IPRA NEWSLETTER

2011 • Volume 11 No. 1

KEYNOTE ADDRESS: “Mediation And ICT: The Good, The Bad And The Ugly”

Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer^[1]

EDITORS’ NOTE: This is the transcript of Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer’s keynote address which she delivered at the IPRA Conference on January 13, 2021.

As we know, the global csis caused by COVID-19 has had the tremendous impact of shifting a voluminous amount of human transactions via the use of ICT. This was the case for commerce, education, and governance. This has been the case in the field of mediation and peacebuilding.

Lockdowns made travel difficult. Political processes were suspended for a time. And when revived, most could only be done through online means. Efforts to convene were affected by the incidence of transmission of the viral disease. For example, the drafting of the new constitution for Syria in assemblies held in Geneva was marred by cases of infection. This is a UN-facilitated process being undertaken by a constituent assembly, of which 1/3 was appointed by the regime, another 1/3 by the conglomeration of mostly exiled Syrian opposition, and another 1/3 selected by the UN.

For most, meetings had to be conducted online using newly developed or enhanced apps like Zoom, Webex and Microsoft Teams. This has allowed for several peace talks to move forward – in Yemen, Afghanistan, to name a few.

Long before the pandemic, many online consultations and webinars have actually already allowed people to come together and discuss pressing issues and map out plans of action. A good example is what is known as the Donbass Dialogue, a virtual platform organized in 2015 by three displaced persons who have relocated to eastern Ukraine.

The constitution-drafting process in Fiji in 2012 was also enhanced by the use of digital tools by women who actively participated in the process. The women contributed almost one-third of recommendations submitted to the constitution- drafting body.

Similarly, negotiators in Colombia set up a website where citizens can submit their concerns and suggestions. 500 proposals relating to land reform were immediately received; and many more relating to victim reparation and transitional justice – a big component in the Colombian peace agreement.

The African Union-led facilitation team for the process in the Democratic Republic of Congo set up in 2016 a WhatsApp group and Twitter account where communiques, pictures, schedules and other reports and documents were released, since it could not accredit all the journalists and civil society groups who wanted access to the talks.

Undertaking a deep dive into a conflict and analyzing its dynamics have been aided by the wealth of information sources online such as academic journals, news reports and analysis, geographic information systems, and other big data in very usable graphic formats.

Online surveys and assessing exchanges in social media give negotiators and mediators insights on the conflicting narratives and a good sense of the public discourse on the issues. On this basis, mediators and negotiators can more smartly design their communication strategy, address the misinformation, and tailor fit their peace messages. They can get input that will inform the solutions being drawn out in the negotiating room.

Through ICT, young people ages 15-24 years who make up about 70% of the world’s internet users have found a voice. This augurs well for the global track of enhancing young people’s active participation in the field of peace and security.

But technology has limitations and cannot be the panacea for the world’s problems. Technology is part of the solution, but it is also part of the problem.

Consider: information technology has been the main conduit for the rise of self-radicalized cells engaged in violent extremism of all hues. Do-it-yourself weapons of violence are easily accessible on the net. Trading of illegal goods are rampant in the air space, despite reinforced cybercrime measures including dedicated cybercrime police infrastructures and laws. Fake news are passed on easily a million fold.

Sexism and sexual harassment proliferate online. As a female government negotiator who was highly visible in the public sphere during the peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, I was subjected to virulent attacks on interactive news sites and social media from people who were biased against the talks, the Muslims, the President whom I served, as well as on my gender and my capacity to lead the talks.

Consider also how technology opens up a process for inclusion but can also shut it down for others. Women and civil society groups who once were able to be outside the room where talks are being held are now unable to make their presence felt without the password. Passwords, as we know, provide security features that support the process. Trust and privacy issues, hacking and surveillance, data breaches – these can easily derail a mediation process. But on the other side of the coin, passwords also lock out other stakeholders.

Inequitable access to ICT has widened the gap between those who can afford and those who are wanting. Those in remote conflict areas have much poorer access. They might not even have electricity. Or there could be the language barrier. Moreover, they face serious threat to their physical security from the contending armed groups. They can easily be “punished” for standing up and using social media to ventilate their demands to stop the violence, exact accountability from perpetrators, and seek justice to the victims of violence.

Finally, state surveillance and control of access to internet sites can unduly exacerbate the balance in the state’s favor in asymmetric conflicts.

Beyond the technology, the core issues remain the same. We see armed actors who are immune to the suffering they inflict on the populace. Short term political interests of elites and counter-elites prevail over the common good.

Shortly after the global pandemic set in early 2020, UNSG Antonio Gutierrez called for a global ceasefire among warring parties in the interest of public health and safety and the tremendous requirements of such. Various world leaders, regional organizations like the AU and EU and several armed opposition groups – in Sudan, Cameroon, the Philippines, Colombia, responded positively. Fifty-four member-states endorsed the appeal.

However, fighting resumed in many of these places shortly after.

Unfortunately, the prolonged pandemic has not caused a substantive reexamination of the handy use of political violence by both state and non-state and pseud-state actors. The public health has not sufficiently strengthened the recourse to democratic means in order to settle conflicts. The old ways of doing and thinking have not been transformed. Among those in power, there is depravity in political will to effect real changes.

Mediators and negotiators, peace builders, governments and the international communities, as well as peace researchers and practitioners gathered here today, would do well to ensure the following:

1. Provide stop gap measures in inequitable access through ICT resources and training provided to dis-advantaged stakeholders. A good example is how UN Women in one country prepared women for a dialogue with mediators by providing them training on the use of the app and budget for internet access, on top of helping them consolidate their key messages and providing translation support.

2. For the long-term, ICT infrastructure development must be prioritized.

3. Organizations and mediators need to invest in the use of ICT for communication strategies related to peace-building and mediation in order to counteract the violent messages on the net. They need as well to ensure privacy and security to be able to protect the trust of participants and users.

4. Prudence in using social media is a must: a 150-word tweet can easily unleash unwanted political backlash. Risk management in the use of digital technology should be part of good planning.

5. Make good use of information sources: the best interventions are under laid by good, gender-sensitive conflict analysis and having a deep sense and sus-tained monitoring of prevailing and evolving narratives and discourses.

6. Counterterrorism measures have unduly impinged on the right to privacy and freedom of expression. These measures have strengthened the hand of the state in accessing and surveilling online exchanges. Still there must be a limit on what the state can or cannot do in protecting the rights of its citizens.

Just consider, 20 years after passing UN Security Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, and several supporting resolutions after, only 86 UN Member states or a mere 45% have NAP (National Action Plans) on 1325.

Of those who have NAPS, only one-third have an allocated budget for implementation. Only 26 NAPs (or 31%) mention disarmament and provide specific actions to disarm society.

While 75 give specified implementation roles to civil society, the cited role is often limited to an “advisory” position.

What does this tell us about commitments not being matched by deeds?

Indeed, ICT can support peace processes and peacebuilding but it is not a panacea. It can facilitate, but its purpose is determined by its wielder.

The future of peace lies not on these tools but in the hearts and minds of humans. We may add, it lies on the fingers that click the mouse.

Thank you.

[1] Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, University of the Philippines; Member, United Nations Standby Team of Mediators, 2018-2020; Former Chair of the Government Peace Panel for Talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and Chief Signatory to the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro