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The Big Question ♦ Introduction ♦ Lec 1 Price Ceilings ♦ Lec 2 Examples of Price ♦ Ceilings ♦ Lec 3 More on Rent Controls ♦ Lec 4 Price Floors ♦ Lec 5 An Example of a Price Floor ♦ Lec 6 Are Minimum Wage Laws Good?
The Big Question for L12b Price Controls: “Why did an economist call rent control ‘the best way to destroy a city, other than bombing?”
The economist stated that rent controls are a great way to destroy a city because he forecast that the result would be a city with low quality, poorly maintained apartments and a deteriorating and diminishing housing stock. Few things unite economists as strongly as the conclusion that rent controls are bad policies. In 2012 81% of the IGM Economic Experts Panel disagreed with the statement, “LocaL ordinances that limit rent increases for some rental housing units, such as in New York and San Francisco, have had a positive impact over the past three decades on the amount and quality of broadly affordable rental housing in cities that have used them.”
Supply and demand analysis shows that binding rent controls reduce price and the quantity traded. In Figure 1, the equilibrium price is $600.Imposing a price ceiling of $400 drives the price down to $400. Yea for the price ceiling! However, the decrease in price decreases the quantity supplied. Instead of wanting to provide 300 apartments or homes as they do in equilibrium, the landlands want to provide only 200 apartments even though the quantity demanded is 400. The shortage means that the quantity supplied determines the quantity traded. Presuming that landlords are not coerced to provide more apartments than they want, consumers cannot purchase more than 200 apartments. Boo for the price ceiling!
The supply and demand graph does not show all of the effects of the shortage. Here is a quick list.
Many economists are also concerned about the unintended consequences of minimum wage laws. Supply and demand analysis shows that binding minimum wages increase price but decrease the quantity traded. The figure below shows that when a minimum wage law pushes up wages from $10 per hour to $12 per hour, the quantity demanded decreases from 1,200 to 700 and the quantity supplied increases from 1,200 to 1,600. The surplus hurts low-wage workers in many ways.
Where is this lesson heading?
The lesson explores the effects of price ceilings and price floors on market outcomes. The lesson makes four key points.
All three situations share a common attribute - government regulations prevent price from reaching equilibrium.
Why would a student care?
This lesson answers a question raised in the trailer (2:44) for the course: “who wins and who loses when the minimum wage increases?” The analysis can help you be a more informed citizen and voter: politicians and political activists often advocate that the government should impose more price controls on the economy to prevent “price gouging” or “unfair competition”.
What are the main points?
What are the takeaways?
A successful student can
Watch for
A customer searches for groceries at a supermarket in Caracas, Venezuela, July 25, 2017. Photo: Carlos Becerra/Bloomberg News
Why are the shelves so empty?
What is a price ceiling?
A price ceiling is a maximum legal price at which a good can be sold. Examples of price ceilings are rent controls and laws against “price gouging”.
What are the effects of a price ceiling?
Supply and demand analysis predicts that a price ceiling that is less than the equilibrium price has seven effects.The predictable effects are:
The table below is an example.
Row | Price | Quantity Supplied | Quantity Demanded | Quantity Traded |
1 | 10 | 5 | 5 | 5 |
2 | 8 | 3 | 7 | 3 |
What happens if the price ceiling is greater than the equilibrium price?
Supply and demand analysis predicts that a price ceiling has no effect on market outcomes if it is greater than the equilibrium price. The market tends to move towards the equilibrium price. A price ceiling greater than the equilibrium does not prevent price from moving towards equilibrium and, therefore, has no effect.
An example may help. What would happen if the government passed a law making prices for hot dogs greater than $1,000 illegal? The answer is, nothing. The equilibrium price for hot dogs is under $1,000. Since the equilibrium price is legal, the law would have no effect.
Watch for how rent control in NYC and price controls in medical care in the US illustrate the effects of binding price ceilings.
What are some examples of the effects of price ceilings?
The markets for apartments and medical care are two good examples of the effect of a binding price ceiling.
Rent control
New York City has a myriad of laws that restrict the ability of landlords from raising rents. The restrictions generally fall into two categories: Rent Control and Rent Stabilization.
Rent-Controlled apartments in NYC are governed by price controls imposed in World War II. Rents are very low and are set to cover the cost of building maintenance and improvements. One interesting caveat is that Rent-Controlled apartments convert to Rent-Stabilized apartments when they become vacant. Therefore, the vacancy rate is always 0%. Since the rents are so low, tenants designate in their will who inherits the apartment to insure an heir will enjoy the benefits of the low rents. The optional readings have great stories. Also, Doonesbury ran a series of cartoons about the difficulty of finding a Rent-Controlled apartment.
Rent-Stabilized apartments are governed by a series of laws passed by the New York City Council. Rents are low and a government board determines the maximum amount by which landlords may increase rents each year. Rent stabilization often prevents rents from rising to the equilibrium price. Therefore, the quantity demanded is higher and the quantity supplied is lower than they would be at equilibrium. The result is a shortage of apartments. The shortage means people have a harder time finding low-rent Rent-Stabilized apartments than high-rent unregulated apartments. The data on vacancy rates confirm that finding a Rent-Stabilized apartment is difficult.
Vacancy Rates in NYC, 2008, http://www.nyc.gov/html/hpd/downloads/pdf/HVS-Chapter-5.pdf
Type of Apartment | Vacancy Rate |
Rent-Controlled | 0% |
Rent Stabilized | 2.19% |
Unregulated | 4.63% |
All | 2.91% |
Price controls on health care
Rates for the single-payer health care system in Canada are set by the national government at prices that are below the rates charged in the private market sector in the US. Similarly, the US government sets rates at VA hospitals in the US that are below the rates charged in the private sector.
Supply and demand predicts that the quantity demanded is greater than the quantity supplied when the government sets prices for health care below the equilibrium price. One signal that the quantity demanded is greater than the quantity supplied for a hospital is a long waiting time for patients who want to use the hospital. As predicted, waiting times in Canada and at VA hospitals are long.
Who wins and who loses when rents are controlled?
Rent control creates winners and losers.
Exactly who wins and who loses depends on the allocation mechanism that replaces price as the rationing device.
Are Rent Controls Good?
The negative impact on people who have low incomes tends to be more severe the more landlords rely on rationing by “connections” and by how the prospective tenants look. People with low incomes tend to lack connections to landlords and to look different than landlords.
Economists also generally agree that more efficient ways exist to help people with low incomes find housing. Most economists agree that subsidies to low-income households is a better way to help them find affordable housing than rent controls.
A definitive judgement of the merits of rent controls requires knowledge of the size of the impact. Unfortunately, measuring the impact of rent controls on housing stock varies and large differences exist between what happens soon after the government imposes controls and what happens as the years pass. Therefore, one person may favor a law limiting how much rents can increase because he believes that the impact on the housing stock is small while another person may oppose the law because she believes that the impact is large.
Watch for how rent controls can increase “going condo” and discrimination.
Let’s look a little more closely at rent control and highlight two unintended consequences. The first unintended consequence is that rent controls encourage converting apartments into condominiums.. The second unintended consequence is that rent controls may exacerbate discrimination.
When someone owns a living space in a building, they have several options about how to use it. One option is to use the space as an apartment and rent it to renters. When rented, the landlord’s revenue equals the rent the renter pays the landlord each month. The present value of these rents, less maintenance expenses, taxes, etc., equals the total monetary benefit to the owner when she decides to use the space as an apartment. Another option for the space is to sell it as a condominium. When she sells the space as a condominium, the buyer pays the purchase price but does not pay rent. The total monetary benefit to the owner when she sells a condominium is the purchase price less any transactions costs, taxes, etc.
When the market sets the rent paid for an apartment, the monetary benefit to the landlord of using the space as an apartment will be close to the purchase price the market sets for condos. However, rent controls drive a wedge between the monetary benefits. Since rents decrease, the monetary benefit of keeping the space as an apartment decreases. However, people are willing to pay more than the ceiling set by rent controls and are having a difficult time finding vacant apartments because of the shortage. Therefore, the willingness to pay for a condo is at least as high as it is without rent controls. Therefore, the monetary benefit of using the space as a condo does not decrease, and may increase. Since the monetary benefit of using the space as an apartment decreases and the benefit of using it as a condo does not, rent controls increase the incentive to convert apartments to condos.
Politicians and advocates of rent controls recognize that rent controls increase the incentive to “go condo”. As a result, several cities with rent controls include provisions in the law that limit the ability of landlords to sell apartments as condominiums. Despite these restrictions, a recent study finds that landlords are 8% points more likely to convert rent-controlled apartments to condos that the control group (https://cepr.org/sites/default/files/McQuade,%20Tim%20DMQ_Paris.pdf).
The earlier notes also point out that rent controls lead landlords to use something other than price to allocate apartments among potential renters. One way to allocate apartments besides price is for landlords to rent to “preferred” groups of people and not to rent to people they don’t prefer. Therefore, rent controls may exacerbate discrimination.
Let’s consider the cost of rejecting a qualified prospective tenant with and without rent controls. The cost of rejecting a qualified tenant equals the expected loss of revenue caused by the delay in renting the apartment. This expected loss is small when rent controls depress rents because the resulting shortage decreases vacancy rates. Lower vacancy rates mean that more prospective tenants are looking for a smaller number of vacant apartments and, therefore, that the waiting time for another qualified applicant decreases. With a shortage, a landlord may be able to fill the apartment immediately after it becomes vacant by selecting an applicant from a waiting list.
The lower cost of rejecting a qualified applicant reduces the opportunity cost of exercising personal preferences about the types of applicants to reject. Rejecting someone because of characteristics unrelated to being a good tenant is less costly because the expected extra time needed to find the “right kind” of tenant is shorter. Therefore, the opportunity cost of rejecting someone because of their gender identify, sex, race, ethnicity, or religious and political beliefs is lower when rent controls create shortages of apartments.Since the opportunity cost is lower, economics predicts that landlords with preferences against these types of people would discriminate more against them when rent controls create shortages, all else constant..
Laws against discrimination increase the opportunity cost of rejecting a propsective tenant because of their gender identify, sex, race, ethnicity, or religious and political beliefs. Therefore, these laws tend to reduce the extent to which landlords discriminate. However, not everyone follows the law. The book points out that laws against discrimination are difficult to enforce. The opportunity cost of discrimination decreases as the probability of legal punishmnet decreases. Moreover, clever landlords can increase the cost of discovering their misdeeds. For example, rather than telling a couple they can’t rent because they are black, the landlord might ask the couple to add their name to a waiting list and promise to call them when something becomes available. Few people are going to report the landlord when she never calls.
Watch for
What is a price floor?
A price floor is a minimum legal price at which a good can be sold. Minimum wage is an example. Wages below the minimum wage are illegal for the occupations covered by minimum wage legislation.
What are the effects of price floors?
Supply and demand analysis predicts that a price floor that is greater than the equilibrium price has seven effects. The predictable effects are:
The table below is an example.
Row | Price | Quantity Supplied | Quantity Demanded | Quantity Traded |
1 | 10 | 5 | 5 | 5 |
2 | 13 | 8 | 2 | 2 |
What happens if the price floor is below the equilibrium price?
Supply and demand analysis predicts that a price floor has no effect on market outcomes if the floor is less than the equilibrium price. In this case the price floor does not prevent price from moving towards equilibrium and, therefore, surpluses and shortages tend to push price and quantity traded towards their equilibrium values.
An example may help. What would happen if the government passed a law making prices for hot dogs less than $0.02 illegal? The answer is, nothing. The equilibrium price for hot dogs is above $0.02. Since the equilibrium price is legal, the law would have no effect.
Watch for evidence that minimum wage has the predicted effects of a binding price floor.
Minimum wage is one of the few examples of a price floor in the US today. Minimum price legislation and laws against price gouging also make low prices illegal. See the optional URLs for examples of minimum price legislation.
What are the effects of the minimum wage?
Evidence exists that minimum wage has the effects predicted by supply and demand analysis.
Watch for
Who wins and who loses when the minimum wage increases?
An increase in the minimum wage creates winners and losers.
Milton Friedman argued that minimum wage often hurts the very groups that people with good intentions are trying to help. Since the minimum wage affects most directly groups that tend to earn wages at or near the minimum wage, they are affected most directly by increases in the minimum wage. The people affected most directly are the least skilled workers.
As noted above, Black workers are more likely to be directly affected by increases in the minimum wage because they earn less on average than White workers. A crucial question is, “Why are wages for Black workers, on average, lower than wages for White workers?” One possible answer is that Black workers face discrimination in the labor market. When employers “prefer” to hire a White person over a more qualified Black person the demand for White employees increases and the demand for Black employees decreases. As a result of these changes in demand, the equilibrium wage for Whites is higher than the equilibrium wage for Blacks. Few economists doubt that that discrimination contributes to the average income disparity between Whites and Blacks.
A possible contributing factor to the average income disparity is that Black people receive, on average, less and worse education than White people. The demand for an employee increases as the employee’s skills increase. Therefore, if education increases an employee’s skills, highly educated employees would be in greater demand and would earn higher wages in equilibrium than less educated employees. If White students, on average, receive more and better education than Black students, their equilibrium wage would be higher. A recent study by the National School Board Association unfortunately confirms that education disparities exist, on average, between White and Black students. Figure 3 shows that proficiency rates for Black students are substantially lower than the rates for White students.
