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Etosha-Kunene Histories – A Timeline of Historical References: 1. pre-colonial to 1884 
Building on literature review by Sian Sullivan and Ute Dieckmann for
Etosha-Kunene Histories

Last edited 01/12/2022 [SS]

© This review work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

Etosha-Kunene Histories – A Timeline of Historical References

1. pre-colonial to 1884

Sian Sullivan and Ute Dieckmann

Originalkarte des Herero & Kaoko-Landes, by A. Petermann, drawing journeys and observations by Rhenish missionaries,
especially J. Böhm and F. Bernsmann, published in Perthes 1878, p. Tafel 18.
Source:
https://digital.library.illinois.edu/items/251774e0-e946-0133-1d3d-0050569601ca-4, 10 November 2020.

The shifting boundaries of Game Reserve No. 2 / Etosha National Park, 1907–1970.
Source: Dieckmann 2007, p. 76, reproduced with permission.

To improve the future we must first understand the present,

and to really understand the present we must know the past.

(Owen-Smith 2010, p. iv)

This is the first part of a timeline recording literature and other references relevant for understanding the evolution of conservation, land and environmental policies, its impact on indigenous communities in ‘Etosha-Kunene’, Namibia and ethnicity in the research area. It builds on literature review compiled by Sian Sullivan, initially for the Future Pasts research project that focused primarily on Kunene Region, and especially the histories of the area around Sesfontein / !Nani|aus, and by Ute Dieckmann, initially for the Collaborative Research Centre 389 (Arid Climate, Adaptation and Cultural Innovation in Africa) at the University of Cologne and subsequently for the Xoms |Omis Project (Etosha Heritage Project) in Namibia.[1]

The timeline collates references to historical colonial interactions with the broader region, indigenous/local concerns and changing issues and policies regarding land allocation and biodiversity conservation. The Kunene Region of independent Namibia amalgamates a number of prior administrative areas and boundaries that reflected complex interactions between colonial powers and local peoples, often with devastating impacts on the latter
[2]. The current Etosha National Park belongs to three different regions, Omusati, Oshana and Oshikoto. Understanding contemporary conservation and cultural concerns can be aided by information regarding the pasts that underscore the present. It is with this consideration in mind that the timeline here is shared.

Timeline periodisation:

1. pre-colonial to 1884

2. 1884 – 1907 = colonial reorganisation prior to gazetting of ‘Game Reserve no. 2’ 

3. 1907 – 1958 = Game Reserve no. 2 / Etosha Game Reserve & ‘Kaokoveld’ Native Reserves, prior to move of western boundaries to Ugab and Hoanib Rivers

4. 1958 – 1970 = ENP to Atlantic Ocean in west, prior to ‘Damaraland’ & ‘Kaokoland’ homelands created; Etosha National Park (ENP) reduced in size

5. 1971 – 1997 = fenced and reduced size Etosha National Park; communal area residents alienated from wildlife

6. 1998 – present = CBNRM / communal area conservancies & ENP

Notes
1. Many of the places mentioned below are mapped with information from literature review here or here.


2. Follow these links for
 full bibliography and a list of abbreviations.

3. A double-asterix [**] is a marker that there is something to be checked or added at this point in the text.


4. We retain identifying terms used in historical texts that carry derogatory connotations
only when quoting directly from these texts, for three reasons:
i. these narratives and the ways they are worded can add understanding of the dynamic colonial zeitgeist infusing these texts on the part of their (predominantly white, male) authors;
ii. identifying terms can sometimes help clarify contemporary concerns about who was affected or were the protagonists of recorded historical events;
iii. these texts paradoxically remain some of the possibilities for making visible the past presence and experiences of a wider diversity of people affected by historical circumstances, but who were unable to leave their own written records.
It goes without saying that we do not endorse the prejudices often also found in the words of historical observers.
 

5. Sometimes, and especially going into the past, different authors attach the same events to different dates. We retain such discrepancies as we are interest here as much in how authors write about events in the past, as in what events are recorded to have happened in the past.

6. All included images are at reduced resolution.

7. Information, corrections and/or connections are welcome!

Please email etoshakunenehistories@gmail.com

Date

Recorded Event

840 ± 50 AD

Soot on potsherds from a stone circle site north of the Munutum (N2002/7) yields ‘an unexpected age’ of 840 ± 50 AD[3].

ca. 1390

Gaob !A!a |Nanub, is the earliest of 21 ǂNūkhoe ‘chieftains’ recorded by Lebzelter and known as the ‘Father of the Modern Genealogy of ǂNūkhoe Gaogu [leaders]’, whose date of birth is attributed to this year, and whose forefathers are thought to have entered Namibia through the great Okavango delta and along its connecting rivers to settle in Northern Namibia around the 1390s[4]. Birth of Damara / ǂNūkhoen King Narirab[?], ‘credited for introducing the concept of ǂNûs, the gathering of people under a tree to discuss community matters’, is also attributed to this year[5].

ca. 1640

Lebzelter’s research into the leaders of the ‘!Geio’ [|Geio] Damara lineage/nation suggests that at around 1640 Damara lived in the south of Ovamboland and, under their leader Narirab, wars took place with [incoming?] Ovambo, in which the Damara chief was killed, following which the rest of the tribe then moved further south[6].

1680

A map by de Wit of the south-western coast of Africa is entitled ‘Cimbebas et Caffariae Littora’, and the coastal region stretching from Loanda / Luanda to Ambrosio / Ambrose Bay is inscribed with the words ’Cimbebas ofte Mataman Regnum’[7].

1680-1940

Archaeological research in the Northern Namib confirms stone circle sites and contemporaneous shell middens at multiple sites close to the coast north of the Munutum river mouth, in between the Nadas and Sechomib rivers, and at the Khumib river mouth[8]: all northern Namib ephemeral rivers whose Khoekhoegowab names have been recorded since the area was first mapped. A site between the Nadas and Sechomib includes ‘a total of 35 stone circle features’ and some stone circles including whale bones, as well as stone artefacts, potsherds of ‘Khoi’ pottery, ostrich eggshell beads, bones and hunting blinds were also found at or near the sites[9]. Three dates obtained for the sites were ‘within the period AD 1680 to 1940’ with coastal sites considered strongly connected to the hinterland[10].

Excavated sites (and vegetation map). Source: Eichhorn and Vogelsang 2007: 147.

1700

Nonidas on the Swakop River is reportedly mentioned around 1700 ‘as a watering place for the mountain Dama coming from the north’[11].

1700s

Copper is mined in central and southern Namibia, including at the later Matchless mine, ‘by alleged Dama smiths’[12] and ‘production of copper beads in the |Khomas area of the upper !Khuiseb was at its most intense’ during this century[13], perhaps stimulated by intrusion of glass beads at coast and with metal-smiths ‘paid for their work in goats’[14].

 

In 1907 German Settlement Commissioner Paul Rohrbach observes that ‘the Hereros’ had ‘held at least the areas south of the Waterberg for little more than a century but had previously been in the Kaokofeld for a long time and had gradually moved from the north-west into the country [‘Hereroland’] now called after them’[15].

‘[I]n the eighteenth century the slave trade from Luanda decreased due to the establishment of other centres and the Portuguese losing their monopoly’[16].

1708

A map published ‘by the senior geographer of the king of France, Guillaume Delisle, …. shows, for the first time, the Kunene river as “R. Cunene ou la Grande Rivière”’, ending nowhere but also depicting ‘two hills’ ‘[w]here we find Kaokoland today’[17].

A party of ‘Namacquas’ goes

to pay their respects to the newly appointed [Cape] governor, Louis Van Assenberg. They took with them presents of bullocks and sheep, and received in return a variety of European articles, with which they were highly delighted. The Dutch peasantry, however, soon followed them even to the Khamies mountains, where they purchased cattle and many parts of the country, for beads, brandy, and tobacco. The harmless Namacquas considered the Dutch farmers as the most acceptable neighbours in the world; till most of their cattle, and many of their best fountains of water were wrested from them. Many then entered into a state of servitude with the farmers, and others fled to their more distant friends, beyond the Orange River.[18]

1710 & 1714

On his map of Africa, geographer Moll places ‘Mataman’ and ‘Cimbeba’ slightly inland and south of Cape Negro[19].

ca. 1712

Some anthropologists assert that ‘[t]he migration of Ovaherero Bantu speakers from present day Angola and northern Namibia in to the central highland region of Namibia’ took place around this time, writing that:

[t]he social organisation of the Herero polity was fractured into many disparate chieftainships based on extended families and households. Raiding also formed an important part of the Herero economy and mitigated against the creation of fixed wealth disparities and differ­entiation. Pastoral land-use practices included seasonal transhu­mance and fire management that helped maintain grasslands, Prior to the introduction of firearms, large herds of wild herbivores also imp­acted the vegetation at a landscape scale.[20]

1721

​​Senex records ‘Chimbelles pop.’ in the area between Cape Negro and Cape Frio[21].

1722

Geographer Delisle’s updated map (see 1700) shows Cimbebas as coastal region south of Cape Negro to C. de Sierra[22], and records the tribe Jaggas / Gagas to be living in this area[23].

1727

The French geographer Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d’Anville places between Cape Negro and Cape Frio on his map ‘Ethiopie Orientale’ the words Cimbebas dont le sovereign est appellé Mataman, or ‘Cimbebas of which the sovereign is Mataman’[24].

1730s

Violence in the Cape precipitates northwards movements of various Khoekhoe and mixed race slaves and servants who speak Cape Dutch, possess firearms, wagons and horses and adopt Christianity = emergence of Oorlam Nama identity and raiding commando economy[25], to become ‘dynamic militarised, hybridised black groups who lived out the idiom of the ‘boer’ commando’[26]. As Lau describes:

‘Oorlam’ was a term adopted to indicate the dispossessed and enslaved but resourceful descendants of the Cape Khoisan population, who by the 18th century were largely growing up on Boer farms and in the emerging towns. Some of the Oorlam rejected the subordinate roles forced on them as the Cape economy and the Trekboer movement expanded; they collected a following, forged independent supply routes to the Cape for such goods as clothes, horses, guns and ammunition, and became rulers of independent polities. The Koranna, the Griqua and the Namibian Oorlam groups emerged in this period of history.[27] 

1750

In around 1750 some of the Herero thought to have settled in southern Angola and Kaokoveld are thought to have gradually moved into the north-central and central areas of the country[28].

1751

In the Cape, ​​Rijk Tulbagh becomes Governor and appoints botanist Auge as Superintendent of the Company’s Garden, as which Auge led the Garden in a more botanical direction, undertaking ‘many expeditions in search of indigenous plant material and it is generally agreed that some of the oldest indigenous trees in the Garden were planted by him’[29].

 

Jacobus Coetse (see 1760), fourth son and sixth child of Johannes Coetse and Elisabeth Paling and grandson of Dirk Coetse / Coetzee ‘who arrived at the Cape in 1679, [and] was granted Coetsenberg in 1682 by Simon van der Stel, is ‘fined 2 guldens and costs for arrears in tax payment on his stock and on “Lion and Tiger Money” … a tax for the extermination in earlier days of lions, leopards, jackals and other vermin’, indicating a route through which these animals were reduced in the Cape[30].

 

‘[L]oan farms were being registered along the Orange River from this year onwards’[31].

1755

​​Smallpox epidemic in the Cape (observed, e.g. in 1713[32], 1725[33]) with which northwards migration is associated, e.g. of Katse Korana[34], is known to have reached Nama peoples to the north the Orange (see below)[35].

mid to late 1700s

On the surface at Big Elephant Shelter in the Erongo Mountains ‘[t]hree glass beads, ten iron and two copper beads’ plus ‘the remains of two smoking pipes’ date to ‘probably not greater than about 200 years’, although despite being at a location associated with Dama ‘cannot necessarily be ascribed to their workmanship’[36].

1760

The ‘farmer and elephant hunter’ Jakobus Coetzé (also Coetse, Coetsee) journeys on 14 July ‘with 2 wagons and accompanied by 12 Hottentots of the Gerigriquas Nation’[37] from his home at Aurora [previously Klipfontein/ Coele Klipfontein[38]] on the west side of the Piquetberg to the Gariep and beyond, with a permit from the Cape Governor, Ryk Tulbagh (‘Councillor Extraordinary of Dutch India and Governor of the Cape of Good Hope and Dependencies thereof’[39]), to shoot elephant beyond the Orange[40], claiming during his lifetime ‘to be the first European to have penetrated far beyond the Great (Orange) River’[41]: a journey that also brought him in contact with ‘Great Amacquas’ (Nama) in southern Namibia in the vicinity of Warmbad, who were ‘unusually populous and are provided in abundance with horned cattle and sheep’[42].

1760s

Josaphat Hahn, son of Rhenish missionary Carl Hugo Hahn, writes in 1869 that ‘about one hundred years ago a mighty and beautiful Negro people, rich in measureless herds of cattle and small stock, came from the North and occupied the ... present land of the Ovaherero’[43].

1761

Inspired by Coetzé’s reported news of the Herero and their many cattle, Hendrik Hop, Captain of the Burgher Forces at Stellenbosch who, with authorization by the Council of Policy on 30 June (under the Governor Ryk Tulbaugh)[44] leads an exhibition north, and accompanied by 16 Europeans, a ‘scientific expedition to explore the country north of the Orange River’[45], with Jacobus Coetse as guide and hunter. Travelling north between the Great and Little Karras Mountains they camp on 22 October near a Nama settlement on the Lion River, where rhinos, giraffes, buffaloes, zebras, quaggas, kudus, elands, hartebeests and gnus ‘offered wonderful opportunities for hunting’[46]. Coetse and Marais travelled ahead and reached the Fish River [ǁAub[47]] where Nama people knew nothing about ‘longhaired black people in linen clothing’ claimed to live to the north, although did say that ‘people called Tamaquas (Hereros or Bergdamas) lived to the northward’ bearing scars of their chests and backs [presumably from medicinal tattoos], wearing skin karosses and living in wooden huts[48]. They had also heard of other ‘races’:

- Sondamroquas (Gamdama, i.e. Seadama – ‘a tribe of the Bergdamas’

- Birinas (birin meaning goat, implying the Bechuanas(?) who got this Nama name from their goat farming)[49]. The expedition discovers that the smallpox epidemic of 1755 ‘had been very bad in South West Africa’[50]. The return journey commenced on 7 December having reached as far as Heinabis to the south of Keetmanshoop[51].

1762

A ‘Teilman Roos and P. Marais’ reportedly see ‘Namaquas smelting copper’[52] and mention ‘the tamacquas of dark colour and scarred face’ and ‘Taradidamacquas’ or  ‘female people’[53].  

1770

American whalemen discover Walvis Bay whaling grounds[54].

1770s

Increased American whaling off the Namibian coast, following decline of whaling grounds off New England, leads to a significant increase in trade [incl. ‘Virginian tobacco, pipes, rum, tinware, wire, cloth, sopa, muskets and gunpowder’[55]] with coastal peoples on the Skeleton Coast[56], especially around Woolwich (Walvis) Bay and Little Fish Bay and Cabinda in present-day Angola[57].

 

James Chapman reports in 1855 that ‘Some of the oldest natives at the Lake [Ngami] had heard that the Damaras[Herero] were driven by a more powerful tribe from the east; they found their way to the Lake, whence some steered directly westward, while others went northwards to Lebebe's present territory [?where], remained there a number of years, then migrated south and west. Damara tradition corroborates their having come from the east about 70 or 80 years ago[58].

1772

An English edition of d’Anville’s map of 1727 places between Cape Negro and Cape Frio the note ‘“Km [Kingdom] of Climbeba or Mataman. Most Geographers place this Kingdom hereabouts but it is imaginary”’[59].

Around 1770-1820

In possibly around these years (i.e. 7-9 generations from the mid-1990s assuming around 25 years per generation), oral history indicates that Herero-speaking peoples began moving westwards down the Kunene River from a hill in southern Angola called Okarundu Kambeti, moving also into hills on either side of the river[60]. A mythical figure called Nihova is said to be buried here and ‘frequently mentioned in praise songs recited at commemoration rituals’ and movement from here by pastoralists with cattle, sheep and goats is said to have been stimulated by drought[61]. Cattle and sheep amongst these people are said to have come from the north, goats from the south, and the pastoral economy included hunting, gathering, esp. Hyphaene palm fruits, Cyperus fulgens corms (ozoseu) and honey – the latter especially in the Baynes Mountains south of the Kunene River and west of the Omuhonga River, but did not include agriculture [14] until the end of the 19th century[62].

Bollig states that ‘these early migrants did not enter an unpopulated area or an area only thinly populated by foragers (presumably of Khoisanid origin)’ but instead according to oral testimony ‘they met with other pastoralists … who were rich in livestock and culturally akin to themselves’ with no violence arising with them
[63]. This ‘pre-Kuena [see below] War society was dominated by ovahona (rich and powerful men) such as Kaoko (‘the giver of the name for the entire region’), Kaupanga and Mureti in northern and eastern Kaokoland, Tjikurundjimbi in the western parts’ (with western Himba [?this name came later?]) trading ‘with the Koroka[64] at the mouth of the Koroka [Curoca] valley’) and Nokauua in the southern parts’ although there are ‘few ovahona’ and ‘many people had few livestock’[65]. Occasional livestock raids by Owambo Ovahuahua ‘from the north’ are remembered as the “War of the Shields” because the Ovahuahua ‘warriors protected their bodies with shields against the arrows of the Herero’[66].

In 1907 German Settlement Commissioner Paul Rohrbach observes that ‘the Hereros’ had ‘held at least the areas south of the Waterberg for little more than a century but had previously been in the Kaokofeld for a long time and had gradually moved from the north-west into the country [‘Hereroland’] now called after them’[67].

Ca. 1775-1785

Alternatively to Hahn above, Francis Galton (British) writes in 1852 that ‘it was a constant complaint of the Damaras [Herero], that less rain falls now in their country than some twenty or thirty years back; and even their extensive migration from the Kaoko [i.e. from the north-west into central Namibia referred to in the 1850s as ‘Damaraland’], … has been ascribed by the Damaras to the water failing them for their cattle’[68]. Thus,

[a]bout 70 years ago (certainly between 65 and 75 years) [i.e. ca. 1775-85], and when, from uniform testimony, water was much more abundant [157] than it is now, the Damaras [Herero] lived in the Kaoko alone. The Ovampo were within their present frontier, but the Mationa [Bechuana] extended to Ovampantieru-land, certainly far to the westward of Otchombinde [Tunabis], and all between these and down to the Orange River, lived Hottentots of various tribes. The Nareneen lived by the sea, and the Ounip (called by the Dutch Toppners [i.e. ǂAonin]) about the parts of which we are now speaking, and south of these were the Keikouka [Kaiǁkhauan / Rooi Nasie / Red Nation], now represented by the red people, by Swartboy, the Kubabees [ǁHabowen / Veldschoendragers], and Blondel Swartz [!Kamiǂnûn / !Gamiǂnûn[69]]. Near to the Orange River the tribes were more numerous and more civilized, from their neighbourhood to the Dutch. They had a few guns, sometimes waggons and so forth, and these were the ancestors of Jonker, Amirals, Jan Boys, and other smaller tribes, as Buchess’ and Fransman’s. There was also a certain admixture of bastard blood in these last, who came to be designated Oerlams (a term of half reproach) by the Dutch, and to be disavowed by the Keikouka [Kaiǁkhauan / Red Nation] as partly aliens. Hence a jealousy arose, and still exists, between the two great divisions of the more southern Hottentots, the Keikouka and the Oerlams, who together are usually called in the aggregate “Namaquas,” in contradistinction to the northerly tribes of Bushmen.

   Interspersed among the Hottentots from the north to the south were the Ghou Damup [ǂNūkhoen], who were invariably considered as slaves and a good deal ill-used; they lived, when in communities, in the hills, or table-mountains, of which there are many, such as Omuvereoom [Waterberg / !Hos], Konati [today’s Okonjima], Ketjo [Mount Etjo], Erongo [!Oeǂgā], and many others, of which I have often heard, more to the south and west. Two movements now began to take place; first the Damaras [Herero], pressed for room or for some other cause, made an irruption to the eastwards, and spread over the country as far as Otchombinde [Tunabis], almost exterminating the Hottentots in their way and driving back the Mationa [Bechuana], while the Ghou Damup were pretty safe in their mountain fortresses and received but little harm. The Toppners [ǂAonin], however, not being at that time accustomed to the mountain-passes with which the Ghou Damup were familiar, were, as I said, greatly cut off [i.e. westwards towards the coast]. And it is curious, that within very late times (about eight years ago), exactly the same thing occurred to the Nareneen living west of the Kaoko.

   The more northerly Toppners [ǂAonin] were thus quite cut off from all communication with those about Walfisch Bay, and remain so to the present time. There exists, however, the greatest fondness for traditional stories among these people, and I found the liveliest interest expressed on my return from the north relative to the well-being of those Hottentots whom I met among the Ovampo, and of whom scanty information only had been received from time to time [i.e. so Red Nation ‘Nama’ in the north were connected with those in the south, from whom they were ‘cut off’ by Herero movement and expansion in ‘Damaraland’ in the middle]. In Sir James Alexander’s work mention will be found of the Navees, or Nabees[**?check], as he spells it, on information [158] received among the Hottentots. These are the Ovampo; Navees being the Hottentot name for them [**check – this is not what I understand from Alexander].

   We have seen thus how the Damaras [Herero] drove the Toppners [ǂAonin] to the same places as the Ghou Damup [ǂNūkhoen].[70]

1776-77

Three grazing grants are made ‘to stock-owning tenants on the south bank of the Orange River’[71], thus cattle stations had been granted to burgers along the Groote River [later Orange] before Wikar’s journeys in 1778-79, and before the Colony boundary was moved northwards even to the Buffels River / Koussie[72].

Late 1700s

Charcoal from one of the larger huts in the lower Hungorob hut circle settlement that Kinahan calls !Nâu-aib (meaning ‘a bare, sun-scorched hillside’) is dated to the late 18th century, pre-dating the stone pipes of the mid-late 1800s made with metal tools considered to derive from European contact[73]. In the lower reaches of the Hungorob ‘more than 400 stone huts and related features’ have been found in ‘discrete clusters of between twenty and one hundred features’ and associated with stockposts, modified bees’ nests (e.g. marked with stones or ladders) and cairns[74]. The huts consist of low stone walls, often in a semi-circle, sometimes with ‘marked “coops”’ with high soil phosphate content indicating ‘kid-kraals’, or perhaps used as storage areas for pots[75]. Stone pestles, assumed to be used for the grinding of grass seeds[76], tended to be found with what Kinahan refers to as ‘simple huts’ and not with hut complexes he interprets as some indication of social and/or gendered stratification[77]. The encampments are considered to be sites of aggregation surrounded by smaller sites higher up the ravine interpreted as stockposts[78] for small-stock – no cattle remains have been associated with the Hungorob sites[79]. At a rock shelter to the west of the Hungorob at around 900m a.s.l. ‘a shallow wooden tray’ (i.e. ǂgôub) is found, similar to the fragments found in association with the Pastoral phase at Falls Rock Shelter in the Upper Hungorob (see pre-history documentation), this time in association with ‘a battered oryx horn, possibly used to excavate the seed caches of harvester ants, to judge from the damage to its tip’[80]. In a second shelter lower at the entrance to the Hungorob ‘[a] stone coop points to the use of the shelter by pastoralists, as did, indirectly, smeared ochre on the lower parts of the walls’ which might ‘have been caused by pastoralists sitting against the walls of the shelter’[81]. Seven bees nests are also found in the vicinity of the pastoral settlement in the lower Hungorob: in a honey cave approached with ‘[a] rough scaffolding of Acacia montis-usti poles’[82]; in a hive in a A. montis-usti tree that has been damaged with an axe, near which were ‘sherds of a large clay pot’; [64] and in the fleshy trunks of Moringa ovalifolia trees in which modifications including hardwood pegs for access and the closing off of the hive with a stone[83].  

 

At Jakalswater on the Swakop River a ceramic pot with axially-pierced lugs found here contains ‘a large cache of glass beads, including the distinctive opaque blue cylinder beads introduced at ǂKhîsa-ǁgubus’ and suggests late 18th century date, ‘although the accumulation evidently continued over a long time and more modern beads were added’[84]. Pots with axially-pierced lugs found at Onanis, Jakalswater, Kaltenhausen, Wilsonfontein, and Wêreldsend (south of !Khuiseb) are argued to indicate pastoral connections with ǂKhisa-ǁgubus on the coast and other sites (e.g. Jakalswater on Swakop) as well as the Namib plains and escarpment, facilitating ease of circulation of livestock[85].

 

The archives of the Rhenish Mission, as read by Köhler (1969: 105), report missionary Baumann (with RMS at Rooibank 1878-1883) writing that ‘[a]ccording to the ancients [i.e. his eldest informants], the Topnaars came from the north towards the end of the eighteenth century, who had immigrated from Cape Rock and Cape Frio’ (cf. Hoernlé’s informants reported above): ‘[a]t the beginning of the 19th century the Topnaar are said to have reached the mouth of the Swakop (tsoa-xou-b)’, their migration perhaps ‘related to the advance of the Herero into the Kaokoveld’[86].

1784

Britain passes a new Transportation Act to permit transport of an accumulating prisoner population to emerging colonial territories, initially including south west Africa[87].

1785

On 25 May the Beauchamp Committee of the British House of Commons meets to discuss the location of an alternative penal settlement to the lost American colonies, with Das Voltas at the mouth of the Orange River the preferred proposal over Botany Bay in Australia[88]. Captain Edward Thompson’s September orders are ‘to inspect the West African forts and settlements’ whilst also secretly investigating Africa’s south-western coast[89]. Amidst the precarious post-American conflict relationship between Britain, France and Holland, the expedition is particularly concerned to find a new location ‘for English convicts sentenced to transportation’, as well as ‘to serve as a naval station where British East Indiamen could refit’[90]. On his flagship Grampus sail his adopted son Lieutenant Thomas Bolden Thompson and marine surveyor Lieutenant Home Riggs Popham, the 16-gun sloop Nautilus commanded by Captain George Tripp, with the Commodore to transfer to the latter ship for the more southerly investigation – but he dies after contracting fever at Apollonnia on the current Ghana coast[91].

 

A Guilliam Visagie becames the first “white” to settle in Namibia, establishing himself at Nu-goaes / Swartmodder – later Keetmanshoop[92].

1786

Thomas Bolden Thompson takes command of Nautilus and the expedition ‘to investigate the west coast of Africa for a suitable place to found a penal colony’[93] eventually produces a detailed report by Thompson including eight watercolour sketches depicting ‘curiousities of the voyage’, and corroborated by a separate report by Popham the Surveyor and charts of “Coast of Caffraria” and Angra Pequena[94]. The Royal Navy men ‘had been instructed not to give any offence to the inhabitants they might encounter, but to make friendly overtures and to report in as much detail as possible their character and disposition’[95]. A full account of this expedition’s encounters with coastal peoples at Angra Pequena and Walvis Bay is linked at https://www.futurepasts.net/khuiseb-historical-habitation and will not be repeated here. 

1786-
mid-1810s

British reserve exclusive rights to catch whales and seals in waters off the Namibian coast, although do not proclaim ‘any official annexation’[96].

1790-1810

Peak of whaling off Namibian coast[97]. Turn of the century sees migrating from Cape frontier into Namaland – ‘dispossessed Khoesan who had had experience of the ways of colonists, usually in the capacity of servants, and who had acquired their own stock and guns [and whose] … technological superiority gave them a distinct advantage over the local Khoekhoen [such that] … intense social disruption and violence followed their arrival in the country until they had established their hegemony’[98].

1791

Responding to rumours of copper deposits in Namaqualand, the van Reenen brothers (Willem, Valentyn and D.S) in different journeys travel across the Orange[99]. Willem, ‘at his own expense but with the permission of the authorities’[100] for ‘a hunting and exploring expedition’ by Willem[101] travels with several Dutch companions, including one Pieter Brand and the guide Barend Freyn whose headquarters were in Warmbad[102], starting out in October 1791, crossing the Orange at Ramansdrift, on to Sandfontein and Warmbad, trekking upstream to Heinabis / Hariepbegos (reached previously by Hendrik Hop), encountering ‘thieving Bushmen’ en route[103]. They journey on to Moddersfontein (Swartmodder[104]) (now Keetmanshoop) where a Gideon Visagie was [33] raising and dealing in cattle there[105]. Here their horses and trek-oxen are attacked and scattered by three lions and in the following search they lose 12 oxen, presumably to ‘Bushmen’, following which a Bastard guide named Jan Sieberd who lives in the area is recruited[106].

1792

Travelling through waterless stretches northwards in January the Willem van Reenen expedition shoot and eat rhinoceroses, giraffes and buffalo (at the ‘Leber River’[107]), on 23 January reaching a mountain in ‘the land of the Heydamarassen [Bergdamas]’ ‘which he [Willem] named Rheniusberg’ – considered by Mossop to be near Rehoboth - where a “valuable hot spring” welled up and in the neighbourhood of which was a copper mine from which Willem van Reenen brings back ore ‘which proved to contain copper’[108]. Willem van Reenen commenced journey home in February, reaching Modderfontein/Keetmanshoop from Rhenius mountain / Rehoboth in March and staying with Visagie and his wife – ‘the first mention of a white woman having her home in South West Africa’[109]. He trades six of his best guns with natives for cattle and arrives back at his homestead on the Olifants River on 20 June, [37] his party having killed 65 rhinos, six giraffes and other game in ‘no inconsiderable quantity which the big-game hunter did not regard as worthy of mention’[110].

 

This seems to be at a moment when Cape Nama [‘Goedonse’ or ‘sheep-stealers’ in Van Reenen] had ousted the Dama and murdered Jan Sieberd at the springs, stimulating threats of retaliation by the head of the Red Nation / Kaiǁkhaun who also laid claim to this area and was concerned to resist incursions by ‘Cape Nama’[111].

 

Pieter Brand, who had been travelling with van Reenen, travelled further north, ‘accompanied by seven Bastard Hottentots to look for the “cattle-rich Damaras”’, encountering Bergdama living on roots some 5-6 days journey from Rhenius mountain (in Auas Mountains[112]), observing:

[n]ow as to the Damrassen, they are a nation … which has neither sheep nor cattle and for their subsistence enjoy nothing other than roots and bulbs and gum of the thorn trees[113].

And reporting Bergdama,

to be in the Auas Mountains and along the Swakop River, when they were nomadic hunters mainly in the regions of the Auas and Erongo Mountains and the Brandberg – there is still much archaeological evidence of their occupation of these areas. They called themselves Nu-khoin[114].

 

Vedder, following, Brand in Mossop 1935, adds that:

“When they want meat to eat they forge bangles and beads out of copper and exchange these with the Namas for cattle. They sometimes make useful slaves to the Namas.” He asked them why they did not keep stock like the Namas and the Hereros. They replied that they had had a large number of stock, consisting of goats, sheep, and cattle, but the Namas had taken everything away from them, and if any of them were to possess anything, they ran the risk of being robbed of it, and even of being killed. They said, too, that in former times they had defended themselves against the Namas, but that since the Namas had come into possession of iron arrow-heads and assegais, they could no longer prevail against them. Brand’s guide confirmed what they stated and said that the Hereros were just as defenceless as the Bergdamas, for their only weapon of defence was the knobkerrie, while, for knives, they used hard stones, which they knew how to break off in such a way that they could use the sharp edges for cutting. Brand was astonished at this seeing that “this part of the country is so rich in copper”. He was told that, from the place from which he commenced his return journey to the camp, a journey of a further [36] nine days was necessary in order to meet the “cattle-rich Hereros”. The Bergdamas said that, when the Namas wanted cattle, they, too, got them by barter from the Hereros, or stole them from them.[115] 

He also observes ‘abundant game’, living along the Swakop River[116]. Brand mentions too ‘that when the Dama required meat for food, they smelted copper into armrings and beads which were traded for cattle from the Dama’, and that ‘the Dama bartered (or stole) cattle from the Commaka Dammereassen (Herero) in the north of the territory’[117], who did not appear to have a knowledge of metal working[118]. He also comments that the Dama ‘even render service to the Namaquas as slaves’[119].

 

Their journey lasts nine months.

 

The repeated mentions of copper indicate the northern areas of Rehoboth where copper mines, known to Bergdama, were discovered 50 years later and then worked by Europeans[120]. Later (see below) encounters with ‘Bergdama’ in the Swakop River indicate that in this year Europeans visit the copper mines south of the river[121].

 

By this year ‘it seems that’ Pieter Pienaar determines to take action against increasing resistance to and attacks on white settlers to the north of the Cape Colony, at a moment when the Afrikaners appear to still be collaborating with him and gaining cattle, arms and ammunition from commando raids against Nama[122].

1793

On instruction of the Cape colonial government, Klaas Afrikaner and Oorlam followers conduct ‘a commando campaign against the “Bastaard Hottentotten”, descendants of Nama slaves who had migrated northwards from the Cape[123]. Their travels take them deep into the territory north of the Orange, getting caught on return to the Orange ‘in a skirmish with Guilliam Visagie, the first “white” to settle in Namibia’ (see 1785), in which ‘Visagie, his son and some of Visagie’s Basters attacked Klaas Afrikaner who lost four of his men and was forced to retreat’[124]. As the Oorlam Afrikaners become more independent in weapon supplies gained through commando activities they become increasingly resistant to white settlers[125].

 

Pieter Pienaar (‘a well-known big game hunter’[126]) [the same Petrus Pienaar who employs Klaas Afrikaner[127] (father of Jager Afrikaner and grandfather of Jonker Afrikaner - see below) and commando in early 1790s in Orange River District] travels under the auspices of the Dutch East India Co. with brothers (and prominent Cape burghers) Willem van Reenen, Sebastiaan Valentijn van Reenen and Dirk Gijsberg van Reenen[128], by the Meermin (under Captain Duminy who ‘presented the Hottentots with tobacco and trinkets’[129]) from the Cape to Walvis Bay where they are met by their guide from Warmbad, Barend Freyn[130].The Dutch vessel the Meermin lands at Walvis Bay, recording a similar population of sea-harvesters on the coast and pastoralists inland as that encountered in 1786 by the Nautilis[131]. No reference is made to !nara even though ‘it would have been in season during the five and a half weeks the Frenchman du Miny’s crew and supercargo [the Van Reenen brothers and Pieter Pienaar – shot in 1796 by Oorlam Afrikaners] spent at Walvis Bay’[132]. The Dutch learnt that the inhabitants were ‘Namaqua Hottentots’, i.e. Nama, with one of them – Claas [= Klaas Afrikaner?, see above] – speaking ‘the language of the country’,

[f]ifty men, armed with spears, came to pay their respects but left “very dissatisfied … that they had received no presents according to the custom of the Europeans.” They returned the next day, nevertheless, with two oxen and five sheep for barter. Serious misunderstandings were overcome, tobacco and glass beads were offered for copper beads from the mine of the Poor Damaras eight days’ journey away. … The Walvis Bay people being also fishermen, the Meermin’s visit ended with an armed clash when attempts were made to seize the Meermin’s fishing nets. There might have been a greater clash still had the inhabitants come to understand that the Meermin’s mission, to erect a “Stone of Possession in the name of the States-General (of the Netherlands) and the Noble (Dutch East India) Company” had been accomplished [to forestall occupation by foreign powers[133]], and that without any reference whatever to themselves. No attempt by the Dutch to colonize Walvis Bay was to follow, however.[134]

 

Of this complexity, Moritz simply reports that,

Van Reenen, who landed with the "Meermin" on the coast near Walvisbaai in 1793, saw two Damaras creeping up on them on 21 February and willing to show them water. Furthermore, there is also talk of five Damara kraals lying in the Rivier, probably in the Kuiseb or near there[135].

Duminy is thus under orders to ‘annex part of the coastline’ for the Netherlands[136], hoisting the Company's flag at Possession Island and Angra Pequeña[137]. Captain Duminy proclaims Dutch sovereignty over Angra Pequeña, Halifax Island and Walvis Bay (‘Bahia de Baleas’ translated by the Hollanders as Walvisch Bay)[138], and produces maps of Walvis Bay and Angra Pequeña[139]. They experience uneasy relations with inhabitants of Walvis Bay, armed with assegais, who are unable to bring cattle for exchange and would not act as guides[140]. The Meermin was also in communication ‘with seal-hunting English and American vessels’ with an American captain telling du Miny [Duminy] ‘of his visit to a Nama village at Walvis Bay a few years before, where he had found over 100 cattle’[141].

 

The Meermin captain’s journal is accompanied by reports from the Van Reenen brothers and Pieter Pienaar of ‘their journeys into the interior’ which describe ‘the landscape, wildlife and the situations of the neighbouring Nama and Herero, with no element of the wars and depredation which were later to so disfigure Namibian history’[142]. Pienaar reports ‘a “splendid valley” at the mouth of the river with fresh water, luxuriant vegetation of camelthorns and ana trees and a great number of game: such as elephants, rhinoceroses, gemsbuck and springbuck’[143].

 

Sebastiaan Valentijn van Reenen set out ‘with the assistance of some natives’ to discover copper mines, and Pieter Pienaar with ‘[h]is Cape Hottentots’ went eastwards ‘following the valley of a river inland [the Swakop], at first in a South-Easterly and East-South-Easterly and then in N.N. Easterly direction’[144] on a hunting trip into the interior [38] but could not find water, although he encountered two ‘Damaras’ who showed him water to the north-east in what was the Swakop River[145]. Pienaar travelled inland along the Swakop for 12 days seeing no cattle but finding five Damara [Bergdamas as Pienaar’s Cape Hottentots could understand them[146]] settlements, without cattle, and obtaining by barter ‘several copper bangles’ said to be made from mines 12-14 ‘stages’[schoften’[147]] (‘one stage equaled a four hour trek in an ox-wagon’) south of the Swakop (between modern day ‘Protection Bay’[?] and the Swakop River[148]), but a five year drought and reports of no water en route prohibited travel at that time and he did not see the source of the mineral[149]. Pienaar was told by ‘Hottentots’ that the mine ‘had been visited by Christians the previous year’[150]. He encounters ‘over 300 rhinoceros and even a greater number of elephants, gemsbuck, springbuck, buffaloes, and lions’, and kills 20 rhinos, three elephants and ‘much other game which he never counted’, thereby providing food for the Damaras that had joined his party[151]. Further landings north of Walvis Bay speak of the “splendid valley” of the Swakop, good water, and ‘five old huts … which they reckoned had been erected by English or Americans’ as they fetched water here[152]. Crew observe ‘great numbers of wild animals, such as elephants, rhinoceros, gems buck, and springbuck’ as well as camelthorn and ana trees[153].

 

By the end of 1793 still ‘[n]o explorer’s eye had seen anything that lay northwards of the Kuiseb and the Swakop and in the distant east’[154].

 

An American skipper, the Colquhoun, visits a Namaqua kraal in Walvis Bay finding 100 head of cattle there (reported by S.V. van Reenen in 1793)[155].

1795

Under Colonel Gordon’s Governorship of the Dutch Cape Colony (under the Prince of Orange[156]) and during the Napoleonic Wars when the Dutch Republic surrenders to the French[157], the British, under Sir James Craig[158], take the Cape Colony (until 1803)[159] (after which Gordon commits suicide[160]), and send the British frigate HMS Star ‘to hoist the British flag at all the landing places along the SWA/Namibian coast as far as Angola’, in the course of which few natives are met[161]. At Walvis Bay, the Star’s captain, Alexander, finds ‘the people less approachable’, which Kinahan suggests might be linked with the multiple deaths of people evidenced by burials at Sandfontein / ǂKhîsa-ǁgubus, possibly caused by disease brought in 1786 on HMS Nautilis[162]. Admiral Elphinstone estimated that ‘between 20 and 30 American whaleships were in Walvis Bay every season’[163] and thereafter flourished under English control as foreign control through headquarters at Possession Island ceased, accompanied by trade between ships’ crews and Nama of Walfish Bay and Angra Pequena[164].

1796

To undermine American commercial competition, Captain Alexander of the Star claims Walvis Bay and Angra Pequena for the British[165], at which time coastal inhabitants are ‘so wary that Alexander and his men could not get near them’[166]. 

Initial employment of Oorlam Afrikaners by European settlers in the northern frontier zone of the Cape Colony during the latter years of the 18th century leads to rebellion, and the shooting in March[167] of Pieter Pienaar, his wife and a daughter at Tulbagh in the Cape by Klaas Afrikaner[168] – perhaps ‘provoked by Pienaar’s [19] improper behavior towards the wives of the Oorlams during their absence in times of commando raids, and/or linked with the Oorlam Afrikaners’ refusal of Pienaar’s order to go on another raid on Nama groups[169] – signaling the beginning of a ‘resistance phase’ by Oorlam Afrikaners to white settlers[170]. Of this shooting WMS missionary Benjamin Ridsdale writes,

[a]fter shooting of the Dutch Boer, Pinnar, to whom old Afrikaner [Klaas] and his clan were at that time subject, and by whom they were oppressed beyond all endurance, Afrikaner and his people fled to this place [Schans Vlakte].[171]

Fleeing with all the livestock and firearms to the Orange River where the Cape police could not reach him, the Cape Government declared Klaas an outlaw with a price of £200 on his head, and in the vicinity of the Orange River he did indeed live a bandit’s life, stealing livestock and ‘bartering firearms with unscrupulous traders’[172] and trading in ivory and arms, joined by Khoekhoe and San followers using southern Namibia, e.g. the inaccessible Karas Mountains, as a refuge[173]. After the shooting of Pienaar the Afrikaner family moved across the Orange to settle around Blydeverwacht[174].

​​Afrikaner reportedly negotiates for land areas with the chieftain of the Rooi Nasie Nama (Red Nation, Kaiǁkhaun) who, after encountering Europeans with firearms, was keen to acquire this technology and associated powers, particularly so as to fend off Herero incursions into Rooi Nasie pasturage in the vicinity of Hoachanas north-east of Mariental[175].

1796-98

The fortified settlement of ǁKhauxa!nas is thought to have been built by Oorlam Afrikaner Nama led by Klaas Afrikaner (following his shooting of Pieter Pienaar in March) in the east of the Great Karas Mountains, [12] the outcome of concerted human effort involving ‘hundreds, if not thousands of workers’[176]. As Ridsdale describes,

[h]ere they resolved upon making a stand against the commandos sent in pursuit of them by the Colonial Government. Within this entrenchment, at the top of the mountain, they built their houses, had kraals for their calves, and in fact everything necessary to a Namaqua village, and considered themselves able to defy all their enemies. They seemed scarcely able to conceive of a valour that would proceed in the face of their bullets, scale their fort, bound over its walls, drive them over the fearful precipice on the opposite side, and plunge them into the abyss of black waters beneath. The opportunity of defending themselves in their impregnable fortification, however, never occurred, as the commandos of Boers from the Colony pursued them no farther than Nisbett Bath [Warmbad].[177]

1797

The Cape blaubok becomes extinct[178].

1799

On 17 May ‘an abortive commando’ is sent against the Oorlam Afrikaners who retaliate against this and other ‘official commandos’ from the cape ‘by attacking white settlers in the Cape Colony’, returning to their hiding place at ǁKhauxa!nas with ‘their spoils of war’[179]. Around this time Klaas relinquishes his leadership to Jager Afrikaner / |Hoa|aramab and,

rumours that all Nama had to undergo a general census in preparation for taxation resulted in more Nama joining the Oorlam Afrikaners who, with increasing strength, raided cattle and weapons from the white settlers in the Oranje frontier zone.[180]

Prior to 1800

Otjiherero-speakers migrate from Kaoko via Tsumeb to the Waterberg, ‘including a journey by one leader, Kaimu, and his people to the sea and back again to the centre of the country’, by which ‘all Mbanderu clans are said to have migrated eastwards as far as Ghanzi in modern Botswana’[181]. By or just after 1800, the Oorlam Nama (Afrikaner) settlement of ǁKhauxa!nas in Great Karas mountains must have been established[182].

1800s

Throughout the 19th century Kaoko was linked through trade networks to western Owambo and to Ondonga and Kwanyama for ‘stock, tobacco, corn, metal products and ivory’, the latter ‘used as an ornament, in ritual contexts, and as a sign of chiefly power’[183]. Copper is mined in central and southern Namibia, including at the later Matchless mine, ‘by alleged Dama smiths’[184]. The exonym ‘Nama’ comes to be used by missionaries instead of the endonym ‘Khoekhoegowab’[185] as the glossonym for the Khoekhoe language, contributing to the now disproved ‘popular claim’ that ‘the ethnically distinct Damara … adopted the language from the Nama’[186].

Early 1800s

In 1907 German Settlement Commissioner Paul Rohrbach observes that ‘the Hereros’ had ‘held at least the areas south of the Waterberg for little more than a century but had previously been in the Kaokofeld for a long time and had gradually moved from the north-west into the country [‘Hereroland’] now called after them’[187].

Jenkins and Brain draw on Vedder’s 1938 South West Africa in Early Times (p143) to assert the following ‘history of human settlement in the Kuiseb valley’:

Vedder (1938) relates how the recent settlement of the Kuiseb Valley probably began. After Tjanuaha, Maharero’s father, led his Herero people in the early 1800’s south from the Kaokoveld along the coast [??**check, cf. Bollig 2020], they tried to establish themselves and their small herds at the mouth of the Swakop River. However, due to persecution by the Bergdamaras [??] and the uncertainty of the water supply in years of drought, they explored the lower reaches of the Kuiseb. A Bergdamara servant of the Nama (or Namaqua) Hottentots, who were living near the present day Walvis Bay, found the lost Hereros wandering about in the plains and she took them to Awa-haos [|Awa-!haos], which means ‘Ridge of Red Rock’, and which afterwards became Schleppmansdorp [sic: Scheppmansdorf] and Ururas, the former name being changed more recently to Rooibank… . The Hereros gave the place a different name, Otjombinda, which means ‘ant-bear houses’, because of the large numbers of ant-bears (ombinda) which lived there. Oral tradition claims that in those days, there were no sand dunes between Walvis Bay and Swakopmund and that the Kuiseb mouth was entirely free from dunes and grass grew on its broad plains. For some time the Herero and the Nama lived peaceably together but eventually, due to disagreements over pasturage of their cattle, Nama massacred many Herero and those who escaped settled on the lower parts of the Swakop River.[188]

1805

London Missionary Society (LMS) missionaries the Albrecht brothers (Abraham and Christian) and Johann Seidenfaden settle at Stille Hoop and Blyde Uitkomst in southern Namibia,[189] becoming ‘the first Europeans to acquire … knowledge of the Nama groupings’ Swartboois around Warmbad and the Orange river[190]. The Swartboois, who are later to play an important role in the histories of Fransfontein / Sesfontein areas of southern Kunene, are also called by the name ǁKhau|gôan and are said to have descended from the youngest of five brothers founding the Nama groups of Great Namaqualand, putatively around 1800[191].

1807

Published sailing directions for the coast of Africa state that ‘[a]ll the coast, from Cape Negro to [Cape Frio Bay] … belongs to the Cimbebas, a black nation, whose king is called Mataman’[192] – an inaccurate assertation since linguistically ‘Cimbebas’ refers to a geographical area not a people (as explained under entry for 1680).

1808-1809

Missionary Christian Albrecht in Great Namaqualand (today’s southern Namibia) reportedly already observes raiding of Herero by (presumably?) Oorlam Nama[193].

1810

By this year, the Afrikaners [Oorlam Nama] have reportedly ‘ravaged the Bondelswarts and Swartboois in southern Namaland’[194].

1811

Mission stations at Warmbad and Pella are destroyed by Oorlams under Jager Afrikaner and the LMS Albrecht brother Christian leaves[195], in context of appeal by missionary Johann [?] Albrecht ‘to the Cape for a commando to be raised against the Afrikaners’[196].

LMS missionary Seidenfaden confirms observations of Nama raiding of Herero cattle[197].

1820

By around 1820 Otjiherero speakers have migrated southwards from Kaoko as far as Maun in Botswana[198]. Damara are reportedly fought by the Herero chief Ruhaka around this year who took the area around today’s Otjiwarongo[199]. The first major clash between the Herero and Nama occurs when severe drought causes them to expand into each other’s pasturage and water sources, initiating 10 years of war ‘waged by the Oorlam’ and ‘led by the enigmatic Jonker Afrikaner, … directed principally at the Herero’.[200]

In around this year, ‘[t]he Topnaar are said to have settled at the mouth of the Kuiseb … under their captain Frederik Kachab’[201].

1820s-1830s

Oral history recorded in RMS Chronicles of the 1800s affirms that from the Swakop mouth ‘Topnaar’ migrating south from Kaokoveld ‘spread further south and were allegedly led by their captain Khaxab to one place ǂKisa-ǁguwus commonly known as Kuwis or Sandfontein, located about three miles from the coast and settled south of what is now Walvis Bay[202].

Unknown date but perhaps early to mid-1800s

In oral histories Nathan ǂÛina Taurob relates that |Uxami dom !Nauriseb was the name of ‘the first ǂNūkhoe leader to get the fountain at Sesfontein’. After conflict with ovaHimba people of the Harunga family from Kaokoveld (prior to 1860s !Gomen/Swartbooi Nama movement into this area), they moved to ǂHira-!hoas (i.e. Hoanipos) area in Hurubes !hus (land area)[203]. |Uxami dom !Nauriseb died behind a big mountain in Hurubes, a mountain which is known as |Uxami domi[204].

1824

Captain Nourse of the British surveying vessel the Espiegle ‘discovers’ the mouth of a river that becomes known as the Nourse (although already documented as the the ‘Cunene’ - see 1708) finding it to be in flood and about three miles wide, in a coast that is ‘thinly peopled’[205].

1825

By 1825 ‘old Kamaherero’, father of Samuel Maherero, was in ‘the area of Otjisau, close to the present southern border of the tribal area’: six of his ancestors reportedly were born and died in the Kaokofeld[206].

A map by ‘Major João Furtado … has the Kunene running in an easterly direction joining with the Cubango river in Angola’s southeast’ and mentions ‘ethnic units for Angola’s southwest’ giving the names ‘Oimba and Mucuixe’ for these inhabitants[207].

1829

The American sealer Captain Morrell and crew pass Cape Cross on May 8th (but do not remark on any fur seals here), and north of the Cape and at the ‘unanimous request’ of his crew, Cross Morrell names ‘a beautiful harbor of smooth water’ Ogden’s Harbour, in honour of William Ogden (- in December 1828, Morrell had led his men in sealing expeditions on Mercury Island, losing one of his men - ‘Mr Ogden’ - as the tide brings in violent rollers that wash three of his men offshore[208])[209]. Some two leagues north-east of this lagoon Morrell notes ‘a small village, inhabited by about two hundred natives of the Cimbebas tribe; a dark curly-headed nation, differing but very little from the proper Hottentots’ [**?so what language did they speak?]; observing also that ‘[t]here are … many fine springs of water, of an excellent quality, in the valley where this village is situated; from which it may be inferred that this would be a fine place for a rendezvous to establish a trade with the interior of the country’.[210]]

At ‘Great Fish Bay’, north of Cape Frio (north of Möwe Bay, half way to Kunene River mouth) Morrell observes:

Fish Bay is one of the first places in the world for fishing with a seine, by which thousands of barrels of excellent fish may be caught in the course of a year. This might be made a first-rate business, by taking the fish to the Portuguese colonies, a little farther north, and exchanging them for the products of the country; or they might be taken to St. Helena, or to the Brazil coast, where they would command a ready market and an excellent price.  

[On the afternoon of May 18th] … we landed on the southeast side of the bay, with the intention of making an excursion into the country. We were met on the beach by a small party of the Cimbebas tribe, who gave us a very pressing invitation to accompany them to their village, which was about ten miles from the coast, in the direction of east-by-south. It is situated in a well-watered valley of three miles in length, and two in breadth, surrounded by moderately elevated hills. The springs which water it are never dried up, by the longest droughts, as we were assured by the natives.

The villages of these people are neither large nor populous; never exceeding one hundred and fifty huts, and about four hundred inhabitants. The former are constructed of closely-woven mats of coarse grass, or of the fibres of some plant [**= sounds like Nama reed huts, which fits with oral histories about for e.g. ‘Topnaar’ in !Khuiseb being connected with Nama in the north in late 1700s and into 1800s]. The two sides generally correspond with each other, as do also the two ends, with the exception that there is a door or opening in one end, just large enough for the occupants to creep in and out. Each hut is covered with an arched or sloping roof, supported by upright posts fixed in the ground, and thatched with matting. The materials are all so light that they can be removed at a very short notice, and without much trouble. I have seen them taken down and put together again in thirty-five minutes. The value of one of these huts is that of a sheep.  

The habitations of the chiefs are constructed with much more labour, skill, and taste; - and are consequently of proportionably greater value. One of these has eight or ten posts along the sides, and is covered with palm-leaves, sewed together in a zigzag manner, with a supple-creeping plant. They are often enclosed with a circular fence of small stakes, stuck in the ground, so close together that a rabbit cannot pass between them.

The state of society, moral character, manners, habits, and customs of this people are in many respects similar to those I have already described in this chapter; and where they differ, the balance is in favour of the Hottentots of the higher latitude. These Cimbebas are much more disgustingly filthy than the others, both as to clothes and food; but I do not believe them to be cannibals, as some voyagers have reported. They appear to have no idea of female chastity, or the sanctity of conjugal contracts[211]; and the open barefaced manner in which wives and daughters were offered to my seamen, although I strictly forbade all intercourse, was too disgusting to admit of palliation or excuse.  

   We were absent from the vessel more than a week, penetrating many leagues into the interior, and collecting much interesting information tending to confirm my previous opinions of the unparalleled commercial advantages which must result from opening an avenue for traffic in this part of Africa. Had it been my good fortune to have been accompanied by one or more gentlemen of science, the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms of this part of Africa are teeming with new and rich materials, sufficient to have employed their pens for a length of time. …[212]  

1830

Dissolution ‘of the Portuguese government’s monopoly in the ivory trade in 1830’ in Angola is a factor in stimulating elephant hunting south of the Kunene[213].

From around 1830, ǁOaseb, leader of the Red Nation [= Kai-ǁKhauan Rooi Nasie Nama of central Namibia from Hoachanas to Hatsamas], calls on Jonker Afrikaner for protection from Herero moving southwards[214], consolidated by the ‘eastern Herero’ [Mbanderu?], whilst the eight main Nama nations had been amplified by five incoming Oorlam groups and in combination were seeking to expand northwards[215]. Jonker is promised land and livestock by Nama as rewards from driving the Herero from ‘Namaland’, while the Herero were without firearms and thus were poorly equipped to resist. These years saw an escalation of violent Nama/Oorlam - Herero conflict as the two cultural and linguistic groups sought to acquire each others’ livestock and expand their reach over the same territory:[216] - although du Pisani describes the years between 1830-1860 as ones of ‘[r]elative peace’ during which ‘both the Nama and Herero were preoccupied with reconstruction and nation-building’ under Christiaan Afrikaner and Maherero respectively[217].

This ongoing conflict impacts on the indigenous peoples already living in the broad region, including various ‘clans’ or ‘nations’ of so-called ‘Berg-Dama’ who appear to have been inhabited the entire area prior to this main expansionist phase of Herero and Nama/Oorlam peoples, in the face of which they retreated further towards mountainous enclaves, hence the exonym ‘Berg Damara’ applied to them by incomers to the territory.[218]

1830s

Rise of the ohorongo (Maherero) clan following conflict with Tswana with Tjamuaha, the son of Tjirue (grandfather of Samuel Maharero) building up his following and herds [after being sent cattle from the wealthy Tjipangandjara][219].

1835

Alexander writes of battles between the Namaquas of the Upper Fish River (i.e. Rooinasie) and the Herero (Cattle Damaras) in this year, for which Aramap (Jonker) Afrikaner and family is called to assist:

[t]he Namaquas of Naraes were part of the people of the powerful chief Aramap, who lay still further in advance, and who had lately driven the Damaras of the plains from the beautiful and abundant country we now saw, beyond the Swakop. The Cattle-Damaras had, of late years, encroached greatly on the old Namaquas of the Upper Fish River, and were driving them before them down the river, when the conquered, being unprovided with guns, called on Aramap of the Africaner family for help, who came with some guns and stout fellows from near the Orange River, defeated the Damaras in three bloody fights, in 1835, took their cattle from them, conciliated the hill Damaras, and became the great chief of this part of the country.[220]

1836

The export of slaves from Angola is banned contributing to ivory becoming ‘a financially competitive substitute for slaves’[221]. Several thousand ‘Trek Boers’, finding the slavery abolition and new freedoms of ‘coloured’ peoples of the Cape (under Ordinance 50 of 1828) to be unacceptable, ‘abandon their farms and settlements in the Cape to embark on their famous Great Trek’, some pushing into Nama lands south of the Orange / Gariep River and stimulating movement of Nama northwards over the Orange[222], these movements by Nama and Trekboers later having significant knock-on effects on the socio-ecologies of north-west Namibia.

1836-1837

James Edward Alexander, a British army captain, journeys overland from Cape Town across the Orange River to Walvis Bay and then eastwards almost to |Aeǁgams, the site of present-day Windhoek. He describes his encounters with multiple interconnected Namaqua peoples, ‘Berg Damara’, especially in the vicinity of the !Khuiseb River and the mountains of the upper !Khuiseb, Khoekhoegowab-speaking !nara harvesters and American whalers on the coast in the vicinity of Walfisch Bay, the peaceful and prosperous Namaqua and Berg Damara settlement of Jonker Africaner’s in the vicinity of |Aeǁgams, connections and mobilities between ‘Red People’ (Nama) at Walvis Bay and northwards beyond the Swakop River, and fear of the new threat of raiding by in-migrating cattle Damara (Herero) amongst communities along the coast alongside observations of Oorlam Nama raiding of Herero herds in the southern part of the territory.[223]

= Moritz reports that the Herero moved farther south in the 19th century and came into conflict with the Nama: thus,

[w]hen Alexander met with Chief Abraham and 12 Bondelswarts on January 18, 1837 from Warmbad along the Homrivier, there were at Dawegabis (tamarisk place) a lot of cattle, which for the most part bore the mark of the Herero (a cut on the dewlap of the neck), which had probably been looted. A barter was not practised at that time.[224]

 

An annotated narrative of Alexander’s two-year journey is viewable here and mapped online here.

1840

Jonker Afrikaner settles at |Aeǁgams (‘fire water’) around this year (from previous head-quarters at Tsebris, north-west of Rehoboth[225]), the hot springs that later became the capital city of Windhoek [referred to later by Francis Galton as Eikhams], seeking to elevate himself above Oasib [ǁOeseb], the chief of the Rooi Nasie (who had called on his assistance - see 1830).[226] Missionaries report that he (Jonker) has around 2,000 ‘dependants’[227]. At |Aeǁgams he builds a stone chapel and holds services, although he does not have a missionary[228]. A three-year peace is arranged by missionaries between Jonker and the Herero.[229] 

Early 1840s

Jonker Afrikaner establishes a large settlement at Windhoek from where until his death (see 1861) ‘he and his raad ruled Nama- and Damaraland, thereby creating a powerful, if rudimentary state[230] incorporating patron-client relationships with Tjimba people (those without cattle) on mission stations (through cattle loans) and with ‘a number of Otjiherero-speaking leaders’, including Kjamuaha (father of Samuel Maharero) and Kahitjene[231]. But Jonker’s military campaigns and alliances also cause impoverishment with Kahitjene’s people becoming Tjimba after conflict with Jonker and many fleeing to Kaoko [see 1850][232]. As Moritz writes, ‘[t]he main Nama tribe (Red Nation) under ǁGamas endeavoured for Jonker Afrikaner, who had horses and guns, to drive out the Herero. He then established himself in Windhoek’[233].

1842

RMS Missionary Kleinschmidt, who in this year marries Johanna Schmelen, daughter of the Nama-speaking wife of missionary Schmelen[234], writes that ‘already many of the so-called Bushmen were probably impoverished Namaqua’[235].  

Wesleyan missionary Joseph Tindall (Nisbett’s Bath / Warmbad) notes that ‘[t]he Hottentots have long practised a system of plundering and murdering the Damaras [Hereros], and of taking their children captive’, saying that ‘they have imbibed the tenets of the Dutch inhabitants of the Colony, that black people are designed of God for slavery’[236]. For this year Walvis Bay traders Dixon and Morris are also recounted as describing Herero as ‘Negroes who own large herds of cattle’, ‘a Bantu race who have moved in from the north-east and have taken over a large area of the country’ and who the Oorlam Afrikaners first met at Krumnek [south-west of Windhoek] when they trekked from the south, being the reason why they settled a bit further south at Rehoboth, where they are now ‘trying to get a missionary’[237].

In vicinity of Gibeon (Liver River, Klein Brukkaros [Klein Brock Kaross]) Tindall experiences Willem Zwartbooi [Swartbooi] with 20 men, as well as 14 who had been with Tindall in the morning, intercepting ‘our path standing in a long line, presenting a formidable appearance with their firearms ready to charge, whether out of respect or designed to intimidate’ he did not know. Tindall spends the night with them, ‘in preaching and conversation’ and purchases from them some slaughter sheep
[238]. Hahn estimates ‘the size of the Swartboois at about 1.500’[239].

Tindall states that ‘Berg Damaras are scattered over the country [presumably in the south where he was based], describing them as:

[a] poor and harmless people who speak the Namaqua dialect. Their habits are similar to those of the Bushmen. Many of them are servants to the Namaquas, who overburden them neither with work, food nor wages. Not infrequently they live at the tobacco garden and find their own food. Some have superior treatment and are furnished with a few milch goats. Some are so far civilized as to take charge of sheep and goats.[240]

He notes that the Afrikaners [those following Jonker to settle in Damaraland after leaving Blydeverwachting] ‘reside 9 days northward of Naosanabis’ [Leonardville, between Rehoboth and Aminuis], having ‘taken possession of a part of Damaraland, most likely the country of the Berg or Mountain Damaras’[241]. At this point, no white man has yet travelled east of Naosanabis and the ‘Namaquas have not ventured far beyond it’[242].

1843

RMS missionaries Hugo Hahn and Heinrich Kleinschmidt visit Okahandja and establish a mission site for Herero near a spring which they call Schmelen’s Hope after the missionary who had visited the area sixteen years previously[243].

1840s

By the 1840s Jonker is controlling significant trade in goods from the Cape[244]. Export of ivory and ostrich feathers from Walvis Bay flourishes and areas north-west of Outjo become of interest to ‘game hunters’[245]. Historian Lorena Rizzo identifies two key trade routes:

- Walvis Bay area – Fransfontein – Okaukeujo – along Etosha Pan – Ondonga/Ongandjera

- Walvis Bay area – Fransfontein – Otjivazandu – Kowareb – Sesfontein – Kaoko Otavi – then north or eastwards ‘depending on size of hunting and trading parties and the means of transport’.[246] Mossamedes (town on Angolan coast) grows significantly[247].

In the 1840s the Swartboois are in Rehoboth granting mining concessions (as are the Afrikaners and Bondelswarts elsewhere)[248]. In this decade, ‘many Swartboois became sedentary and settled under the leadership of Willem Swartbooi (!Huiseb ǂHaobemab) in Rehoboth (|Anhes)[249].

1844

The Rhenish missionaries Hugo Hahn and Heinrich Kleinschmidt move on from |Aeǁgams / Windhoek to found the mission station of Barmen at Otjikango in ‘Hereroland’ (unsuccessful[250]), partly at Jonker Afrikaner’s advice, and also ‘to avoid controversy’ with London Missionary Society missionary John Lewis based in |Aeǁgams and to leave mission work in Windhoek to the Rev. Haddy of the Wesleyan Missionary Society[251]. Hahn’s household ‘was served chiefly by Namas who had migrated with him from Eikhams’.[252] At end of February ‘a small group of impoverished Herero, called ovatjimba (which in fact is not a tribal denomination) by the others on account of their poverty, settled near the station’ [Otjikango][253].

A first start on Rhenish missionary activity amongst ‘Bergdamara’ is made by Hugo Hahn and Franz Heinrich Kleinschmidt in this year – as summarised by Moritz[254].

“As they reported, on their journey to Walvisbaai on 13 February 1844 they came across “a small village of the mountain Damara” before the village of Aundachas[?], a sheep and goat post of Jonker:

in a small village of the Bergdamras, in whose gardens we caught sight of Dacha. After we had made the people understand the perishable and harmful nature of it, we had the dacha pulled out and burnt. The road was mountainous and stony. In the evening we proclaimed the [8] good news to the Namaquas and mountain Damras.[255] 

“On 16 February they again encounter a mountain dwarf village with a lot of Dacha. Again they act accordingly:

We presented to the Damras the great wrong and responsibility of dealing in such an article or using it ourselves, whereupon they were willing to destroy the same."

“Dacha worth 100 sheep fell prey to flames on a large woodpile.

“On 17 February, they encountered some abandoned mountain dam huts in front of the high mountain range, where they decided to seek refuge in the heavy rain despite their reluctance. The chief, who lived nearby, was called, but he came with trembling and trembling, as he had never seen white people before. The next day they bathed in the ponds of the riverbed and proclaim the word of life in the morning and afternoon, and burn again Dacha[256]. On 21 February 1844 they meet three mountain Bergdamaras near Tsaobis, two of whom guide them to a waterhole. They are given a wooden vessel with honey.[257]

‘Hahn estimates the Bergdamras at a few thousand in the whole country, numerous tribes are scattered along the Kuiseb, at Namas [?] there are about four to 500 at the mouth and Bushmen half as many’[258].


RMS missionary Heinrich Scheppmann arrives in the country and is commissioned with the new mission at Rooibank, which becomes known as Scheppmannsdorf[259]. Scheppmann finds [18] ‘Walvis Bay people dispersed among the sandhills living in the greatest poverty from having been raided successfully by Willem Swartbooi and brought under the domination of Jonker Afrikaner’: thus around this year, [3] ‘the small ǂAoni community of Walvis Bay… is raided by Willem Swartbooi, an ally of Jonker Afrikaner’ during which ‘[w]omen and children were said to be carried off and many of the men forced to become herders for Jonker’[260]. Hahn and Kleinschmidt visit Walvis Bay and observe that lack of cattle here is a result of this raiding[261].

1845

In March, Jonker Afrikaner arrives in Walvis Bay ‘with many people, wagons, oxen and sheep and also two small cannon which were fired from two high sandhills on arrival’, at a time when the ǂAonin chief was Frederik Khaxab, living at ǂKhîsa-ǁgubus, with a lieutenant, Jakob ǁNaixab, living at Rooibank[262]. This ends ‘the independence of the ǂAonin’ and places Jonker in control of the trade route between Walvis Bay and Lake Ngami [cf. relevance for ivory trade], from which the Orlam Namas levy heavy tolls over the next 30 years[263]. Complaints are made by the ǂAonin regarding their treatment by traders[264]. A mission station is established at Rooibank / |Awa!haos on the !Khuiseb by RMS missionary Heinrich Scheppmann[265].

A mission station is also established in this year at Rehoboth by Kleinschmidt[266], to which the Swartboois, led by Willem Swartbooi, move[267] with Willem Swartbooi baptised at Rehoboth in this year[268], and the mission becoming the most important in Namaland[269]. Reportedly, when Rhenish missionaries [Hahn and Kleinschmidt?] advanced north in this year, they only found Herero [but unclear exactly where they went?][270]. Moritz writes,

[a]ccording to Lebzelter, Tsaoseb [b. ca. 1740?] was the chief of the Bergdama at that time [ca. 1845]. Jonker Afrikaner wanted to know from him where the rich Herero were. He sent 8 people who brought some poor Feldherero to Jonker. Jonker asked them where the Dawadab Kahitjene Hamo-hoko was. Then the Bergdama went to the Omatakoberg and caught the two sons of Kahitjene. A messenger was sent by Jonker to Kahitjene, who told him that his two sons were in Windhoek. We bring you gifts, knives, tobacco and invite you to visit your sons in Windhoek," Jonker told him. So Kahitjene came to Windhoek with his wife and then with his werft. Maharero’s father also came to Windhoek from the Sesfontein area, so they too came under Jonker's rule.

