 after private archive.

[529] Bollig 1998, p. 170; Miescher 2012, p. 33.

[530] Bollig 1997, p. 26.

[531] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 278.

[532] Miescher 2012, p. 34.

[533] Rizzo 2012, p. 65.

[534] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 274.

[535] Rizzo 2012, p. 25.

[536] In Rizzo 2012, p. 39.

[537] In Rizzo 2012, p. 39-40.

[538] In Rizzo, p. 50.

[539] Rizzo 2012, p. 49.

[540] Rizzo 2012, p. 49.

[541] Külz 1909, p. 114.

[542] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 64 referencing Von Moltke 2003[1943], p. 285, also Rizzo 2009, p. 44.

[543] NAN.A.327 Krause and Kuntz, Kuntz 25/8/1910, report to the Kaoko Land und Minengesellschaft.

[544] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 115, 117, 120.

[545] Kruger n.d., p. 38.

[546] Külz 1909, pp. 113, 115.

[547] In Wadley 1979.

[548] Schoeman 1917: 14.

[549] Bollig 1997, p. 19.

[550] Fitzner 1901. 

[551] Fitzner 1901, pp. 198-199.

[552] Fitzner 1901, p. 199.

[553] ibid, p. 200.

[554] ibid., p.  200-202.

[555] Kruger n.d., p. 15.

[556] Kruger, n.d., pp. 15, 37 in Dieckmann 2007b, p. 162.

[557] Külz 1909, p. 115.

[558] Rizzo 2012, p. 25; Miescher 2012, p. 34.

[559] Rizzo 2012, p. 26.

[560] ǁHawaxab 2019, p. 1.

[561] ǁHawaxab 2019, p. 1.

[562] Rizzo 2012, p. 50.

[563] Rizzo 2012, p. 26..

[564] Miescher 2012 op. cit., p. 33.

[565] Rizzo 2012, p. 62.

[566] Fuller 1993, pp. 68-69.

[567] Bollig 2020, p. 72, referencing NAN ADM 560 Diary Viktor Franke.

[568] Kremer later (1903) writes of his disappointment in this teacher, having attempted ‘to instruct him daily in religion, language, writing and arithmetic’, in Moritz 2015, p. 18.

[569] Moritz 2015, p. 18 quoting Kremer //Gaub April 1901.

[570] Moritz 2015, p. 18 after Kremer's letter of January 1, 1902.

[571] Moritz 2015, p. 20, also see Moritz 2003, pp. 78-82.

[572] Moritz 2015, p. 20.

[573] Rizzo 2012, pp. 60-61.

[574] **

[575] Kruder n.d., p. 38.

[576] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278.

[577] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 64, citing Von Moltke 2003[1943], pp, 289, 331.

[578] Kruder n.d., p. 38.

[579] Kruger, n.d., p. 16.

[580] Joubert 1974, p. 35.

[581] Joubert 1974, p. 35.

[582] ZBU MII C1.

[583] Bridgeford 2018, p. 12; also Dieckmann 2007a, p. 74, ZBU MII C1.

[584] nb. Olusoga and Erichsen 2010 argue that Bismarck was reluctant to invest in colonies and deflected this until as late as possible in face of pressure from German civil society.

[585] Rizzo 2012, p. 91.

[586] Rizzo 2012?**

[587] Owen-Smith 2010, p. 57.

[588] Rizzo 2012, p. 26; see also Kruger n.d., p. 6.

[589] Van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 41.

[590] Van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 42.

[591] Rizzo 2012, p. 26.

[592] Rizzo 2012, p. 70.

[593] Moritz 2015, p. 19, after letter from F. Kremer, end of March 1902.

[594] Moritz 2015, pp. 19-20 after Kremer’s letter to the deputation of 31 Dec. 1902.

[595] Bollig 1997, p. 14 cf. Hartmann 1902/03.

[596] Hartmann 1902-03, pp. 136-137 quoted in Bollig and Heinmann 2002, p. 273.

[597] Kruder n.d., p. 38.

[598] Zimmerer 2000, p. 27, see also Dieckmann 2007a, p. 68.

[599] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f63 p. 169.