The Association also writes that
A related crucial question is, “Why are unemployment rates higher for Black people than for White people?” As noted above, one possible answer is that, since Black people are more likely to be working for or near the minimum wage, the surplus of labor created by the minimum wage falls disproportionately on them. A second answer is that employers discriminate against Black employees in favor of White employees. As the demand for White labor increases and the demand for Black labor decreases, the equilibrium quantity of employment for White workers increases and the equilibrium quantity of employment for Black workers decreases.
Gary Becker argued that the minimum wage exacerbates the employment disparity between White and Black workers when employees discriminate against Black employees in favor of White employees. Becker argued that a binding minimum wage decreases the extra cost employers pay when they discriminate against Black workers and that the decrease in the extra cost means that employers will hire more White workers and fewer Black workers than they would if wage differentials were possible. Suppose that employers prefer employees who are White and discriminate against employees who are Black. As noted earlier, this discrimination would make the equilibrium wage for White employees be greater than for Black employees even when both are equally productive. Therefore, in the market system employers can discriminate against Black workers only if they are willing to pay higher wages to White workers. If the extra cost > the extra amount that the employer is willing to pay, the employer would hire Black workers despite her preference for White workers. However, when the wages for both White and Black workers = minimum wage, employers can discriminate against Black workers without having to pay higher wages to White workers. Moreover, the surplus of labor created by the binding minimum wage allows employers to pick employees from a surplus of job applicants. Therefore, the minimum wage reduces the extra cost paid by employers who discriminate. Since the extra cost of hiring a White worker instead of a Black worker decreases, Becker’s model suggests that employers will hire more White workers and fewer Black workers when the minimum wage is binding.
Jason Riley writes that the origin of minimum wage legislation is, in fact, racist (WSJ, Feb. 2021). “The federal government got involved in setting wage levels in the 1930s and did so at the urging of unions that excluded blacks as members. During debates in Congress, lawmakers complained openly about the ‘superabundance’ and ‘large aggregation of Negro labor’ and cited complaints by whites of black Southerners moving north to take jobs.
“As Congress increased the minimum wage periodically over the decades, these same arguments were put forward as a justification. When he was a U.S. senator from Massachusetts, John F. Kennedy backed minimum-wage hikes as a way of protecting New England industry. ‘Having on the market a rather large source of cheap labor depresses wages outside of that group, too—the wages of the white worker who has to compete,’ he lectured an NAACP official at a hearing in 1957. ‘And when an employer can substitute a colored worker at a lower wage—and there are, as you pointed out, these hundreds of thousands looking for decent work—it affects the whole wage structure of an area, doesn’t it?’”
Historically economists generally agree that minimum wages adversely affect many of the people that they are intended to help. For example, around 1995 79% of the economists polled agree that “A minimum wage increases unemployment among young and unskilled workers” (Mankiw, Chapter 1, Table 1). Increasing unemployment among unskilled workers is contrary to the goal of helping them achieve a high standard of living.
Recently however, some researchers have questioned whether supply and demand analysis of the labor market is accurate. Supply and demand analysis tends to be accurate when the market is competitive. These researchers argue that the labor market is not competitive because employers have “buyer” power. The researchers show that the quantity of labor traded does not always decrease when the minimum wage increases and employers have buyer power. They also present evidence that increases in the minimum wage has small or negligible effects on employment.
The recent research has led to a softening of economists’ opinions about the minimum wage. In 2015, the Booth School of Business asked the IGM Economic Experts Panel, “If the federal minimum wage is raised gradually to $15-per-hour by 2020, the employment rate for low-wage US workers will be substantially lower than it would be under the status quo.” 26% of the experts either strongly agreed or agreed, 38% were uncertain, and 24% disagree. Economists may be unable to agree on whether minimum wage helps low-wage workers or not; but, they are able to agree that better ways exist to help them.
Economists tend to agree that the Federal Earned Income Tax credit is a better way than the minimum wage to raise the standard of living for low-wage workers. The Earned Income Tax Credit affects only people with low incomes. According to the best CBO estimate, just 19 percent of the $31 billion increase in wages paid if the minimum wage increases from $7.25 to $10.10 would accrue to families with earnings below the poverty threshold, whereas 29 percent would accrue to families earning more than three times the poverty threshold.