Under Tsaoseb, the missionaries of the Rhenish Mission reached Windhoek. "Jan Jonker, however, forbade the Herero and Kaffirs to go to this mission. Therefore they only came after his death"[271].

1846-48

The explorer Captain W. Messum mentions Cape Cross and travels inland from here ‘to reconnoitre a big mountain visible from Cape Cross’ which inhabitants of the area call ‘Dourissa’, despite which he names the mountain after himself[272]. He encounters ‘a tribe of Berg Damaras’ at a ‘high mountain’ inland from Cape Cross, with ‘water, and plenty of goats, but no cattle’[273].

Late 1840s

Severe drought conditions in southern Namibia are linked with northwards migrations, e.g. by Veldschoendragers / ǁHawoben[274].

1848

Jonker Afrikaner is reported in Hugo Hahn’s diaries as observing that “those Bergdamaras always existed in the country” having retreated to mountainous areas only in Hereroland, ‘having taken refuge there from encroaching Herero chiefs[275].

1849

A RMS mission station is established in July by Johannes Rath (1816-1903) at Otjimbingwe [Richterfeldt] on the upper Swakop River[276], becoming ‘the centre for Rhenish mission work in Hereroland’[277], in the course of making a road between Windhoek and Walvis Bay in which Hahn and Kleinschmidt were involved. Some 200 Herero were living in three small villages behind Rath’s house when Galton arrived there in 1850 (see below) and the station attracts European artisans as well as Tjimba (cattle-less Herero) and other settlers[278]. Soon after arriving in the country, and on meeting Bergdama for the first time, Rath is reported to write in his diary that,

he was at a loss about “what to tell these ignorant people. I spoke about God and His Son; however it appeared to me as if I was talking to the trees … Although they are of one tribe with the Komacha-Damaras [Herero] a fiery hatred exists between the two. They are extremely dull[279].

Missionary Cook records that ‘the Dama visited their “conquerors” (the Nama) with presents of plants dug from the earth and wild honey and in return, received meat and milk’[280]. Missionary Kolbe,

on his way from Walvis Bay to Damaraland reports that one afternoon, “a small group of Berg Damara whose village is near by, came to us”[281].

He (Missionary Kolbe) describes cooperative hunting practices by Bergdama, stating that he,

finds Bergdama “Schiesshäuser” next to a river course. They are built from branches of young trees, firmly interwoven with each other with shooting holes (Schiesslöcher) through which Bergdama sent their poisoned arrows. These constructions are spaciously built. [32] “As soon as they notice that the rain water on the plains has dried out and the game reverts to the rivers they come here”[282]. [Also that,] Bergdama construct “triangular-shaped enclosures, and a deep hole with sharp poles just beyond the apex of the fence, so that the game, once it is chased into this wide enclosure only realises at the extreme apex that it is caught, and is either hunted or shot just there, or it jumps over the hedge where it finds its death in the deep hole”[283]. ‘For the Rhino hunt, a different set of two big holes is built.[284]

Francis Galton (1822-1911), a ‘wealthy gentleman-explorer’ backed by the Royal Geographical Society in London[285], is determining ‘upon a long travel in Africa’, commenting on the fascination of ‘African tourists’ for ‘country which, after all, seems to afford little else but hazard and hardships, ivory and fever’, and being motivated by ‘the love of adventure’ and being ‘extremely fond of shooting’, seeing Africa as ‘[a] large field’ which ‘lay open to any [2] explorer who might wish to attempt the enterprise’[286]. Spurred by Livingstone’s recent ‘discovery’ of Lake Ngami, and with the support of the RGS and the company of Mr. Charles John Andersson (1827-1867), son of Englishman Llewellyn Lloyd and a Swedish mother[287], ‘a Swedish gentleman and a naturalist’, he fixes ‘on the Cape as the point at which to enter Africa’[288], beginning his travels into the interior from ‘Walfisch Bay’ in 1850.

An annotated narrative of Galton’s and Andersson’s journey is viewable here and mapped online here.

Late 1840s-early 1850s

Trading cattle for non-productive goods brought by Cape traders meant that soon Jonker needed to acquire more cattle, stimulating raids to Schmelen’s Hope (Okahandja) and later as far as Kaoko in the north-west, and Owambo in the north.[289] Hunting of rhino and elephant causes noticeable declines.[290] General impoverishment caused by raiding by Jonker Afrikaner and the decline of fauna due to commercial hunting[291].

1850

The missionary Friedrich settles at Schmelen’s Hope (Okahandja) on banks of Little Swakop, which becomes the focus of a brutal Nama raid on Herero living there (led by the powerful and rich chief Kahikené) and their livestock, led by Jonker Afrikaner, after which Rev. Kolbe and his wife flee to the mission station Barmen.[292] The son of a Omugundè, a different Herero chieftain, preys on the remains of this raid, killing several of Kahikené’s children and kidnapping a couple more.[293]


In August, T’ounobis / Tunabis [east of Gobabis] is reportedly passed by the Kubabees Hottentots [= ǁHabobe(n) / ǁHawoben / Veldskoendraers of Karas Mountain area[294]]:

[t]hey had come upwards along the Umak Desert on a plundering and shooting excursion, with horses and oxen in great numbers to ride on. They had also built shooting-huts by the waterside, which I used, and had left other tokens of their passage. At T’ounobis they obtained a guide, whom I saw, and from whom I received much information, and under his escort they reached the lake.[295]

In 1850, Francis Galton [see 1849] and Charles John Andersson (son of Englishman Llewellyn Lloyd and a Swedish mother) journey from England to Cape Town, and then to Walvis Bay, by ship, travelling eastwards from Walvis Bay across the Nariep Desert (between the Kuiseb and Swakop Rivers), through places along the Swakop (such as Tsaobis), to |Aeǁgams and then northwards towards Ondonga. They are reportedly the first Europeans to see Etosha Pan, in 1851. Galton and Andersson’s  journey is summarised below, and a fully annotated narrative is viewable online here and mapped online here.

Galton’s original sketch map of ‘Damaraland’, plus annotations. Source: http://galton.org/books/south-west-africa/map.htm, accessed 30 May 2016.

1852 map of ‘Africa between the 10º and 30º South Latitude’, distilling information from Francis Galton, ‘Livingston & Oswell’ and Henry Gassiot. Source: Galton 1852, opp. p. 140.

 

Galton’s updated map in 1890 entitled “Map of Ovampoland”. Source: scan from Galton 1890, opp. p. 1.

In 1849 Francis Galton (1822-1911), a ‘wealthy gentleman-explorer’ backed by the Royal Geographical Society in London[296], is determining ‘upon a long travel in Africa’, commenting on the fascination of ‘African tourists’ for ‘country which, after all, seems to afford little else but hazard and hardships, ivory and fever’, and being motivated by ‘the love of adventure’ and being ‘extremely fond of shooting’, seeing Africa as ‘[a] large field’ which ‘lay open to any [2] explorer who might wish to attempt the enterprise’[297]. Spurred by Livingstone’s recent ‘discovery’ of Lake Ngami, and with the support of the RGS and the company of Mr. Charles John Andersson (1827-1867), son of Englishman Llewellyn Lloyd and a Swedish mother[298], ‘a Swedish gentleman and a naturalist’, he fixes ‘on the Cape as the point at which to enter Africa’[299].

Galton arrives in Cape Town on 23 June 1850[300] with C.J. Andersson[301]. Before leaving London Galton stocks up on ‘articles of exchange’ with the people he should meet, making ‘a great collection of ornaments so that I had a store like a pedlar’s shop’;

for besides the more staple articles of guns, beads, knives, and gaudily printed calico, I bought or collected looking glasses[302], accordions, hunting coats, my friends’ old uniforms, burning-glasses, swords, gilt belts, immense bracelets, anklets, yards of picture chains for necklaces, Jews’ harps, mosaic rings; lastly [3] I explored the shops of Drury Lane for some theatrical finery, and a magnificent crown rewarded my search, which I vowed to place on the head of the greatest or most distant potentate I should meet with in Africa[303].[304] 

They leave for the Cape on 5th April, Galton remarking with a candour betraying the assumptions of his class that,

[i]t so happened that the ship in which I had taken my berth carried a number of [‘squalid, starved-looking’] emigrants – a fact which the careful agent only let us find out at the last moment – but I liked the crowding and bustle of it amazingly. The emigrants were not in the least in the way of the cabin passengers, for we, of course, had the poop to ourselves; and looking down from it, the deck had all the appearance of a crowded fair.[305] 

 

Although intending to leave for Algoa Bay (eastern Cape) from Cape Town, on arrival he learns that ‘emigrant Boers – those Dutch colonists who had rebelled and run away from us – had broken into open revolt’, refusing passage north of the Orange River in the direction of Lake Ngami, then Governor of the Cape Colony Sir Harry Smith stating that ‘[t]he Boers… are determined men; and although I have no fear for the safety of your lives, they will assuredly rob you of all your goods and cattle, and thus prevent your proceeding further’[306].

At first keen to travel to Mozambique and encouraged to do so by ‘a Portuguese gentleman of the highest standing’ at Quillimane (Quelimane) north of Beira, [5] Galton abandons this idea on learning that ‘no beasts of burden were used in the interior of Mozambique’ which would prevent Andersson from bringing home ‘a complete collection of the Natural History of the country’[307]. Instead he is urged to sail to Walfisch Bay where ‘there were Missionary establishments already formed from near the coast to many days’ journey inland’ and then travel ‘with waggons’[308]. He is ‘referred to a person who had already carried on for some years a cattle trade between Walfisch Bay and the countries near it and the Cape’ [presumably Morris/Dixon] and who ‘had built a store at the Bay’ and had a vessel there, and who sometimes sent cattle to St. Helena, sometimes sold them to whalers and guano ships ‘which then were numerous’[309] and sometimes drove them ‘overland to the Cape’, ‘by a road to the west of …[the] Karrikarri [Kalahari] desert … and to the east of which the Boers and Bechuanas reside’, on country inhabited by ‘Namaqua Hottentots’ as he notes was first explored by Sir James Alexander[310]. It is believed in the Cape at this time that ‘no white man had ever penetrated’ Damaraland, but missionary stations are placed on its borders, [6] their representatives in Cape Town assuring him of assistance and protection on his journey[311]: ‘no European had ever penetrated 20 miles to the northward of the 22nd parallel of latitude, or 20 miles to the eastward of Elephant Fountain’, the latter of which is noted to have been placed by Alexander and on missionary maps ‘too far towards the interior’[312].

Andersson: 

At that period, certain parties from the Cape had an establishment here for the salting and curing of beef. They, moreover, furnished the guano traders, as, also, Cape Town, with cattle; and had, in addition, a contract with the British Government for supplying St.Helena with live stock. The latter speculation proved exceedingly lucrative for a time, and a profit of many hundred per cent. was said to be realized.[313]

 

Galton describes ‘[t]he country to the north of Walfisch Bay’ as ‘an entirely open field for exploring’, remarking subsequent to his journey that perspectives in Cape Town that it was ‘extremely fertile and very populous’, apparently linked to the arrival in Walfisch Bay of ‘large droves of Damara cattle’ that were ‘dispatched south, shipped to St. Helena, or sold to the, at one time, numerous guano and whaling vessels’ were in fact ‘much exaggerated’[314]. He mentions how on landing here the late Mr Ruxton(?) ‘experience such determined opposition and obstructions, that he was compelled to set sail without having penetrated more than 20 miles into the country’, attributing this experience to Galton’s choice to take mules with him, ‘besides my wagons and a cart’, to facilitate independence in terms of ‘carry[ing] my things across the barren desert, which intervenes between the coast and the more habitable parts’[315].  

Francis Galton (British) and Charles John Andersson (Anglo-Swede) arrive at Walfisch Bay’ in August 1850, and are told by missionary Bam at Scheppmansdorf [|Awa!haos / Rooibank] on the !Khuiseb that they would need a guide to go inland but that the ‘Hottentot’s’ at the coast were ‘frightened at the Damaras [Herero]’ inland and would be reluctant to go[316]. At the RMS mission station at Otjimbinguè where the ex-sailor and now hunter and trader Hans Larsen was based, Galton observes that in the preceding seven years Larsen had ‘utterly shot of all the game’ in the Swakop River area[317]: Larsen

had been the most successful sportsman in the country, and had lived the last two or three years in sole charge of an immense drove of oxen, once amounting to seven hundred, with only one or two native lads to help him in the care of them. He had shot a great many [39] lions out of the Swakop, six in the preceding year, and made it a much safer place than it used to be to drive cattle in. From his account the river bed must have swarmed with game when it was first seen by Europeans; but I can fancy, from the confined character of the country, how in a short time one or two guns would entirely exterminate them.[318]

Galton: learns that the nearest water at Walfisch Bay is ‘three miles off, and that in very small quantities’ [= Sandfontein / ǂKhîsaǁgubus] and ‘[t]he nearest place where cattle could thrive was between twenty and thirty miles from the coast’, at the first missionary station called Scheppmansdorf, from which ‘a journey of ten or twelve days inland over wretched country led to two other stations’ and it is only here that oxen can be bought, those bought from Damaras [Herero] being ‘untaught’ and [7] those from Namaquas being ‘taught’[319]. He is shown ‘a small pen and ink map, but it was blotted and not very intelligible’ [7] and hears that horse distemper is very severe, ‘[t]he Namaquas are always fighting with the Damaras [Hereros]’ making it difficult to pass through the country of both, ‘[n]o money was used or known, nothing but articles of barter, – iron things … among the Damaras, clothing and guns among the Namaquas’, [8] although under-calculates how much he will need to exchange for oxen – stating that ‘his great error was in not taking far more things of known exchangeable value, and in having taken those “presents” which the natives really cared very little for’[320]. Jonker Africaner is known as ‘the great man of all the country’ but reportedly with ‘a wholesome dread of the English Government, and unlimited respect for a large letter with a large seal’[321]. In Cape Town he purchases ‘two wagons [to be drawn by oxen he intends to buy in the country], nine mules [to pull the wagons and a cart to Scheppmansdorf], and two horses’, plus a few sheep, ‘thinking wrongly that there would be plenty of game’[322]. He takes plenty of corn for the cattle and a cask of good water and hires personnel including a Portuguese chef called John Morta, an ex-slave called Timboo ‘liberated by one of our cruisers years ago, on capturing a slave-ship in the Mozambique’ [=? ‘a black servant  whom I had taken from the Cape, and who was born in some central part of Africa, found the language [oshiHerero] so much like his own, that by the time all was ready for a start he had become quite fluent in it’[323], John St. Helena as wagon-driver and his brother as leader, John Williams as another leader, ‘a young scamp’ Gabriel who begged to join and supplied a pack of dogs, and an additional wagon-driver from ‘a wagon-maker’s shop’[324]. Galton later remarks on how his men ‘were perpetually talking of the prison’ in Cape Town,

which they literally seemed to consider as a kind of club or headquarters, where a person had an excellent opportunity of meeting his friends and of forming fresh intimacies … They positively reckoned dates by the epochs in which either they or their mutual friends had been confirmed[325].

He resolves to ‘get rid of two men’ who he considers ‘had the worst of influence over the rest’[326].

Galton hears further from missionary Mr Bam that,

I should have great trouble in first going up the country, unless I had a person to guide me, and that there was not a Hottentot with him who could go. I had no interpreter for them, and they were frightened at the Damaras. [= Nama at the Bay were frighten of Herero inland] Stewartson [impoverished trader, see above] said that he was going in about two months, and would then be very happy to show me the way’[327].

Regarding Damara / ǂNūkhoen, Galton writes:

[n]o people inhabit Oosop [place close to the Swakop rivier = Husab], or the lower part of the river, except some straggling Ghou Damup [Damara / ǂNūkhoen], who live, like jackdaws, up in the hills. These are a very peculiar and scattered race of negroes, who speak no language but Hottentot, and are frequently slaves to the Bushmen. Who they are, and where they came from, has been a standing enigma; but I subsequently found out much that was interesting about them.[328] [for more detail see here]

He also mentions ‘Ghou Damub’ in the Erongo mountains.[329], ‘Bushmen’ and ‘Ghou Damup’ around the Waterberg: 

[t]he two mountains between which we were now encamped, Omuvereoom [Waterberg] and Ja Kabaca, were said to be great strongholds of Bushmen and Ghou Damup.[330]

Galton considers ‘Bushmen’ and ‘Hottentot’ [Nama] as different classes and refers to ‘Bushmen’ as ‘Saen’[331]: 

[t]here is no difference whatever between the Hottentot and the Bushman, who lives wild about the hills in this part of Africa, whatever may have been said or written on the subject. The Namaqua Hottentot is simply the reclaimed and somewhat civilised Bushman, just as the Oerlams represent the same raw material under a slightly higher degree of polish. Not only are they identical in features and language, but the Hottentot tribes have been, and continue to be, recruited from the Bushmen. The largest tribe of these Namaqua Hottentots, those under Cornelius[?], and who muster now 1,000 guns, have almost all of them lived the life of Bushmen. In fact, a savages loses his name, ‘Saen’, which is the Hottentot word, as soon as he leaves his Bushman’s life and joins one of the larger tribes, as those at Walfisch Bay have done; and therefore when I say Oerlam, Hottentot or Bushman, the identically same yellow, flat-nosed, woolly-haired, clicking identical individual must be conjured up before the mind of my kind reader, but differing in dirt, squalor, and nakedness, according to the actual term employed; the very highest point of the scale being a creature who has means of dressing himself respectably on Sundays and gala-days, and who knows something of reading and writing; the lowest point, a regular savage.[332]

Regarding ‘Herero’, named at the time ‘Damara’, he notes: 

[t]o commence with their name. It is in their own language ‘Ovaherero’, or the ‘Merry People’; but those who are settled towards the interior are always called ‘Ovampantieru’, or the ‘Deceivers’; for what reason I am totally unable to find out. Damup which is the Namaqua name for the people generally, has been corrupted by the Oerlam and Dutch traders into ‘Damara’, and by this title they have always been known to the whites. Like the word ‘Caffre,’ it is an established name, and also a convenient one; for it supersedes all distinctions of locality and of tribes, which Ovaherero does not; in addition to this it is very pronouncable, and therefore I prefer adhering to established usage and calling the savages by it, rather than by words in their own language.[333]

Regarding the relationship of ‘Damara’ [Herero] and ‘Bushmen’ to Oshivambo speaking groups in the north of Namibia, he notes:

I cannot speak with certainty of the exact standing in which the Damaras [Herero] and the Bushmen severally live among the Ovampo. The first are employed principally as cattle-watchers; the second, who are even more ornamented than the Ovampo themselves, are a kind of standing army; but I have great reason to doubt whether either the one or the other class is independent. The Ovampo, as I have mentioned, looked down with much contempt on the Damaras; and there is not a single instance, so far as I could learn, of an Ovampo-woman marrying a Damara, and settling in Damara-land; but the reverse· is a very common case. The Bushmen appear to be naturalized among the negro-tribes, and free in the border-lands between them to a distance very far north of Ondonga…. Of the Ghou Damup I lost all trace in Ovampo-land.[334]

With regard to the inhabitants 70 years (1780s) earlier [see 1775-85 above], Galton states: 

I had much satisfaction in comparing the results of my inquiries with those of Mr. Hahn, with regard to the earlier history of Damara land. It appears undoubted that seventy years ago not a single Damara [Herero] existed in the parts where I had been travelling, but that they all lived in the Kaoko, while tribes of Bushmen and Ghou Damup possessed the entire country between the Orange River and the Ovampu, excepting only the Kaoko on the north-west, and the central Karrikarri desert on the east. The Ghou Damup, though treated kindly by the Bushmen, were always considered as inferiors, and the two races never intermarried. The Ghou Damup lived then, as they do now, about the hills, and the Bushmen on the plains.[335]

   The Damaras [‘Herero’] at that time made a sweeping invasion eastwards right across the country, to the very neighborhood of Lake Ngami, and attacked the Mationa (as they call the people who live there). Subsequently the Mationa retaliated and invaded the country as far as Barmen on one occasion, and on a second attack passed up the Omoramba as far as Omanbondè. The last Mationa invasion took place about twenty-two years ago. The result of all this fighting was that the Bushmen tribes have been exterminated or driven out of the whole pasture country between Barmen and Okambuti (...) and the Damaras inhabit it in their stead.... The Ghou Damup live in large communities about a mountainous district on the lower part of the Omoramba, where they appear to be by no means an impoverished nation, but agriculturalists and traders with the Ovampo and other nations to the north. My own believe is, that very long ago the Ghou Damup were the aborigines not only of the present Damaraland but also of the whole country to the south of it half-way down to the Orange River, and that they are of a race in every respect kindred to the Ovampo. The Bushmen [which he equates with ‘Hottentots’, see above] appear to have invaded and thoroughly conquered the Ghou Damup, for they not only exist as the superior caste of the two, but have also taught them their language, to the entire exclusion of whatever other one they may at some former period have possessed. Those Ghou Damup that I saw have no tradition of any other language than that they used; but the tribes who live on the lower parts of the Omoramba were described as speaking several languages; and some of these were said to be ignorant of Hottentot. All these bits of information were derived from very many sources; some I received from persons in Damara land, some from Ghou Damup among the Namaquas, and the rest from Bushmen who lived far to the east of them. The Ghou Damup are abused and tyrannised over by everybody, but servitude has become their nature, and the very name of Ghou, which they themselves adopt and use is far from complementary. Like many other Hottentot names it is not translatable to ears polite. The missionaries for delicacy’s sake call them ‘Hill’ Damaras, because they live on the hills.[336]

In the vicinity of Etosha Pan, Galton refers to ‘Bushmen’ there as ‘Saen’[337].

Contd.: Galton and Andersson’s  journey is summarised below, and a fully annotated narrative
is viewable online here and mapped online here.

1851

Tom Bechuana was Galton’s servant in these years: he ‘later entered Angola and Portuguese service … [and] [h]is son was Vita Thom (also known as Oorlog)’[338], who became a significant leader in northern Kunene in the post WW1 years. Amongst Galton’s personnel are reportedly two Hereros provided by ‘the Nama chief Swartboy’ of which one, Onesimus ‘spoke fluent Damara [Herero] and Namaqua, [and] had been captured by the Namaquas as a child and brought up by them’, whilst the other, Phillipus, ‘had forgotten his native tongue but could speak Namaqua and Dutch fluently’.[339] 

On 26 May they reach Lake Otjikoto finding ‘wildlife in large numbers, although rhinoceros was rarely encountered’[340]: in the company of Owambo traders who had bought copper ore from Heiǁom people near Lake Otjikoto’, and on 29 May Galton and Andersson reach the cattle-post of ‘Omutjamatunda’ (also Great Onamotoni, Amutoni and now Namutoni) observing with 3-4,000 herd of cattle as well as springbok and zebra, and becoming ‘the first Europeans to record the existence of Etosha Pan[341].