[600] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 275.

[601] Bollig 2020, p. 72.

[602] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 275.

[603] Miescher 2012 p. 34.

[604] Moritz 2015, pp. 20-21, referring to Letter to the Inspector by Kremer, //Gaub, September 5. 1903.

[605] Suzman 2017, p. 199.

[606] **Ref?

[607] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 111-112.

[608] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 112-113.

[609] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 114.

[610] Dierks 1999, p. 60; Gewald 2003, pp.  113-114.

[611] Gordon 2009, p. 32.

[612] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 35.

[613] Rizzo 2012, p. 21.

[614] Miescher 2012, p. 13.

[615] Rizzo 2012, p. 70.

[616] Interview by Welhemina Suro Ganuses and Sian Sullivan with Ruben Sauneib Sanib 05/11/15.

[617] Van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 42.

[618] Gewald 2003, p. 107 [translation Dieckmann].

[619] Gewald 2003, p. 110 [translation Dieckmann].

[620] Gewald 2003, p. 114.

[621] Gewald 2003, p. 114, Dierks 1999, p. 66.

[622] Gewald 2003, p. 116.

[623] Dierks 1999, p. 67.

[624] Hillebrecht 2003, p. 126.

[625] Hillebrecht 2003, p. 128-130.

[626] Rizzo 2012, p. 22; see also Külz 1909, p. 121;

[627] Rizzo 2012, p. 22.

[628] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 35.

[629] Bollig 1998, p. 167.

[630] Silvester, Wallace, Hayes 1998, p. 9.

[631] Oorlog statement to Manning 09081917, p. 1.

[632] Gordon 2009, p. 34.

[633] Suzman 2017, p. 55.

[634] Moritz 2015, pp. 9, 21.

[635] Moritz 2015, p. 21.

[636] John Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 122.

[637] Weule 1910[?] in Lebzelter 1934, p. 107, in Inskeep 2003, p. 62.

[638] Bley 1998; Olusoga and Erichsen 2010; Baer 2018.

[639] Odendaal Report 1964, p. 67, also quoted in Sullivan 1996, p. 14.

[640] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 12 after Odendaal Report 1964.

[641] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 12

[642] In Bild 46: Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Landbesitz und Minengerechtsame, 1905, Maßstab 1:2 Mio. Bearbeitet im Kolonialkartographischen Institut Berlin (NNA, Kartensammlung Nr. 529), in Moser 2007, p. 190

[643] Kanzler 2012(2003), p. 65.

[644] Silvester, Wallace, Hayes 1998, p. 3.

[645] Rizzo 2012, p. 21.

[646] Rizzo 2012, p. 22.

[647] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 74.

[648] Rizzo 2012, p. 27.

[649] Rizzo 2012, p. 26.

[650] Rizzo 2012, p. 70.

[651] Rizzo 2012, p. 27.

[652] Rizzo 2012, p. 27.

[653] van Warmelo 1962(19151), p. 37.

[654] Rizzo 2012, pp. 21 and references therein. See also Külz 1909, p. 116.

[655] Rizzo 2012, pp. 21 and references therein.

[656] Rizzo 2012, pp. 21 and references therein.

[657] Rizzo 2012, pp. 21 and references therein.

[658] Sullivan Fieldnotes.

[659] Manning Report** 1917, p. 3.

[660] Rizzo 2012, pp. 20 and references therein.

[661] Rizzo 2012, pp. 20 and references therein.

[662] van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 37.

[663] Rizzo 2012, pp. 20 and references therein.

[664] Rizzo 2012, pp. 20 and references therein.

[665] Rizzo 2012, pp. 20-21 and references therein.

[666] Rizzo 2012, p. 27.

[667] ǁHawaxab 2019, pp. 1-2.

[668] Rizzo 2012, p. 27.

[669] Elers report 1907 quoted in Jacobson and Noli 1987, p. 173.

[670] Elers 1907 quoted in Jacobson and Noli 1987, p. 173.

[671] Werner 1906, p. 259-260, in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 57.

[672] Werner 1906, p. 260, in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 57.

[673] Von Luschan 1906, p. 895.