Galton and Andersson reach Etosha Pan in this year and are considered the first Europeans to have done so[342]. Galton notes:

[c]ame to Etosha, a great salt-pan. It is very remarkable in many ways. The borders are defined and wooded; its surface is flat and efflolesced, and the mirage excessive over it; it was about nine miles in breadth, but the mirage prevented my guessing at its length; it certainly exceeded fifteen miles. Chik said it was quite impassable after the rainy season; and it must form a rather pretty lake at that time.[343] 

Andersson ‘gives an impression of lushness at Namutoni, writing: “there is a most copious fountain situated on some rising ground and commanding a splendid prospect of the surrounding country” [344]. After leaving the ‘wide thirstbelt’ of ‘Damaraland’, Galton is struck by ‘the fecund terrain of Ondonga’, writing that,

[i]t is difficult for me to express the delight that we all felt when in the evening of the next day we suddenly emerged out of the dense and thorny coppice in which we had so long been journeying, and the charming corn country of Ondonga lay stretched like a sea before us. The agricultural wealth of the land, so far exceeding our most sanguine expectations, - the beautifully grouped groves of palms, - the dense, magnificent, park-like trees, - the broad, level fields of corn interspersed with pasturage, and the orderly villages on every side, gave an appearance of diffused opulence and content, with which I know no other country that I could refer to for a parallel.[345]

His narrative was later commented as saying,

Fine dense timber trees, and innumerable palms of all sizes, were scattered over it: part was bare for pasturage, part was thickly covered with high corn stubble: palisadings, each of which enclosed a homestead, were scattered everywhere over the country. The general appearance was that of the most abundant fertility. It was a land of Goshen to us; and even my phlegmatic wagon-driver burst out into exclamations of delight.[346]

Galton is refused permission by Nangolo[347], king of Ondonga, to travel through Oukwanyama to the Kunene River, the aim of his journey[348].

1852

Shortly before he returns to England, Galton writes an account of his trip which is published this year in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society having been read at the Society whilst Galton was sailing home, and celebrated for its attentiveness to measurement and quantification[349], contributing to Galton being awarded in this year the Founder’s Medal of the Royal Geographical Society - for which, his accomplishments regarding measurement and quantification were emphasized[350]. Galton’s mapping work is ‘professionally transcribed onto a map by Livingstone, Oswell and Gassiot of London’ and published in this year[351]. The map clearly shows ‘Nareneen’ (perhaps the ancestors of contemporary !nara-harvesting ‘!Narenin’ and/or ǁUbun[352]) to west of ‘Kaoko’ mountains positioned west of Outjo and Etosha, plus ‘Ghou Damup’ north-west of Erongo and ‘Soun Damup’ east of Outjo[353]. Galton takes Andersson’s first collections, ‘including about 500 bird-skins and 1 000 insects, to England[354]. 

Detail from Galton’s map of Africa between 10 and 30 degrees South latitude, showing ‘Nareneen’ to west of ‘Kaoko’ mountains, plus ‘Ghou Damup’ north-west of Erongo and ‘Soun Damup’ east of Outjo. ‘Onganjera’ and ‘Ongaarudthe’ ‘Ovampo’ peoples are clearly positioned to the far west of ‘Ondonga’, and north-west of Etosha Pan. Source: Galton 1852, p. 141.  

In this report published by the RGS Galton makes extensive comments on geography and ‘ethnology’ [see also 1775-85 above].

He considers that the ‘Cunene River’ is a tributary of the Nourse which flows to the Atlantic (now both known as the Kunene)[355], being ‘a broad, swift-flowing stream, to the border of which Portuguese traders come and traffic’ with a ‘ferry, which is chiefly used by the Ovampo’ lying north-west of ‘Nangoro’s werft in Ondonga, and is near the junction of the two streams which principally form this river’ [= Humbe?][356]. He writes further that,

[t]here is also a Portuguese trading station on the river opposite the country of the Onganjèra; this cannot be far from the coast, for the caravan from Damara-land to that nation leaves Omaruru and travels northwards for a long way over some very high land frequently in view of the sea [this seems inaccurate]. From the mouth of the river a kind of sea-shell, much prized, and called by the natives Ombou, [156] is frequently bought.
   As regards the size of this river it is said to be such, that when a man calls across it his voice can be heard, but not his words. Opposite to the Ovampo it is extremely swift (boats cannot paddle up it) and very deep. It appears to be a most interesting river, and well worth exploring. I can say nothing as regards its salubrity, except that Ovampoland appeared a remarkably healthy country, and Damara-land I know is such. Corn land extends the whole way S. of it from Ovampo-land to very near the sea. Between the two confluents of the river the Ovabuntja live. Their country is described as very marshy, and many of their houses are built on poles: of course fever is to be dreaded there.
[357] 

About ‘Mossamedes’, now Namibe, on the Angolan coast Galton writes,

I learnt from the same and other authorities [i.e. ‘[t]he captains of coasting-traders in those parts’] that a constant river of considerable size, though small at its actual mouth, flows into Little Fish Bay (Mosammedes). There is now a thriving settlement there, where a Frenchman has long resided, who is said to make distant trading journeys into the interior. It would be very desirable for any officers of the slave squadron, or others who might land at that port, to make inquiries about the lower part of this stream, which must be perfectly well known there. The Ovampo told me that it seldom ran quite into the sea, but ended in a large deep pool close by the coast, beyond which the sand was dangerous to walk over, as it was a quicksand.[358] 

Galton also considers that the Fish River begins at the ‘Awass’ [Auas] mountains east of |Aeǁgams [Windhoek], and that the west is ‘ploughed up by the Kuisip, the Swakop, and five other more northerly river courses, which run into the Atlantic’[359] (it is now known that there are eight westwards flowing ephemeral rivers north of the Swakop).

Galton mentions a land area known as ‘Kaoko’:

[t]he sea-face of this broad [western] belt is, except along the watercourses, uninhabitable, as during half the year there is no water and scarcely any pasturage. A strip of desert sand, 40 miles wide, follows the coast line, beyond which lies, north of Walfisch Bay, the barren Kaoko, and to the south of it the arid Namaqua land. The summit of the belt is a dense impracticable thorn coppice, though affording grass and a few scanty springs; …[360] 

He writes that ‘it was a constant complaint of the Damaras, that less rain falls now in their country than some twenty or thirty years back; and even their extensive migration from the Kaoko, … has been ascribed by the Damaras to the water failing them for their cattle’[361] [see 1775-85 above]. Building on the background included above [1775-85] he writes,

[w]e have seen thus how the Damaras [Herero] drove the Toppners [ǂAonin] to the same places as the Ghou Damup [ǂNūkhoen]. Community of misfortune is gradually destroying the feeling of difference of race between them, so that intermarriage, which would have been quite unheard of in former years, is now becoming common [= expressing concern about ‘miscegenation’]. The Hottentots told me that 10 years ago it was quite unknown; and I have never seen any but children of the mixed race.

   The Mationa [Bechuana] made at various times reprisals on the Damaras [Herero]; the last being about 20 years ago, when the Mationa came up the Epukiro River, while on a previous occasion they had passed up the Omoramba.

   From the Damara invasion we now come to that of the Namaquas, which dates at a much later period, and in which Jonker Africaner played the principal part. Of all the particulars of this I have the fullest information; but I cannot expect that an interest which depends chiefly on persons and parties in South Africa, will be felt here; suffice it, therefore, to say, that by gradual encroachment the tribes, whose names you see here mentioned, strengthened and formed themselves, and plundered all before them. Sometimes they went on a professed national feeling to aid the Toppners [ǂAonin], sometimes on none at all. In every case, however, the Toppners were thoroughly victimised; and it is only of late, when the Nareneen had obtained so many guns and so much ammunition from whalers and guano ships, that they acquired sufficient strength to be recognised as others than simply as Bushmen by the Namaquas.

   The moment that I saw the Ovampo I was most strongly impressed with the national identity of the Ghou Damup; it is true that the latter are most squalid and thievish, very strikingly opposite characteristics to those of the Ovampo, but on the other hand we cannot forget that they must have been an outcast race for ages, to have so completely lost, not only their own language, but all traditions of it. They dig and plant, which neither the Hottentots nor the Damaras do; and on the other hand I was assured that the Soun Damup, who lived to the north, were the field labourers of the Mationa [Bechuana] (the Hottentots call bread “soun” from them), and were exactly the same as the Ovampo, except in some trivial difference of dress, and that there, some spoke Ovampo, some Mationa, some Hottentot, and some all of these tongues.

   I conclude, then, that the Ghou Damup were the real aborigines of the country S. of the Ovampo, that very long since the Hottentots invaded and entirely conquered them, and that they both together settled down into the condition in which I described them to be at the beginning of this account.

   [159] I may add that exactly the same process is now going on between the Namaquas and the Damaras [Herero], and probably one-half of the whole Damara population has already been enslaved or murdered by the Namaquas. Those that are made slaves are used as cattle-watchers; their children, as they grow up, learn Hottentot, and readily identify themselves with the habits of their masters, so that few generations will probably have passed before the Damara language will be obsolete among them, and they will have become a race affording an exact parallel to that of the Ghou Damup. The Namaquas are still pressing on with the peculiar restlessness and obstinacy of the race, a belief in their destiny, a scorn of blacks, and a fondness for plunder, which has already led them from the Orange river, and which now seems to be more marked than ever. As unarmed savages can never resist their guns, which number between 3000 and 4000, my belief is that not many years will have elapsed before they will have utterly destroyed the Damaras [Herero], and will come into direct conflict both with the Ovampo and the Mationa [Bechuana].[362] 

Summarising his ‘ethnology’ of the ‘tribes in this part of South Africa’ – and betraying and perpetuating the hierarchical racism of the times, Galton thus reports that ‘[t]heir history is not a little involved; but they may be enumerated thus’[363]:
‘1. The Ovampo are corn-growing tribes to the north, who, considered as blacks, are a highly civilized people, and one with strong local attachments, well ordered, honest, laborious, and neat, yet still with much of the negro in them’
[364] - ‘[t]he King, Nangoro, is despotic [according to Galton], and seems to rule with a patriarchal sway. … [although] [t]he tribute to the King is small, and paid by a per centage on the tobacco grown, and not on the corn. … [and] [t]he Ovampo possess the entire carrying trade between the Damaras [Herero] and the Portuguese’[365];    

‘2. The Damaras are a vagabond, lazy, thieving, pastoral race’[366], although also described as ‘a striking race, with an appearance of strength, lightness, and daring that is highly imposing …’ [367];

‘3. The Hottentots to the south are too well known to require further comment’ – ‘[t]he ‘Namaqua Hottentot is an invader of the last few years’, amongst which live ‘outcast Damaras’ [presumably cattle-less Herero, i.e. Tjimba],

and also a very peculiar race of negros speaking the Hottentot tongue, and that only. These have no traditions indicating their descent, and are found as far south as Bethany. They live peculiarly on the hills, and have puzzled ethnologists ever since they were first described. They call themselves Ghou Damup, and in Sir James Alexander’s work and in missionary publications, are described as the Damaras of the hills. With the Damaras, however, they have nothing in common. Their features, shape, customs, and aptitudes indicate an entirely different origin, and it will be seen that an enquiry into their earlier history throws great light upon the former state of this country [i.e. Damara / ǂNūkhoen][368];

‘4. The Mationa Caffres to the east’, ‘[t]he Mationa are Bechuanas, among whom, partly as slaves and partly independent, live the Soun Damup, a tribe kindred to the Ghou Damup in every respect, language, appearance, and superstitions’[369];

‘and lastly, 5, the Bushman Hottentots and others, who lead a Bushman's life in the barren tracts, that separate these larger nations’ – ‘the Bushmen have not even the tradition of another home’ [unlike the ‘Namaqua Hottentot’].[370]

1852 map of ‘Africa between the 10º and 30º South Latitude’, distilling information from Francis Galton, ‘Livingston & Oswell’ and Henry Gassiot. Source: Galton 1852, opp. p. 140.

Curt von Francois provides the following maps regarding the distribution of ethnic groups:[371]

1851-1852

Andersson estimates that 8-10,000 head of cattle, and many more small stock, are being sent overland annually to the Cape, plus significant rise in 1850s of commercial hunting[372].

1852

In January Galton returns to England, taking Andersson’s first collections, ‘including about 500 bird-skins and 1 000 insects’[373]. At this time, Andersson travels overland to Cape Town in an uneventful journey was uneventful, except for ‘one day in April…, encamped on the Hountop River, he shot a rhinoceros’, an event because at the time rhino were thought to be rare south of the Kuiseb[374]. Andersson draws maps of north-central Namibia following expedition from 1950-52 with Francis Galton from Walvis Bay to Ondangwa[375].

 

Shortly before Galton returned to England, he writes an account of his trip, published in 1852 in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society[376]. This paper was read at the Society whilst Galton was sailing home, and it was celebrated for its attentiveness to measurement and quantification[377]. In this year Galton was awarded the Founder’s Medal of the Royal Geographical Society - for which, his accomplishments regarding measurement and quantification were emphasized.[378]

 

Galton’s mapping work is ‘professionally transcribed onto a map by Livingstone, Oswell and Gassiot of London’ and published in this year[379]. The map clearly shows ‘Nareneen’, presumably ‘!Narenin’ to west of ‘Kaoko’ mountains positioned west of Outjo and Etosha, plus ‘Ghou Damup’ north-west of Erongo and ‘Soun Damup’ east of Outjo[380]. Galton’s sketch map of ‘Damaraland’, notes that ‘Berg Damara’ were living at Koniat, Erongo, Omuvereoom [= Waterberg] mountains[381]. At some point Tom Bechuana becomes Galton’s servant in these years: he ‘later entered Angola and Portuguese service … [and] [h]is son was Vita Thom (also known as Oorlog)’[382], who became an extremely significant leader in northern Kunene in the post WW1 years.

 

Galton’s map of Africa between 10 and 30 degrees South latitude, in Galton 1852, p. 141.

 

Detail from Galton’s map of Africa between 10 and 30 degrees South latitude, showing ‘Nareneen’ to west of ‘Kaoko’ mountains, plus ‘Ghou Damup’ north-west of Erongo and ‘Soun Damup’ east of Outjo. Source: Galton 1852, p. 141.

 

The RMS Berichte reports Bergdama communities with cattle[383] as well as observations of Bergdama cooperative hunting: A report in 1852 ‘states that the enclosures made from thorn tree branches are 4-6 feet wide, sometimes “several hours long” and become lower in height towards the apex. Along these were posted watchmen who chased the game along … “with the most meagre tools the Haukhoi [Bergdama] makes this hunting apparatus”’[384].

Early 1850s

On his travels Andersson ‘finds an abandoned “BD [‘Bergdamara’] village” at the foot of the Waterberg’ next to Otjozondjupa[385].

1850s

The Anglo-Swedish explorer Charles John Andersson learns the name ‘Kaoko’ for the north-west[386]. Oorlam commandos from this time are said to be raiding the ‘Bantu-speaking pastoralists of Kaokoland’, abducting large herds of cattle and killing many people, causing migration northwards over the Kunene River to southern Angola where they become involved through trade and labour contracts in expanding Portuguese colonial economy[387] - although elsewhere it appears that Swartbooi and ǂAonin!Gomen / ‘Topnaar’ Nama do not move northwards to Franfontein and Sesfontein until some years later, and if there is raiding this far north in the 1850s it seems unlikely that it was carried out by ‘Swartbooi or Topnaar Nama’ specifically. Some Herero seek refuge in ‘Owambo’ and may have been sold into slavery[388]. ‘Kaoko’s’ supplies of ivory reach as far as Ongandjera, described as in the east[389] (although nb. ‘Onganjera’ is positioned to the west in Galton’s 1852 map above).

Of the mid-1800s Vigne summarises that,

[d]efeat in battles with the Herero and the Swartbooi, war losses as conscripted allies of the latter, famine, and demoralization as their dune and shore settlements like ǂKhîsa-ǁgubus became corrupted by prostitution and alcoholism were only part of the process. Many remnants [??] from other communities settled among them – San, Damara, Nama and Herero and mixtures of all these with Europeans. The great numbers of cattle driven to the bay for export by the traders there destroyed the grazing for their own herds.[390]

A J.J.L. Smuts who works for WBMC in this decade is also ‘fitted out by Andersson to trade in the Kaokoveld’[391].

1853

Galton’s sketch map [see 1852] is sent to the Academy in Sweden, probably by Jacob Letterstedt, Swedish-Norwegian Consul for the Cape at the time, with the request by Andersson that they not be published - probably because they were based on notes from work done with Galton and conversations with Livingstone[392]. Galton’s “Tropical South Africa” is first published to acclaim, and recognised as written “in an excellent manly style”, the RGS showing ‘its appreciation by the award of a Founder’s Gold Medal’[393]. Galton writes in his preface to the first edition that,

[t]he result of this excursion has been to fill up that blank in our maps which, lying between the Cape Colony and the western Portuguese settlements, extends to the interior as far as the newly discovered Lake Ngami.

   The country of the Damaras [Herero] – warlike, pastoral Blacks – was in the first instance explored; beyond them he found a broad tract, inhabited by aboriginal Hottentots; and, again, to the north of these, the Ovampo, a race of intelligent and kindly negroes, who are careful agriculturalists …

   Few new objects of natural history were either collected or heard of, as the tract in question was for the most part a high barren plateau, that supported but little variety of either animal or vegetable life. [although there was also ‘shooting in abundance’, p. xii]

   The journey may perhaps produce a useful result, by indicating a very favourable opening to missionary enterprise, namely, among the Ovampo. [xii] … Ovampoland … [being] exempt from the scourge [of slavery[394]].[395]

1854

Contagious Bovine Pleuropneumonia (CBPP), which is later to have an immense effect on livestock management in Namibia, is introduced by white farmers to South Africa when an infected cow from Holland is landed at Mossel Bay[396]. Charles John Andersson meets ‘big-game hunter and pioneer’ Frederick J. Green in Cape Town[397]. Portuguese in Angola around this time refer to the Kunene River as ‘rio dos Elefantes’ – Elephant River[398]. Francis Galton is elected to the Council of the RGS[399].

1854-1876

The Canadian trader Frederick Green is estimated to have shot more than seven hundred elephants[400].

1855

The Swartbooi Nama, who are soon to play such an important role in the north-west, are in this year negotiating a contract with a prospector for the potential mining of copper in the area of Rehoboth. As observed by missionary Bam, in March a ship arrives at Walvis Bay carrying a mining company of eight men, three horses, and six to seven wagonloads of goods ready to begin prospecting and mining copper, of which a prospector called Stead called at Rehoboth and negotiates (possibly at Klein Aub) ‘a contract with Chief Swartbooi to start mining’[401]. At this time there are three principal Nama captains in central and southern Namibia – Jonker Afrikaner, Swartbooi and ǁOeseb (Kaiǁkhauan / Red Nation / Rooi Nasie) – whose boundaries were ill-defined and prospectors/miners reportedly sought to confuse relationships between them as well as negotiating lower royalties, whilst also being subject to raids by these leaders, as individuals or combined forces[402]. Chief Swartbooi is reported to receive amounts of £1.2.3 or £1.3.0 per wagonload of copper or 4% of profits ‘plus a generous present’[403].

In reports of the Rhenish Mission of 1855 (No. 7 p. 97) it is recorded that: ‘[a]lready in the Bergdamra or Haukoin our missionaries reached a real Negro tribe. Subjugated and trampled on by the Hottentot, only still present in isolated dependent, scattered remnants’ and missionary work there was thus not considered worthwhile [?][404].

The New Walwich Bay Mining Co. (NWBMC) / alt. New Walwisch Bay and Namaqualand Co. (the latter recorded by Kleinschmidt) is formed[405].

James Chapman travels this year through Ghanzi area of Botswana, observing that Olifont’s Kloof on border between Namibia and Botswana ‘is the eastern boundary of the chief Amraal's territory, the eastern portion being at present governed by his son Lamert’[406]. At this time ‘Twass’, west of Olifont’s Kloof was ‘the usual resident of the chief Lamert, from which he had lately moved to the north’[407]. He observes ‘Damara’/Herero women wearing ‘several strings of heavy and cumbersome iron beads round their legs, also a few common Portuguese beads, which they informed us came from Nangoro’s, chief of a large nation far to the northwest and near a river Cunene, flowing from the country of the Baveko [where] [t]hey say that many rivers there run westward, and that the tsetse is unknown[408]. He confirms the presence of ‘Berg Damara’ in the ‘Bokberg’[goat mountain[409]]/Erongo[410], observed to have lost large flocks of sheep and goats through raiding by Nama[411]; and also in Black Nossop area[412]. Prior to ‘Hottentot invasions’, he reports ‘Damara’ [Herero] around Rietfontein[we] and Olifantskloof [just over border into Botswana][413], mentioning ‘impoverished Herero grubbing for roots’[414].

Chapman’s annotated narrative is viewable online here and mapped online here.

Lutheran missionary Johann Georg Krönlein (1826-1892) describes the game ǁhus as played ‘by the Damara and Heiǁom’[415].

 

Francis Galton publishes “Art of Travel; or, Shifts and Contrivances Available in Wild Countries”[416].

1856

In February, the first ‘Conservancies’ are set up for forests in the George region of the Cape[417].

From around this year onwards, Tom Bechuana – father of Vita Tom / ‘Oorlog’ and formerly a
guide of Galton, see above, and who later becomes one of three chiefs of three ‘native reserves’ [established in 1923] in northern ‘Kaokoveld’  becomes ‘a much depended-upon servant in the employ of both Green and Andersson’[418]. Andersson returns to South West Africa accompanied by Frederick Green [see 1854], becoming established as a trader with Otjimbingwe as his headquarters[419]. The Walfish Bay Mining Company (WBMC) establishes a copper mine at Otjimbingwe(?), ‘tapping resources formerly used by indigenous metalworkers, and has additional interests in guano, trading and fishing, being decisive in integrating trade in Hereroland with the capital of the Cape Colony[420]. Historical record evidences European mining at Matchless mine from this year with supervision by Andersson here and at Tsaobis, but no mention of his involvement at |Aub (in ‘Namaland’)[421]. Impoverished Herero (under Zeraua) rebuild herds through supervising cattle-posts for the WBMC and working its mine[422].

1857

C.H. Hahn notes in this year that many so-called ‘Saan’ described as settled throughout Namibia are not ‘Saan’ or ‘Bushmen’ but impoverished ‘Namaqua’[423], adding that ‘the true Saab are in Bushman country and live high up in the north’ and that ‘[t]he Namaqua in the north who are also called Saan and who live together with the Bergdama are of one tribe with the Topnaars whatever the latter may say’[424]. He states:

[t]he name Bushmen is assigned to all red or actually yellow-brown natives of Hottentot origin, who are living scattered in small groups in the veld without livestock. In the narrow sense of the word, the name only applies to inhabitants of Bushmanland south of the Orange River and some tribes north of it in Bechuana land…. The so-called Bushmen from the West coast to Lake Ngami are without exception impoverished Namaqua: These and those further up to Ovambo and to Lake Ngami, in the Omuvereoom-[Waterberg] und Otjorukaku-mountains are all of the same tribe as the Aunin at Walvish-Bay… Their numbers must be considerable but it is impossible to provide exact numbers.[425]

In late July the trader and hunter Frederick Green on an expedition to Ondonga that includes Rhenish Missionaries Hugo Hahn and Johannes Rath (seeking ‘new mission fields’ beyond ‘Damaraland’[426]), Tom Bechuana (father of Oorlog Vita Tom) and Herero guides and workers writes of a serious skirmish with Nangolo’s people who with bows and arrows sought to prevent their departure[427]. Men accompanying Hahn at the rear of their party were attacked, Green shoots dead a warrior who appears to be the brother-in-law of Chief Nangolo, the party is nearly encircled and only retreated when the use of firearms and especially Green’s elephant rifle put their attackers to flight, especially on seeing ‘a daring fellow’ shot dead through the forehead[428]. A number of Nangolo’s men fall, including his son[429].

This event is later related by Vita Tom, son of Tom Bechuana who was part of this expedition, to Major Manning in Sesfontein 2017:

[w]hen old enough to shoot I [Vita Tom / Oorlog] went with my father under Green [Frederick] the hunter elephant shooting on OKOVANGO [Okavango] RIVER thence ONDONGA [Ondongwa] under OVAMBO Chief KAMBONDE where we met hunter ERICKSON known as KARAVUPA. My father had been with Green and Missionary Hahn at Ondonga before when Chief NANGORO tried to kill them [= 1857]. Erickson, my father and I went to OVAKUANYAMA country and Green went South again.[430]

2nd half 1800s

Northwest Namibia (‘Kaokoveld’) sees ‘the intrusion of bands of well-armed preying on the livestock of indigenous populations’, causing ‘local people’ to flee across the Kunene into Angola[431].

Owen-Smith writes that,

[i]n the second half of the nineteenth century, marauding bands of Topnaar and Swartbooi Nama came to Sesfontein where they settled after driving out the Herero and subjugating the Damara. In the following years [33] the once considerable herds of cattle, belonging to these Nama, have been depleted by disease and drought and today they rely largely on crops irrigated from fountains at Sesfontein and Anabib …

[32] [i]n the Herero/Nama wars of the last century, most of the Kaokoveld natives (Herero) lost their cattle and became known as the OvaTjimba [‘Tjimba is derived from the Herero word for the aardvark (ondjimba-ndjimba) in reference to their having to dig for food. ‘Ova-‘ is merely a prefix to denote ‘people’].
For many years these people were extremely poor, and lived by hunting and collecting ‘veldkos’, but the majority have since acquired cattle, and resent this name, which they now regard as inappropriate. In the southern Kaokoveld, the OvaTjimba or Tjimba-Herero, who possibly number four thousand, have imitated the Herero in most respects, including dress.
[432]


Similarly, Bollig writes that northwest Namibia (‘Kaokoveld’) sees ‘the intrusion of bands of well-armed preying on the livestock of indigenous populations’, causing ‘local people’ to flee across the Kunene into Angola[433].

And,

[g]uns were, however, also in circulation within the region – the cattle raids on local pastoral communities by Topnaar and Swartboois commando groups during the mid- to late nineteenth century firmly established them as a desired and powerful technology…[434] 

Owambo kingdoms engage in commercially-oriented ivory hunting, with a rule that one of each tusks hunted should become the property of the relevant king, such that leaders could accumulate ivory[435]. Entrepreneurial interest turns to ‘cattle, ivory, ostrich feathers and copper from the interior’ with an influx traders of many nationalities and increased negotiations by merchant houses for concessions from local people[436].

Dieckmann summarises the results of the search of ethnic categorisation with regard to Khoisan (focussing on ‘Nama’ and ‘Bushmen’ people in the late 19th century in the following way:

Author

Categorisation

Distinctive features

Behm (1858)

Category

Hottentots

language, customs, physical characteristics

Subdivisions

Bushmen = Saan, Namaquas, Griquas, Orlam, Corannas

Tindall (1856)

Categories

Namaqua, Bushmen

Geographical distribution

Subdivisions

Bushmen in specific areas = Namaquas

N.N. (1878)

Categories

Bushmen, Nama

Mental characteristics,

mobility

Subdivisions

Bushmen including Nama speaking Bushmen and other Bushmen

Hahn (1859)

Categories

Bushmen, Namaqua etc

Geographical distribution, language, mental characteristics

Subdivisions

So-called Bushmen of specific areas = impoverished Namaquas

Brincker (**)

Categories

Hottentots, Bushmen

“blood”,

geographical distribution

Sub-merging

Nama-Bushmen = Bastards

Schinz (1891)

Categories

Hottentots (Namaquas), Bushmen, et al

“blood”,

geographical distribution

Sub-mergings

Nama-Bushmen = Bastards between Hottentots and others

Subdivisions

Kalahari Bushmen in different “tribes”

Galton (1889[1850-51])

Saen = Bushmen, Orlam and Hottentot are rather classes than races or tribes

Grade of „civilisation“,

class differences

Bleek (1875)

Category

Bushmen,  Khoi

Language

Fritsch (1872)

Category

Bushmen, Hottentot

Physical characteristics

(Perhaps it would be helpful for these categories to be listed in date order??)

Dieckmann comments:

[t]hus, we are confronted with confusing opinions with regard to ‘Bushmen’ and with different terminologies. In general, the classificatory criteria to define Bushmen, Saen, San, Saan, Nama-Bushmen, or Nama speaking Bushmen were rather rough and not stringent; customs, language, and mobility were often mentioned, but rarely with specifications. Some authors did not regard Bushmen as a race in their own right, but rather as a class (e.g. Galton), others categorised some Bushmen, among them most probably Haiǁom groups, as Namaquas. Sometimes skin colour and height were added, but only in relation to other “groups”. We further observe the mixture of ‘culture’ and ‘race’. However, the methods and scales of physical anthropology were not as elaborate as they were to become later.[437]

1858

In the Cape Colony, Government Notice 263 is issued concerning the ‘Preservation of Elephants and Buffaloes’, thereby formalising ‘a latent (and mainly urban) interest in the protection of the remaining isolated population of large mammals in the South Cape forests, which had been heavily reduced by ivory hunting’, stimulating establishment in this year of the first state game reserves in Africa, in the Knysna and Tsitsikamme forests[438].

The trader Charles John Andersson calculates that Jonker Afrikaner has 2,000 men ‘at his disposal’, and his military expeditions reach as far north as Owambo and traded cattle and people as labourers as far as the Cape[439] . Andersson travels through Kaokoveld ‘in a vain attempt to reach the Kunene River’[440], entering a region of arid mountains by trekking through Damaraland, but being halted by the ruggedness of the area[441], with Manning in 1917 noting that Andersson’s May 1858 attempted journey north of Cauas Okawa to Ovamboland was ‘unsuccessful for want of water’[442], ended ‘perversely in the “discovery” of the Okavango River instead’[443]. Prior to this journey Andersson writes to Galton in London that ‘I don’t think I could rest in my grave while the position and character of this much talked of stream is more fully ascertained and established’[444]. Fredrick Green goes in search of Andersson ‘in the area near the Kunene’, [244] seeking to allay concerns in Cape settler society arising from the well known Andersson’s travels ‘into territory now hostile to foreign travellers’[445].

Behm reports of ‘Bushmen’ who are mining copper in the mountains close to lake Otschikoto [Otjikoto] which they sell to the ’Ovampo’.[446] ‘Hottentotten‘ are for him “Hottentotten with Orlam, Namaquas, Corannas, Griquas and ‘Bushmen’ or ‘Saan’. Behm reports of Tindall’s ideas in this regard:

Missionary Tindall Jr., one of the few Europeans who speak the Hottentot language, is inclined to include the Bushmen living in Damara and Ovampo land among the Namaquas, namely to the once most powerful tribe of them, which was called the ‘Great Mantle Tribe’. This tribe used to keep the Ghou Damup or Berg-Damaras in subservience, and this explains the strange fact that even now the Bushmen are still regarded by the Berg-Damaras as a superior people, while everywhere else they are regarded as an oppressed tribe.[447]

A Hendrik Smuts, ‘a hunter from the Cape’, is reportedly ‘the first white man to reach the Kunene River from the south, followed a few years later by the explorers Frederick Green and Axil Eriksson’[448].

1859

The Cape colony Forest and Herbage Preservation Act no. 18 is passed, as an outcome of the emergence of a colonial conservation consciousness in the Cape[449].

Apparently Khoekhoegowab-speaking people in the vicinity of Etosha Pan are proposed to be ‘impoverished Nama’[450].

 

C.H. Hahn observes ‘that the pit-falls made by Bergdama made travelling at night dangerous’[451].

In Angola Welwitsch finds the cucurbit !nara, which eventually becomes known taxonomically as Acanthosicyos horridus[452].

1860

Jonker Afrikaner makes a raiding expedition to ‘Owamboland’, plundering cattle which were traded in the Cape, and making punitive attacks on the Owambo allegedly for their hostility to the missionaries Hahn and Rath in 1857. On his return to Okahandja Jonker falls prey to an illness contracted in Owamboland and from his deathbed he tried to convince his son Christiaan Afrikaner (who dies two years later) and the Chief Maharero to rule over both ‘Hereroland’ and ‘Namaland’ peaceably. The elderly Chief Tjamuaha of the Okahandja Hereros makes a trip to Kaoko in the north-west to visit old friends whilst he was still alive. He also contracts a disease and on his return to Okahandja also calls on Christiaan Afrikaner and Maharero to encourage them to live together peaceably, although apparently he then urged Maharero that it was time to throw off the yoke of the Nama, for which he had already drummed up support from Herero in Kaoko.[453] 

Company mining operations in Namaland and at Matchless cease permanently[454] and the copper mine at Otjimbingwe(?) proves unprofitable and closes[455]. Andersson is

the major trader in Nama/Damaraland, purchasing the W.B.M.C.’s assets in Otjimbingwe and fitting out a number of hunter/traders to bring in oxen and ivory. Though this is not clear, it seems that he had amassed cash and a good credit standing by his hunting pursuits.[456] 

James Chapman is also reported to have established a cattle station at Otjimbingwe by this year[457], or at least he travels from his camp ‘at the western end of Lake Ngami’, accompanied by W.C. Palgrave (1833-97), ‘sportsman, hunter, trader’, to reach Otjimbingwe in February this year [**check date][458]. Andersson gives insects collected from ‘Damaraland’ to the South African Museum in Cape Town[459].

1860-1861

Andersson imports two cannons into the country, with the support of the white population of Otjimbingwe[460]. A severe smallpox epidemic peaks around 1860-61[461].

1861

Dr Friedrich Welwitsch ‘discovers’ the gymnosperm that becomes known as Welwitschia near Mossamedes, and its earliest name of ‘Tumboa’ is recorded in The Gardener’s Chronical[462]. The plant that becomes known as Welwitschia is found in the Swakop River ‘almost simultaneously’ by Thomas Baines [also see 1857], later giving rise to the specific name of W. bainesii[463].

Baines had travelled by boat to ‘Walvisch Bay’ from Table Bay, arriving on 29th of March, with two copper boats for voyaging down the Zambesi, fashioned by himself ‘so constructed as to be used singly, or, when the river admitted, side by side, with a platform on which he could form a house [vi] or cabin’[464]. Enveloped in fog through which they could make out ‘a long range of sand-hills’, Baines is soon directed to Mr Latham’s house, keen also to [3] fall in with his ‘friend and future fellow-traveller, Chapman’, who had preceded him … [to be contd.]

 

In April, James Chapman records that, at his house in Otjimbingwe Charles John Andersson mentioned that a road through the territory of the Swartboois at Rehoboth was to be built to take cattle to the Cape Colony[465].

Early 1860s

Hereros start gathering at Okahandja / Schmelen’s Hope, using the mourning period for a major chief such as Kjamuaha to mask the fact that under Maherero (Kjamuaha’s son) they were amassing people and livestock there[466]. Political conflict between the Nama and Herero sharpens ‘with the ascendancy to power of the charismatic Hendrik Witbooi as undisputed leader of the Nama’[467].

The Swartbooi Oorlam Namas of Rehoboth, the ‘youngest tribe of Oorlams’, by 1863 had left the others and settled in Gibeon from where they were trying to assert leadership, as a well-organised Nama community under the leadership of missionary Kleinschmidt at Rehoboth, who had broken away from the Rooi Nasie Nama (Red Nation / Kaiǁkhauan)[468]: [w]hen the SWARTBOOI-Naman trekked into the Kaoko-veld round about the middle of the previous century, and captured Otjitambi from the Herero, they took with them from the Erongo (Ameib) some clans of the !OE +AN, whose descendants call themselves U-SAU-BETA (we followers = those who were led away[469].

 

Andersson’s trading activities ‘bring him into direct conflict with the Namaland chiefs and especially the sovereign, Jonker Afrikaner’ and his sons Christian and Jan Jonker, the Afrikaner family claiming a monopoly on the cattle trade in central Namibia[470].

1860s

Traders Charles John Andersson and Frederick Green enlist ‘Herero aid to end Oorlam-Nama control over the trade routes’ shifting the balance of power ‘from among local pastoralists to the traders themselves’ who ‘established permanent trading centres to exploit the country’s resources’, beginning to make ‘enormous profits’[471].

The elderly Chief Tjamuaha of the Okahandja Hereros makes a trip to Kaoko in the north-west to visit old friends whilst he was still alive: he contracts a disease and on his return to Okahandja calls on Christiaan Afrikaner and Maharero to encourage them to live together peaceably, although apparently he then urged Maharero that it was time to throw off the yoke of the Nama, for which he had already drummed up support from Herero in Kaoko.[472]

A section of ‘the Topnaar tribe’ retreats to Kaokoveld ‘after the defeat of the Hottentots by the Herero in the sixties of the last century’; ‘the other section lives in the dunes around Walvis Bay and in the bed of the Kuiseb river at various places’[473]. A parallel separate movement of !Gomen|gôan, i.e. people from Walvis Bay, under the |Uixamab lineage leadership moves northwards and settles in Sesfontein to become the so-called ‘Sesfontein Topnaar’[474]. Fuller, based on oral evidence in Sesfontein writes that the Dama / ǂNūkhoen of the area lived between Topnaar Namas who had moved into the Gowareb [Kowareb] area ‘to escape the conflicts raging in the central region of the country’ and ‘various groups of Herero, [68] Ovahimba, and Ovatjimba living to the north in the Kaokoveld’, and also notes at the time of his field research the perennial ‘dispute Hereros and Damaras over who actually lived there first’[475]. Oral histories indicate Nama raids to Ndonga (from where? – cf. Een’s narrative, to add**)[476].

Game stocks in southern Angola are depleted encouraging interest in Kaoko and Owambo[477]. ‘Commercial elephant hunting in southwestern Angola and northwestern Namibia probably began in the 1860s, signalling a major shift towards the integration of the region into global networks of trade and economies of desire’[478]. James Chapman pioneers the use of stereoscopic pictures in his travels in south-west Africa[479].

Colonial cotton plantations are developed along coast in Angola providing options for seasonal work[480].

1862

Serious drought affects the Cape coinciding with the appointment as second Cape Colonial Botanist of a Scotsman (John Croumbie Brown) with strong views and Scottish Romantic proclivities towards environmental conservation, influenced by observing impacts of this drought[481].

Lungsickness starts to spread into Namibia, increasing the urgency of the Afrikaner attempts to control European traders, at a time when Andersson brings a small military corps and two fieldguns from Cape Town (the ‘Cape Volunteers’), and begins training ‘Herero living at Otjimbingwe in the use of firearms’ making himself their leader ‘in what he claimed was their “war of freedom”’[482].

 

By this year there is ‘not a single missionary for Hereros in the country any more, and the mission among the Hereros was considered hopeless and had practically been given up’[483].

1863

The Herero cattle amassing at Okahandja following Kjamuaha’s death are suddenly transferred to Ojtimbingwe, including large numbers[484] of Christiaan Afrikaner’s cattle who, due to previous alliance with Kjamuaha, are being pastured at Okahandja. The Herero are preparing for battle, but at first Christiaan indicates an unwillingness to fight. He sends messengers to Namaland for support, once the Herero have left for Otjimbingwe. Here lived the Swede Charles John Andersson who, following a dramatic Nama raid on his cattle, becomes an ally of Maherero against the Nama. The missionary Kleinschmidt is also staying at Otjimbingwe, and the Herero, bolstered in number by Herero from Kaoko, can rely on support from Europeans and the nearby copper mine at Otjimbingwe – where Andersson was ‘arming and training mercenaries from the Cape (the “Otjimbingwe Volunteers”) and Tjimba living on the mission station at Otjimbingwe[485]. Christian Afrikaner responds to Hirarapi’s raid by attacking Otjimbingwe where Maharero, Zeraua and Andersson’s men gather (on 15 June)[486] and in the ensuing battle 200 Nama-Oorlam and 60 Herero perish, including Christiaan, Jonker Afrikaaner’s son, his ally Piet Koper and Maharero’s nephew Hirarapi[487]. The remaining Nama flee to |Aeǁgams, pursued by Herero, and then scatter throughout ‘Namaland’. Maherero is named military leader of the Herero and although not baptised as a Christian he names Andersson as his advisor.[488] A brother of Topnaar captain Frederik Khaxab, Jacobus Argyll or 'ǂKham-Khaxab' who at some point has moved with a group of Topnaar to the Swakop is connected with the Battle of Otjimbingue[489]. The RMS establishes the Augustineum in Otjimbingwe as ‘the idea of missionary Hugo Hahn, who proposes to educate indigenous tribal leaders, acculturating them so they might be converted more easily, letting them set examples for the younger generations, training them as evangelists and catechists so that gradually all people would assimilated into the new culture’[490].

By this year, the Swartbooi Oorlam Namas who are later to play an important role in Sesfontein and the north-west, the ‘youngest tribe of Oorlams’, had left the others and settled in Gibeon from where they were trying to assert leadership. They were a well-organised Nama community who had broken away from the Rooi Nasie Nama (Red Nation / Kaiǁkhauan) and were ‘under’ the leadership of missionary Kleinschmidt at Rehoboth.[491] 

1864

Moritz writes,

[a]ccording to Lebzelter, in 1864 the [Bergdamara] chief Abraham Seibeb migrated with 10 men from Otimbingwe to Okombahe. He joined old Wilhelm Weraua (Zerau Vf.) and settled first in Omaruru, while Maharero, like him, settled in Okahandja. Seibeb was also joined by many Dama from the Erongo. As there were now many people, Zeraua said to Seibeb: “Go to Okombahe, there you can live alone, then there will be no more strife between us.” An alliance was made for mutual protection. The border ran from Otjimpaue 25 km west of Omaruru to Okombahe. No Herero lived there, the Dama were completely independent.[492] 

In January, Swartbooi Oorlam Nama, whose territory in Gibeon the Herero had to move through in order to prevent Nama advancing from the south, are sent ‘a strong contingent [2,500 strong[493]] to Rehoboth’ by [Ka]Maherero [of Okahandja], led by Frederick Green who at the time was employed by Andersson[494], ‘to support the Swartboois’ who had recently joined Maharero ‘against an alliance of Nama-Oorlam leaders’[495], specifically Jan Jonker of |Aeǁgams [Windhoek] who was planning to wage war on the Herero. The Swartbooi are the only powerful group in central SWA/Namibia who ally with Kamahereo instead of the Oorlam Afrikaners[496]. Andersson’s trading activities were ‘bring[ing] him into direct conflict with the Namaland chiefs and especially the sovereign, Jonker Afrikaner’ and his sons Christian and Jan Jonker, the Afrikaner family claiming a monopoly on the cattle trade in central Namibia[497]. During the two-week march to Rehoboth ‘Maharero’s and Andersson’s forces robbed Damara settlements of sheep and goats to provision the troops’[498]: the Anglo-Swede trader Charles John Andersson records on June 21 that they ‘more or less surprised some Bergdamara werfts’ from which they got ‘a few hundred sheep and goats’[499].

The Swartbooi construct embankments around Rehoboth to protect against Afrikaner attack, following their realisation of the Swartbooi-Herero alliance that facilitated Herero southward advance: the Swartbooi are defeated in the struggles that follow and forced to leave |Anhes / Rehoboth due to this attack by Jan Jonker and Afrikaner commando[500], accompanied by Kleinschmidt whose mission station they have inhabited - they trek ‘along the Kuiseb River, and thence to the Swakop River in order to find new dwelling places in Hereroland’[501].

They are pursued by Jan Jonker who overtakes them and sets fire to their wagons [recorded in Andersson commission 1][502], speeding up their retreat along the Kuiseb, from where they settle at Salem on the Swakop River and then move towards Fransfontein and Sesfontein where they settle, via Ameib in the Erongo mountains[503] [in 1867, see below] where a Rhenish Mission is established in this year[504]. The chronicle of Otjimbingue documents that,

Topnaar living in the Kuiseb valley joined forces with the Zwartbooi, headed northward under the leadership of the missionary Bohme, and settled in !Am-eib on the Erongo mountains. When the water in !Am-eib became scarce, the Zwartbooi and the Topnaar moved northwards to reach Okombahe, Otjitambi or Franzfontein. From there, many Topnaar moved to Zesfontein (aka Sesfontein), where at that time lived Bushman and Bergdama, who were under the influence of the Herero [see 1867]. The Topnaar were later followed by a smaller group of Zwartbooi and also settled in Zesfontein[505].

Missionary Kleinschmidt, deserted in the attack, treks overland with his family to Otjimbingwe and dies there soon afterwards[506].

 

Elsewhere, these circumstances are described as,

a “trading expedition” allegedly initiated by the people of Rehoboth in 1864 to the Bergdama people in Erongo. As the story goes, the Bergdama, on seeing the Rehobothers, somehow did not recognise the nature of this visit and escaped without their flocks, which were appropriated by the “traders”, since this was so convenient. When they left, the Bergdama attacked them with arrows, but the Rehoboth people [Swartboois] “defended” themselves effectively with their guns. Thus, the anticipated trading could not take place.[507]

It is reported that,

When the SWARTBOOI-Naman trekked into the Kaoko-veld round about the middle of the previous century, and captured Otjitambi from the Herero, they took with them from the Erongo (Ameib) some [ǂNūkhoen] clans of the !OE +AN, whose descendants call themselves U-SAU-BETA (we followers = those who were led away).[508]

Oral history research, however, indicates that ǂNūkhoen from this area also moved northwards of their own accord to escape the disruptions caused by Oorlam Nama - Herero conflict[509].

The balance of power is shifting to European traders who establish permanent trading posts from which to profit from the country’s natural resources as well as from local trade[510]. Their power is also contested. For example, H. Smuts, miner, hunter, and trader for Andersson, R. Lewis and J. Todd ‘were robbed by Samuel’s [formerly a subject of Jonker Afrikaner] band in the Kaokoveld in 1864[511], recounted as follows in the journal of the Swede Thule Gustave Een:

[a] young gentleman from Cape Town Mr Smuths [Smuts], who visited the country for his pleasure and was taking part in a hunting-expedition, unfortunately happened to get in the way of Samuel who was returning from an expedition against the Kaoko Damara. Samuel, accompanied by many of his companions, went unarmed up to Mr Smuts’s camp and commenced a friendly negotiation to exchange ammunition for their cattle which they knew Mr Smuts required. After Samuel had sent away some servants to fetch the cattle, he asked Mr Smuts to see his hunting-guns, and as Mr Smuts had no reason to suspect any hostility from his guests, he agreed to this request which, considering their well-known bold curiosity, did not seem unusual. One gun after another was taken out, admired, and passed from hand to hand among Samuel’s company. Eventually, Samuel and his men had got hold of all Mr Smuts’s guns in this way and, when in answer to Samuel’s request for still more guns, he told them that the supply was exhausted, Samuel climbed up into the wagon to confirm this. Now Samuel explained quite openly and without further ado, that his plan was to fleece Mr Smuts, who of course had to accept his fate and could be grateful to getaway with his life. On this occasion, however, Samuel was humane enough to let Mr Smuts keep not only the empty wagon, which would only have been an inconvenience to the mounted Hottentots, but also the necessary draught-oxen. But Mr Smuts’s request to retain at least one gun and some ammunition [63] to be able to hunt for food on the way back, was rejected. Some of Mr Smuts’s servants, who belonged to the Damara tribe, were shot and others succeeded in saving themselves by running away, later rejoining Mr Smuts, and helping him the return journey which was naturally very onerous.

   Some days after the incident with Mr Smuts, Samuel attacked two other white hunters, Todd[512] and Lewis[513]. Their camp was surrounded at night, and at first light they were greeted by a volley of gunshots. They had to escape quickly, together with all their servants, leaving all luggage behind. Todd got a bullet in the leg but it penetrated only the fleshy part so that, bandaged with a handkerchief, he could continue the flight to Ovamboland, a distance of 50 miles.

 

G.P. Marsh publishes Man and Nature, ‘widely held to have stimulated the initial growth of the conservation and national park movement in the United States’[514].

 

Amraal Lambert and most of his family die in a smallpox outbreak at Gobabis[515].

 

The RMS start to send ‘missionary colonists’ [see 1857-1884] to ‘Damaraland’, such as Eduard Hälbich who establishes trading store at Otjimbingwe[516].

1865

By this year 6k elephants are being killed annually in the Kalahari for ivory, with a dozen wagon trains passing each year from Gobabis to Rietfontein[517].

Andersson begins travelling and trading in Nama/Damaraland again, leaving his wife and three young children in Cape Town, suffering a complete breakdown of health in Ovamboland near the present-day Angolan border, where he later dies[518]. He is joined by the Swede Axel Wilhelm Eriksson, who had been taught bird taxonomy by Andersson’s father, ‘naturalist and writer’ Llewellyn Lloyd[519]. Frederick Green reaches the Kunene in this year[520].

1866

The 1918 Blue Book records that ‘[t]he move of the remnants of the Berg-Damara tribe from Kaisabis (Windhuk) to Okambahe took place about 1866, when, as a result of the Herero war of emancipation in which the Berg-Damaras were phlegmatic and rather useless allies, the ascendancy of the “Khoi-Khoi” in Damaraland vanished for ever’ – the move was under the Chieftainship of Abraham, a great-uncle of Judas Goresib[521].  Some 200,000 acres are recorded as being ‘set aside’ at Okambahe for the Berg-Damara by Herero[522], although note records of earlier habitation in the area by so-called ‘Berg-Damara’[523].

A.W. Eriksson arrives as assistant to C.J. Andersson, becoming ‘one of the most prominent and respected traders’ in a context where local hostilities ‘led to the exodus of many traders’.[524] After a year in the Cape, and suffering from ‘an intestinal ulcer or cancer’, Andersson returns to SWA and prepares for a journey to Kunene with Eriksson[525]. ‘Artist-traveller’ Thomas Baines writes the accompanying notes to Andersson’s map which is published in this year[526].

Travelling to Salem ‘on the southern bank of the Swakop River’, The Swedish traveller Thule Gustav Een describes this as,

now an abandoned mission station inhabited by a Namaqua or Hottentot tribe under a chief with the name Svartberg [Swartbooi], the only Hottentot tribe living in peace with the Damara [Herero] people, Here the were also some Bastard [Baster] families who had come from the Cape Colony. They are of mixed white and Hottentot race and are Christians, and when the missionaries first came to work here and before they had any knowledge of the language of the natives, they had brought along these people as interpreters…[527]

He observes the ‘wild mountainous landscape’ starting at Salem, ‘an abundance of pheasants and an occasional antelope … very difficult to get’ in the Swakop, and comments that,

[w]hen Andersson and Galton undertook their first journey into Damaraland, they found rhinoceroses and giraffes in plenty at the Swakop River, but now that it is fairly common for the natives to be supplied with guns, they have quite disappeared from these areas.[528]

Een recounts attacks on European hunter-traders by the robber Samuel, formerly a subject of Jonker Afrikaner, from a mountainous stronghold at Otjozondjupa (Waterberg), whose band robbed the Kaoko Herero of cattle and in April this year attacked W.C. Palgrave at Namutoni[529].

An institution exists from this year to train teachers to teach Herero and Maharero sent his sons Wilhelm and Samuel to this school [the Augustineum, i.e. RMS training college at Otjimbingwe[530]]. The Herero start to dress in European clothing and to lay out gardens, and under the guidance of the gardener Redecker, maize, wheat, pumpkins and tobacco were cultivated’.[531] Otjimbingwe mission colony is heavily involved with hunting for ivory and feathers, importing guns and ammunition, ‘despite a prohibition from RMS headquarters’ and equipping hunters[532]. Brincker returns to Otjimbingwe but goes back to Otjikango a few months later after a community of the Ovambanderu unexpectedly settles at the station, and stays until until 1878 although Brincker’s attempts to convert them to Christianity are defeated when the Ovambanderu decides to join Chief Kamaharero Maharero at Okahandja[533].

Carl Hugo Hahn finds “several BD-werfts” near Otjikano on a trip to Ovamboland[534], and provides an additional remark that “a Bushman and a BD gave us examples of their skill on their drum…”[535]: C.H. Hahn mentions that after his journey in 1866 there were around 30 huts of Bergdamara close to Otjikango (an old camp of Green), and thousands of Bergdamara are living in the area and in the mountains between the Zwachaub and the Kuiseb.[536] He also reports that ‘Bushmen‘ (presumably Haiǁom) traded copper ore from a mine close to Otavi, estimating that Bushmen traded annually around 50-60 tons of copper with Ovambo in the north (Ondonga) with other ‘Bushmen’ groups trading salt from the pans with Ovambo in Ondonga, in exchange for which ‘Bushmen’ received beads, tobacco, pipes, pots, knives and axes.[537] He also reports that he met a group of ‘Bushmen’ close to Klein Namutoni (Etosha) next to a pitfall for elephants.[538]

The twelve Penguin Islands off the SWA coast are annexed by Britain (Sir Philip Wodehouse) as part of the Cape Colony[539].

1867

The Rhenish mission station at Salem on the Swakop [see 1864] closes due to drought[540].

 

The Palgrave Commission asserts that it is in this year that the Swartboois retreated northwards, regrouping at Ameib in the Erongo mountains[541], ‘under the leadership of Chief Abraham Swartbooi (!Ábeb !Huisemab)’[542].

On his final and fatal journey to find the Kunene River Anglo-Swede Charles John Andersson encounters the Ondonga king, Shikongo, ‘at his camp on the edge of the kingdom’ (in present day Omusati Region):

Shikongo was on his way to go hunting, leaving the “realm of men” to enter the “kingdom of the animals”, in transition between settled and open space, quitting the civilised area of his kingdom (oshilongo) to enter the wilderness (ofuka) for the hunt. When Andersson moved further north to Mweshipandeka's kingdom in Oukwanyama, a similar pattern emerged, where the king stopped to see Andersson while crossing a threshold. ... The kings controlled such meetings, the occasion for various kinds of exchange in which gifts, food, guns, and ammunition traded hands. In a zone that was hundreds of miles from any colonial foothold (and which was only formally occupied in 1915), Andersson was kept strictly on the edges of society together with his group of companions from further south, although on one occasion he was allowed inside Mweshipandeka’s palisaded residence.[543]

Andersson and Eriksson reach the Kunene River on 16 June, and Andersson dies in Owamboland on 9 July in the presence of Swedish trader Axel Eriksson who buries him, the body later moved to Namakunde in Angola[544]. Eriksson becomes a merchant in Walvis Bay with trading interests throughout ‘Damaraland’ with the Herero name “Karuwapa Katiti” referring to his pale face[545]. From Walvis Bay he sends

out his well-known hunting and trading expeditions to the distant interior, up towards Lake Ngami and the Kunene River. Eriksson had up to sixty wagons, each representing a value of about 10000 [Swedish] crowns, on the road at the same time. As he always treated whites as well as natives in an honest and generous way, his name “Karuwapa” - the white face - was on everybodys lips and still is wherever he travels.[546] 

1868

The Rhenish missionaries, with the support of the German Chancellor Bismarck, suggest that the British Government annex Hereroland[547].

A ritualized ‘blood-peace’ is reached by the kings of Ondonga and Uukwambi ‘marked by the sacrifice of a cow at Omagonzati’[548].

1869

A trading business is established in Omaruru by the Swedes A. Ohlsson (based in Cape Town) and Axel Eriksson[549].

1870

Curt von Francois provides the following map with regard to the distribution of ethnic groups: [550]

Kimberley diamond rush begins[551].


A formal peace treaty between Jan Jonker and Maharero [the Missionary Peace of Okahandja] is negotiated in Windhoek with the assistance of missionaries Brincker, Diehl and Irle, with Hahn managing later to replace this with one that gives greater rights to traders and missionaries and reduces those to the Afrikaners
[552]. This Okahandja peace accords mark ‘the end of Oorlam Afrikaner dominance and the rise to power of the Herero paramount, Maharero’[553].

In the absence of Nama raiding, Herero prosperity grows:

  • Maharero and around 20,000 people at Okahandja plains;
  • Zeraua centred on Otjimbingwe;
  • Mireti [Mureti] in ‘southern Kaoko’, centred on Otjibambi;
  • Kambazembi centred on Waterberg;
  • eastern Herero north and south of Gobabis.[554]

Several authors assert that in about AD 1870 successful cattle raiding by Nama from the south force Herero to move northwards again into southern Angola – ‘a large group of Tjimba-Herero fled Nama raiders and crossed the Kunene River north into Angola later returning to NW Kaokoland in 1920 as the Himba pastoralists’[555].

1871

Maharero, distrustful of the Boers trekking into ‘Hereroland’ territory, writes to the Cape Government [British] requesting help, which is not granted, to prevent a Boer immigration and subsequent control of land.[556] By this date, there are only three Otjiherero-speaking converts to Christianity[557] [seems to contradict Wallace 1869 above?].

C.H. Hahn makes ‘a reconnaissance trip to Waterberg … and to the powerful Kambazembi residing there’[558]. He describes the Griqua Willem Krüger as ‘a depraved subject’ who had “become a kind of chief over the numerous Bushmen and Bergdama, and rules them with an iron fist; they all tremble before him”’[559]. He writes further that ‘the Bushmen at Waterberg grow tobacco for Krüger and were not allowed by him to speak to either the Europeans or the Herero chiefs at Krüger’s werft, and observes: “Bushmen and Bergdama men and women are running to and fro, carry tree stems, grass, etc and build houses for Krüger, his wives, his father and his Namaqua followers. On top of that they have to provide them all with food. These Namaqua drones don’t move. After all it is an honour for the Bushmen and Bergdama to spoonfeed them”’[560].

cf. Moritz writes of this situation:

[i]n the area of the Waterberg, as Hugo Hahn reported on his journey there in 1871, Kruger from Griqualand had already been joined by Bushmen and mountain Damaras. He was their chief, as it were, and ruled them with an iron hand. Johannes Krüger had been ordered by Maharero to go to the Waterberg (Otjozondjupa), and Hahn joined him on 9 October 1871. Krüger showed Hahn a letter from Kamaharero, who had commissioned him to go to Otjozondjupa as an overseer with a Herero chief Omutivao. He was to make sure that no Europeans settled there. Hahn reports that the Damaras at the Waterberg were Kruger's servants. They had to plant tobacco for him.

     With their riding horses, the travel group rode to Otyozongombe (cattle place), which was called Somakob by the mountain Damara. In the evening, the chief of the Bergdamara came to Missionary Hahn. Hahn asked him why the people were not seen. He replied that Krüger had forbidden them to be seen. They were also not allowed to go to any other chief.[561]

1873

The Swartboois under Abraham Swartbooi / !Ábeb !Huisemab leave !Ameib because of scarcity of water, moving ‘through Sesfontein to Kaokoland up into Angola, but moved back again through the same route and settled at Otjitambi in the late 1870s’[562].

Missionary Carl Hugo Hahn leaves the RMS, his converts remaining ‘few in number’
[563]. Redecker of Otjimbingwe [see 1867] and his brother gain land as ‘payment of a debt [of 40k German marks, p. 32] owed at what became his trading post … by the people of Herero chief Zacharias Zeraua’, [31] and the trading post, which is economically unsuccessful and opposed by the RMS, is transferred to him to become his private business – Kolonial u. Manufacturwarenhandlung: Colonial and Manufactured Goods Trading Post, with an outlet in Karibib in Hälbich’s hands [see 1867][564].

In this year a Beiderbecke refers to Willem Krüger [see 1871] as “a highly respected and feared man. Not only has he a big werft here but he has managed to bring back many other Bergdama under his sway as well”, and that “Krüger and his big werfts of Namaquas and Bushmen is being expected back from hunting expeditions soon”[565]. Hoachanas mission station is re-established, having been abandoned in 1866[566]. 

 

The German anatomist Gustav Fritsch publishes ‘his paradigmatic Natives of South Africa’ including ethnographic portraits of ‘Bushmen’, based on three years of travel in 1863-66[567]. He distinguishes the “A-bantu Südafrika’s (Kaffern)” and the “Koi-koin” (among them in the “narrow sense”: ‘Colonialen Hottentotten’, ‘Namaquas’, ‘Korana’ and ‘Griqua’; and “Buschmänner”).[568]

1873-1880

Moritz writes,

Missionary Beiderbecke, who was on the Waterberg from 1873 to 1880, used old Krüger as an interpreter; this was not possible with Kruger’s son Wilhelm who also acted like a chief. He had a large werft there and, in addition to this werft, tried to bring other mountain Damaras under his rule. Wilhelm [15] married a Herero woman. Of their children, one of the sons was also named John. This one was a great hunter. He moved to Gaub and made the Hei//om living there his subjects.[569]

1870s

By this decade the Oorlam Afrikaner power has been broken, opening the hunting fields and trade routes of southern and central Namibia and precipitating ‘an immense expansion of trade’[570]. Around one hundred Afrikaner pioneers, the Dorstland / Thirstland trekkers, pass through Nyae Nyae in ox-carts towards Angola[571]. In southern Angola the Huila highlands are settled by Portuguese and Dorsland trekkers from Transvaal, and the ports Mossamedes (Namibe) and Porto Alexandre (Tombua) are flourishing, exporting, for example, cane sugar from plantations inland on the Coroca river[572]. Following ivory depletions in central Namibia, commercial European hunters from Walvis Bay resettle in Mossamedes, seeking untapped ivory resources in Kunene valley[573]. ‘[S]everal hunting trips to Kaoko and western Owambo’ are made by James Chapman in this decade[574]. = expansion of Transvaal Boers [‘Trekboers’] into Kaoko, accompanied by commercial hunting, plus Oorlam expansion into Kaoko and export routes through Walvis Bay, including via a coastal route through western desert beyond rival European access[575]. In this decade ‘business with ivory from the northern areas both to Mossamedes and to Walvis Bay flourished’ but also ‘traders complained that there was no longer enough ivory and cattle to buy in Owambo’[576], such that elephant herds ‘in neighbouring Ovamboland were seriously diminished in the 1870s’[577].

|Uixamab Oorlam settlement in Sesfontein precipitates centralization of settlement here plus ‘the intensification of agricultural production [esp. tobacco], the accumulation of stock and the appropriation of water and grazing resources’[578]. Rizzo reports from Herero interviews that forced coercion is rarely mentioned although argues that Oorlam [in otjiHerero = ‘ovaKuena’[579]] organisation of the Sesfontein economy involved ‘enforced patronage and loyalties’[580], with other oral histories are more ambiguous on this point. Tobacco is used to barter for small stock and sometimes cattle[581].

Tom Bechuana (who had been a guide for Galton) and his son Vita Tom reach southern Angola in this decade and the latter begins ‘to establish himself as a key figure within the militarized raiding economy’ accessing ‘arms, horses and cattle’, his successful advancement being ‘due to his closeness to the colonial economy and administration, bolstered not least by his multilingualism’[582]. He could thereby act as ‘an intermediary, linking African, Boer and European activities… in the realm of commercial hunting and the transport business’, while his accumulation of herds allowed him ‘to increase his own wealth and through this to maintain a following through a system of loans and patronage’ which he bolstered symbolically through the use of military uniforms[583].


Overall, the 1870s saw the ‘integration of Kaoko into the capitalised economies of the Cape and into the sphere of action of advancing Oorlam [in otjiHerero = ‘ovaKuena’] commandos began in the mid 1870s and triggered off an extensive socio-economic transformation in the region throughout the 1880s and 1890s’, including the emergent Fransfontein and Sesfontein leadership ‘claiming territorial authority’
[584].

1870s and 1880s

‘When W.C. Palgrave, special emissary to South West Africa, visited various political dignitaries in central Namibia in the 1870s and 1880s, Herero leaders in Omaruru, as well as representatives of the Swartbooi Namas in Fransfontein, claimed authority over an area they named Kaoko’ - the north-western highlands[585]. Boer and Portuguese traders and hunters in Kaoko and southern Angola with firearms and ox-wagons start to crowd out African / Oorlam presence[586]. Owambo are reportedly trading muzzle-loading guns from Portuguese ‘with Tjimba trade partners in Kaokoland in return for ivory and other exotic commodities’[587]. Oral history refers to cattle-posts of Owambo kings in ‘Kaoko’, probably drawing in raided cattle[588].

1870s-1890s

‘Access to the Kaokoveld’ is reportedly controlled ‘well into the 1890s’ ‘by the well-armed Swartboois and Topnaar commando groups from their settlements at Sesfontein and Fransfontein’, these commandos apparently also preying upon elephants and trading ivory’[589]. ‘[M]ounted and well armed’ ‘Swartboois of Franzfontein and the Topnaar of Sesfontein’ begin ‘their devastating raids into cattle-rich Kaokoland’, ‘to capture cattle’ much of which was ‘sold in central Namibia in order to purchase guns, ammunition, horses and other commodities (such as clothes, shoes, salt and sugar)’[590]. Bollig writes that,

descriptions of Kuena attacks on the Herero speaking pastoralists of Kaokoland leave little doubt as to the brutality of these raids. Men, women and children were invariably shot, homes were burned down and cattle driven off. Several traditions hint at the fact that the raiders cut off women’s arms in order to steal the copper wire worn on their arms[591]. In the western parts of Kaokoland some informants claimed that the Kuena were not only after cattle and copper but sought slaves as well who were then forced to work in their gardens at Sesfontein and Franzfontein.[592]

At the same time, the Herero-speakers were not only passive victims: Mureti [of southern Kaokoveld, Otjitambi area?] and others outwitted the raiders in various ways; [16] others formed alliances with the Nama, such as Kakurukouje / Kasupi ‘a rich herder’ in the south-west of the Herero-settled area and thus geographically closer to the !Gomen (‘Topnaar) leadership of Sesfontein, who ‘took part in their raids and shared the loot’[593].

The raiding prompts the Herero-speaking pastoralists to return with their livestock to north of the Kunene (Bollig describes this as an ‘exodus’) or retreat without livestock into a foraging ‘Tjimba’ lifestyle in the Baynes Mountains (known as Okuhama and Omaanda)[594]. One group settles ‘with the Koroka near the coastal towns of Namibe and Tombua’ [Mossamedes and Porto Alexandre], ‘another group settled in or around Otjiku in the Ngambwe area’ further east; [17] as ‘refugees’ requesting assistance they became called ‘Ovahimbe’ meaning ‘beggars’, the term now used as the ethnonym ‘Himba’[595].

1874

Gert Alberts together with 12 Boer families[596] from the Transvaal – the ‘Trekboers’ – depart for the north in the first trek known as the Van der Merwe trek[597].

 

Maharero’s representation to the Cape Government [British] to be formally taken under colonial protection is repeated[598].

​​McKiernan reports ‘Dama having large herds of goats’[599].

William Chapman, son of the explorer James Chapman, is reported to join a trading firm in Walvis Bay, where there were four houses when he landed – he is quoted in Green as writing of Walvis Bay that,

[t]here were Englishmen, South Africans, Swedes and Dutch, all heavy drinkers … [t]he only exceptions were the German missionaries. Bastards also came from Rehoboth and drank cases of gin and cognac before departing. Some of the white traders had white wives; others had taken Bastard, Herero or Hottentot women[600].

The Governor of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope receives a Letters Patent from Queen Victoria, ‘giving him full power and permission to annex Walvis Bay and the immediate surrounding country’[601].

1875

Jan Petrus |Unuweb |Uichamab (of the !omen / !Gomen / Topnaar who had left Walvis bay area some distance from the sea and moved to Sesfontein) is already kaptein in Sesfontein, having succeeded his brother Hendrik Anibab |Uichamab, who had been leader when the !Gomen moved to Sesfontein (having succeeded from his father |Uichab who died in the south before they moved)[602]. His arrival in Sesfontein attracts ‘people from the surrounding areas, as the emerging settlement offered new economic opportunities’, causing a centralization of people in Sesfontein including ‘people who had been living as hunters, herders and fishermen [?] along the riverbeds towards the coast or shifting between the various nearby waterholes’[603]. Thus, ‘[w]hile the settlement of Sesfontein involved forced removals of people on the one hand, and their consequent migration or flight in cases where the living conditions would not improve, on the other, the incentives offered by … Sesfontein’s growing socio-political significance determined the approach of many’[604]. ‘Intensification of agricultural production’ generated employment in herding and in newly established gardens’ and ‘[y]oung men were enrolled into commandos, with which they engaged in raids and hunting trips and supervised herds’[605]. Also integration combined with territorial expansion through ‘intermarriage and participation in the stock economy through loans and the inheritance of cattle’ plus herding at stock-posts in the broader landscape[606].

McKiernan confirms presence of Dama living in the Erongo Mountains, the Waterberg and Otavi district, and of ‘San’ east of Outjo[607]. He passes ‘a party of Wambo blacksmiths on their way to Damaraland’, reporting that ‘they carried a small supply of iron and copper and travelled from village to village making knives, arrowheads and beads’ in return for which ‘they received sheep and goats which they retraded for cows when they were able to do so’, returning home after a couple of years ‘with a small herd’[608].

McKiernan managed to find the copper mine of ‘Bushmen’ about 20 miles from Otavi[609]. He does not explicitly note that Bushmen were engaged in mining activities, but states that Ovambo procured ore from the mines and that Brooks, a hunter who had been living in the area for about a year, “had been told where they were by the Bushmen” [610](1954: 52).

He hears that copper mines near Otavi are a source of Wambo ore[611].

1876

The Rev. Hugo Hahn, having lived with ‘Berg-Damara’ for over 30 years, writes that,

[t]he Berg-Damaras are a nation whose language and past history remain an insoluble riddle. So much is certain, that they inhabited these parts (i.e., Damaraland) and those far southward towards the Garieb or Orange River long before the Namaquas (Hottentot) came from the south, and afterwards, when the invasion of the Hereros took place about one hundred and fifty or two hundred years ago, they were still to a great extent the owners of the mountainous parts of North Great Namaqualand and the undisputed masters of Hereroland, living in large and powerful tribes. It can scarcely be doubted that they also, before they were enslaved, worked in their rude way the different copper places in Great Namaqualand and Hereroland. Numerous indications prove that such working was carried on in former centuries.[612] 

Amidst reluctance to extend British control over SWA/Namibia[613], the Cape Government sends Commissioner W. Coates Palgrave, accompanied by an official photographer, F. Hodgson[614], to expand British influence over Hereroland and associated leaders (esp. Kamaherero and Jonker Afrikaner[615]) through securing ‘formal requests from the Oorlam-Nama and Herero for British protection’[616] and counter Boer immigration.[617] An additional context is ‘the rise of a colonial party in Germany’ stimulating Rhenish missionary ‘hopes of the country becoming a German possession’ coupled with ‘German trading interests’, and leading ‘to Imperial Germany's political involvement in the territory’ particularly following Chancellor ‘political interest in the hinterland’[618]. In the Walvis Bay area Palgrave finds 120-200 people, including Dama and Bushmen under the influence of the Red Nation[619] of a total of around 750 Topnaar[620]. Palgrave, on his first and second commissions to the territory makes reference to ‘competing claims for Kaoko by Swartbooi and Herero leaders in central Namibia’[621].

Centring on Omaruru, the hunter, trader and entrepreneur Axel Eriksson has ‘about twenty white people in his service, mostly Swedes’[622]. A RMS station is established under missionary Eduard Dannert with Herero chief Tjiharine [see 1845] designating ‘a few acres just south of the spring in the Omaruru River for their home’[623].

​​The commercial hunter Frederick Green (b. 1829 in Quebec) reportedly develops an abscess on his liver and dies at 47 years old on 5th May at Heigamchab[624] whilst travelling from Walvis Bay to Otjimbingwe with Palgrave, who buries him here[625].

American trader Gerald McKieran is travelling in the vicinity of Etosha Pan[626]...

Johanna Alberts, the wife of one of the trek leaders of the Dorsland trekkers, dies at Rietfontein (in Etosha) from malaria[627]: ‘[b]etween 1876 and 1879, the Dorstland ("Thirstland") Trekkers, who first stayed at Namutoni and Rietfontein where they fell ill with malaria and their cattle suffered lung sickness (de la Bat 1982), moved into Angola via the early trader routes’.[628]

1876-1877

Rohde and Hoffman write that,

[t]he images made by Palgrave’s photographer [1st Commission depicted a cultural landscape shaped by pastoral migration, fire management and newly established missionary and trading settlements around natural water resources, which would gradually develop into the main urban centres of modern Namibia. The photographs also recorded a landscape which had become devoid of wildlife as a result of several decades of rapacious hunting (primarily for elephants and ostrich) and the virtual decimation of the region’s mega-herbivore population... Examples from other semi-arid savanna regions suggest that the effects of this sudden discontinuation of disturbance associated with browsing and seasonal migration of large numbers of ungulates on the region's vegetation structure would have been profound... Concurrently, the process of land-use change associated with the commercialisation of livestock production was beginning to impact the environment along the drove routes south to the Cape...[629]

1877

In this year Rhenish missionaries Böhm and Bernsmann travel from Otjimbingwe as far as the Hoanib River in the north-west, their route circles what are named as the Etendeka mountains in the uplands of the !Uniab, and takes them to Ameib, Okombahe, Sorris-Sorris on the Ugab river, Urunendis [Uruhunes], Kai-as, and Hûnkab, ‘Ub’ [|Ūb] on the Honaib (west of Sesfontein) and ‘Zesfontein’, for which they also record a Herero name [Ohamukehe?] – see journey marked in red on the 1878 map below[630].

   

WC Palgrave writes of ‘Berg-Damara’ at Okambahe (and considered to still be true at the time of the Union of South Africa Blue Book enquiry) that,

They make gardens in which they grow mealies, pumpkins and tobacco. In 1875 they had a mile of the river-bed under cultivation and harvested 300 muids of wheat, the greater part of which was sold for more than 40 shillings a muid. For people who have been so recently reclaimed from a perfectly savage state the progress they are making is astonishing. They are a provident people, and are fast becoming rich in cattle and goats. They have not that love for cattle which distinguishes the Hereros and [106] Namaqua, and from the fact that so long as they have been known they have made gardens it is assumed as probable that they were originally an agricultural people, like the Ovambos. . . . They are industrious and make good servants.[631]

He says of the ‘Berg-Damara’ at Okambahe,

I told the Damaras (i.e., Hereros) that any plan they might have to submit to Your Excellency for their own protection and the government of their country must recognise the independence of these Berg- Damaras and provide for their settlement or it would meet with no favour, and they readily agreed with me that it should be the first duty of anyone Your Excellency sent to them to select Berg-Damara locations, even if there was no immediate prospect of their being occupied.[632]

Palgrave confirms that ‘Bushmen’ are mining at the mine close to Otavi: ‘[a]t present they [Ovambo] obtain their supply from the Bushmen at Otave [Otavi], who quarry it out of enormous deposits, which exist there of surpassing richness’.[633] 

Hendrik van Zyl of Ghanzi shoots 400 elephant in the western Kalahari[634].

Beginnings of great trek from the South African Republic (Transvaal) westwards across the Kalahari to southern Angola[635]. 

1878

The German geographic journal Mittheilungen aus Justhus Perthes’ geographischer Anstalt auf dem Gesammtgebiete der Geographie. Dr. A. Petermann calls what was formerly known as ‘Damaraland’, ‘Hereroland’, stating:

[t]he ancestors of the current Topmaars [sic] and Bushmen must be regarded as the original inhabitants of the Herero land. The former have melted down to a few hundred; the latter have been pushed into the seemingly arid line between Betsuan, Herero and Great Namaqualand. The land of the Bushmen is therefore mainly between the 18 to 27° southern latitude and the 20 to 24° eastern longitude. Where they are shown on maps elsewhere, they are so rare that one can hardly justify their name. The individual remains of earlier tribes of the Bushmen have different names, so that mistakes can easily occur.

   How these most miserable of the miserable people are to come into the realm of mission and civilization remains a mystery to us. They live so scattered and so unstable, so inaccessible and so tedious that it is almost unbelievable. And yet, where one comes into closer contact with them, and where they are greeted with love and benevolence, they have shown themselves grateful and ready to serve. Only where they are treated inhumanly cruel, slaughtered and abused to animalistic lusts, as unfortunately happened by some white people lately, it can’t surprise us if they take revenge and don’t spare the white man either... Unfortunately, the Herero also start to murder the bushmen where they meet them. The number of Bushmen living within the given borders may be around 20000. Their language is partly Bushman, partly they speak Nama. The Bushman is very different from the Nama. Especially noticeable are the unpleasant throat sounds, which are very common in the Bushman language instead of the click sounds of the Nama.[636] 

With regard to numbers and languages of different population groups in Hereroland, the following was estimated:[637]

Ova-Herero

80000

Herero-language or Otjiherero

Ova-mbanderu

30000

Herero-language or Otjiherero

Bergdamra

50000

Naman-langauge

Naman

2500

Naman-language

Bastards

2000

Dutch language

Buschmänner im Ganzen

20000

Bushman- and Naman-langaugee

Weisse (Engländer, Schweden u. Deutsche)

300

Sa.

1848000

A map published in this year by A. Petermann includes detail for a number of journeys and observations by Rhenish missionaries, especially J. Böhm and F. Bernsmann:

Originalkarte des Herero & Kaoko-Landes, by A. Petermann, drawing journeys and observations by Rhenish missionaries, especially J. Böhm and F. Bernsmann, published in Perthes 1878, p. Tafel 18. Source: https://digital.library.illinois.edu/items/251774e0-e946-0133-1d3d-0050569601ca-4, 10 November 2020.

The map places named groupings of people as follows:

  • ‘IHaukoin (Bergdamara)’ – south-east of Etosha Pan, in a band stretching west to east close to Otjikoto Lake and south of Omuramba Owambo;
  • ‘Buschmänner (Namaqua)’ – in a band stretching west to east north of ‘Waterberg’ (named on the map as ‘Omuveroumue’);
  • ‘Ovazorotua oder [or] Berg-Damara’ ‘Scattered and subjugated by the Ovaherero and Namaqua’ in a large band across the centre of the map, stretching west to east from the upper reachs of the Huab across to the Waterberg (‘Omuveroumue’);
  • ‘Berg-Damara’ at
    Otjozondjupa at west edge of Waterberg (‘Omuveroumue’),
    ‘Omash B.’ (= Parësis mountains),
    in the Konyati / Etjo / Epako triangle,
    on Ugab between and including Soris-Soris and Okombahe,
    east of Windhoek/Eikhams on way to Gobabis,
    in a band stretching from Tsaobis to Rehoboth / ‘Annis’;
  • A ‘Damara Dorf’ (i.e. village) is marked just south of the Ugab River, close to the coast north-east of Cape Cross;
  • ‘Namaqua’ between Okombahe and Ameib, west of Otjimbingwe, and south-east of Windhoek towards Hatsamas;
  • ‘Topnaar (Namaqua)’ south of Walvis Bay in dunes south of ‘Kuisip’;
  • ‘Orlam’ between white and black Nossop, west of Gobabis;
  • ‘Geikhaua’ (presumably Kaiǁkhaun / Rooinasie / Red Nation Nama)north and south of Gobabis
  • ‘Bastards’ north of Salem on ‘Tsoachaub’ (bowel) river and north-west of Tsaobis
  • ‘Sun Damup’ to the east of present-day Grootfontein
  • ‘Tkobaab’ ‘Tdéba’ [?] to the south of ‘Sun Damup’
  • ‘Ovatyimba (Ovaherero)’ in a south-west to north-east diagonal band east and parallel to the ‘Omuramba (Ovaherero)’ (i.e. Omuramba Omatako);
  • ‘Ovatjimba’ south-east of above, in western reaches of Omuramba Epukiro
  • ‘Omaheke OvHerero’ and Kambazembi are positioned east of Omatako mountains and south of Otjozondjupa. Kamaherero is positioned at Okahandja and Kavingava to the north of here;
  • ‘Ovambandero (Damara)’, south-east again – stretching in a band from south-west to north-eats over Omuramba Epukiro;
  • Buschmänner’ to the east of the Omuramba;    
  • ‘Transvaal Boers’ near and north of Otyimbine / Tunobis / Riet Fontein.[638]

Walvis Bay is formally annexed (‘owned’[639]) by the British with warship Industry taking possession of the harbour, and British flag flies at Walvis Bay on 12 March[640], and British Resident Magistrate based here[641], although ‘traders and missionaries continue to appeal for protection from the interior pastoralists who resisted their interference’[642].

The first plant specimens from Kaokoveld were probably collected along the Kunene River by the Rev. Duparque[643].

The first group of trekboers [see 1876, 1877] leave Rietfontein and journey to Debra in the north-west where they meet some of the second trekboer group ‘in the greatest misery’ due to thirst and fever[644] [see 1879]. In July they reach Lion Pan (Leeupan) and again the Okavango River, and elect a new leader, the hunter Botha, with Greyling and several families returning to Rietfontein and 18 other families returning to the Transvaal[645].

1879

In the beginning of the year the trekboers travel south from the Okavango, where reportedly ‘[s]everal of the men were caught by natives during hunting trips and murdered in the most cruel way’, and reach Etosha salt-pan[646],

[f]rom here scouts were first sent northwards to Ovampoland, but when the reports from there were unfavourable, they turned westwards to the so-called Kaokoveld south of the Kunene River and continued on right down to the sea. The country was rocky and arid however, poisonous springs were discovered in several [42] places; it was observed that birds which drank from these pools fell dead after a few flaps of their wings. It is said that some time afterwards the well-known ivory trader and hunter, Eriksson, lost nineteen valuable horses through poisoning from such springs. On returning from the Kaokoveld, however, a fairly good place a few day’s travel south of the Kunene was discovered [Otjitambi?] and here, towards the end of July 1879, the whole expedition gathered to rest for some time.

   While these wanderings were taking place, rumours of the Boers’ misfortunes and their wretched plight had slowly, by means of travelling traders and hunters, reached the coast at Walfish [Walvis] Bay and from there reached Cape Town. Here a collection was arranged [with assistance from Axel Eriksson] to help the unfortunates and when a sum of £7 000 had been collected a relief expedition was sent from Walfish Bay to find the Boers. The expedition which brought clothes, medicine, provisions and ammunition arrived just in time to prevent the total extinction of the emigrants decimated by disease and bereft of the most basic necessities. Thanks to the relief expedition the Boers soon recovered. The proposal which was made to them at the time that they should settle in Damaraland under English protection, was declined, however, partly because of their dislike of everything English, partly because of the weak position in which they found themselves regarding the warlike Damara [Herero] who were armed with good guns. An invitation from the Portuguese in Angola, who offered the Boers settlement on the high plateau at Humpata seemed more inviting. The Portuguese, well knowing the respect the Boers commanded from the natives wherever they appeared, were hoping through this immigration to get help and protection against the indigenous population, with which they had had difficulty in coping. They therefore promised the Boers a hectare of free land per head and complete autonomy, all for a period of ten years.[647]

Capt. Warren of the HMS Swallow escorting the Christina – ‘chartered to transport the goods’[648] – leaves Cape Town on 24 September accompanied by W. Coates Palgrave, Special Commissioner of Damaraland for the British Government in the Cape, landing at Walwich Bay five days later, ‘as part of the relief expedition sent by the British Government to assist the ill and starving “Dorsland (Thirst Land) Trekkers”’ stranded in ‘Damaraland’, carrying a collection of money, food, medicines, clothing and ammunition by a relief committee set up in Cape Town[649]. Palgrave also brings horses and mules, saddles, harnesses and forage, and is accompanied by ‘a translator and Topnaar assistants from Walvis Bay’[650]. Unable to land on 4 October at Rocky Point [=Ogden Harbour?] on the Kaokoveld coast, they return via Cape Cross, where Palgrave mistakenly attributes the padrão to Bartholemew Dias, and the trekkers with ox-wagons later collect their relief supplies from Walvis Bay[651]. Gert Alberts of the Trekboers leads a small mounted party down the valley of the Hoarusib River to the sea, in an attempt to collect supplies gathered in response to appeal by the Swedish trader Axel Eriksson, becoming the first white men to traverse the Kaokoveld from east to west[652]:

[o]n his way through the Kaokoveld [in the 1870s, Gert] Alberts [who led a group of trekboers to try and pick up supplies at mouth of Hoarusib] had noted its many springs, the majority of which were uninhabited because cattle raiding by Topnaar and Swartbooi Nama had driven most of the Herero-speaking pastoralists across the Kunene River[653].

Hartmann later writes that the Swallow was aiming to return to ‘Ogden Harbour’ [Huab mouth area - see Bohm and Bernsmann map above**] but was unable to anchor there as the harbour apparently observed by Morrell in 1829 was silted up, leaving only a single standing rock – ‘the Ogden rock’[654].

Catholic missionary Carlos Duparquet reaches western Etosha and meets ‘numerous hunters at places [‘nodes’] such as Otjivazandu and Ombombo’[655].

Rome establishes ‘an apostolic prefecture named Cimbebasia to be ministered by Father Duparquet’ and stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Transvaal Republic, bounded to the north by the Kunene, Kasai and Liba rivers and the Orange in the south; [8] with the part falling within the German protectorate later entrusted to the Oblate Fathers of Mary and becoming known as ‘Lower Cimbebasia’ in contrast to ‘Upper Cimbebasia’ in Angola[656].

Armed conflict ‘between central Namibian Herero and Nama-Oorlam leaders’ begins to impact on trade routes between southern Namibia and Kaoko, e.g. to Walvis Bay, and around this time the British ban the import of arms into Walvis Bay, further diminishing its attraction for Kaoko trades[657].

1879-1880

A published return of 40,000lbs of gunpowder and 300,000 cartridges shipped through Walvis Bay in 1879-80 is illustrative of the scale of inland hunting[658] and game considered exhausted in Central Namibia and the Kalahari by this time causing withdrawal of commercial hunters[659]. A new peak of exports of northern Namibian ivory from Mossamedes with cattle raiding also occurring along trade route and arms imported through Mossamedes, and ‘cattle exports to the Angolan coast increased’[660].

1879-1880s

Labour recruitment and shipment of Damara as well as Herero and others from central Namibia to the Cape Colony, sees several hundred men, women and children recruited as indentured labour for households and farms through a labour recruitment programme of the Cape Government, listed on arrival by ‘the Immigration Agent for the Cape Colony (IAC) as either “Damaras”, “Damara [64] emigrants”, “natives from Damaraland” or mostly, … as “Berg-Damaras”’[661]. Testimonies recorded in the 1920s by Vedder recall this experience: for example, “Bergdamara |Ubeb” at Otjimbingwe recalls ‘that the Cape Commissioner Coates Palgrave, who was instrumental in the Cape Labour recruitment programme for central Namibia in the 1870s, “put the poor Bergdama, who neither had goats nor cattle, together and sent them with a ship for work to Cape Town”’, some of them returning at a later date[662]. Henrichsen argues that the shipment to the Cape of predominantly ‘Berg-Dama’ played a part in facilitating re-pastoralisation and the establishment of Herero chiefdoms during the late 1800s as well as consolidating ‘a more rigid identity politics’[663].

North-west Kaoko and southern Angola are brought into the violent appropriations of the Oorlam raiding economy and accompanying deportations of people, led from especially Sesfontein and focusing on key places such Kaoko Otavi[664]. Attested to in account by Vita Tom to Manning in Sesfontein (9 August 1917) who states that,

before my sons were born (about 30 years ago? CNM.) an OVATSHIMBA named MUHONA KATITI being driven out from Kaokoveld by Hottentots came to me in Angola with his people for protection. He had nothing and I gave him cattle and small stock also a blanket. He wears no clothing like us. I got Portuguese authority for him to live near me. He got rich and left me to go to TSHABIKWA§ in Angola.

Also precipitated flight of Herero-speaking people southwards to Omaruru and Waterberg, eastwards to Owambo, but mostly northwards across the Kunene to join kin groups in Angola via crossing points controlled by particular families[665]. In Angola economic recovery occurs involving ‘[e]conomic differentiation, participation in commercial trade and recruitment into colonial military structures’ (especially ‘mercenary services in the Portuguese colonial armies against resisting African societies such as Nkhumbi and Kwanyama in the 1880s and early 1990s’, involvement in which provided opportunities for payment in loot stock[666]), as well as diversification into crop growing, especially tobacco and through work as guides for Portuguese and Boer hunters[667].  

Kakurukouje / Kasupi of Ombepera negotiates ‘the terms of rule and control in northern Kaoko with the Oorlam leadership’[668].

Jan |Uixamab ‘is said to have controlled cattle posts up to the Kunene River’[669]. Jan |Uixamab of Sesfontein and Cornelius Swartbooi of Franzfontein write to the RMs requesting missionaries[670].

A settlement of ‘Rehoboth Basters’, i.e. Swartboois who had left Rehoboth in 1860s, is situated in southern Angola[671].

Civil Society organisations in Germany promote the need for German colonies to provided ‘extra territory’ for an expanding white population, e.g. through establishment of the West German Society for Colonisation and Export (Westdeutsch Verein für Kolonialisation und Export) and the German Colonial Society (Deutsche Kolonial Verein - which the geographer Friederich Ratzel, see 1897 below, was involved in founding[672]), especially for the emigration of German farmers[673].

The National atlas of South-West Africa /Nasionala atlas van Suidwes-Africa by J.H. can der Merwe, published during Apartheid times (1983) includes the following maps for precolonial occupation:[674]

1880

Möller writes that,

[t]he colonization of the high plateau [Humpata, Angola] made progress only after 1880, when the Portuguese were reinforced by the Boers arriving from the Transvaal, thanks to whose help they could make a stand against the local native tribes. To encourage colonization the government gives immigrants from Madeira free travel and free land and certain other benefits, in return for the obligation to cultivate the land and stay there for at least ten years. Chibia is such a settlement, created mainly by settlers from Madeira.[675] The Transvaal Boers cross the Kunene River in October, journeying to Humpata where they found the existing Boer settlement consisting of 57 families with 270 individuals and 50 black servants brought from the Transvaal, [43] plus 61 wagons, 840 draught-oxen, 2,160 cattle, 120 horses and 3,000 goats and sheep[676]. At Humpata some 3,000 hectares of land ‘were surveyed for the Boers to found their main settlement[677].

Kamaherero asserts a claim to Kaoko as part of ‘Hereroland’ when he meets W.C. Palgrave[678]. The Nama chieftains are less comfortable [than the Herero under Maharero] with Palgrave’s protection, and whilst he is negotiating with them in Gobabis, war breaks out once more between Nama and Herero to become the ten-years’ war of 1880-1890[679]. Cross-ethnic alliances emerge involving ‘the Rehoboth Baster, the Nama Swartbooi, the Herero under Maherero, and Jan Jonker Afrikaner’ with a series of heavy battles between October 1880 and February 1881 in which Witbooi’s elder brother, his son David Christian of Bethany, Petrus |Gabeb of the Kaiǁkhaun, and Wilhem Maharero, elder brother of Samuel, all die[680].

Accounts speak of conflict between Maherero’s holy cattle grazed at same area between the Kuiseb and Swakop Rivers as Jan Jonker’s peoples’ livestock, with Herero taking quick action towards the Nama and resulting in terrible slaughter[681] and thus breaching the peace agreement of 1870[682]. Abraham Zwartbooi is documented in the RMS Chronicle of this year as calling to the Topnaar to draw with the Zwartbooi in the war against the Herero[683]. They sought to raid Herero (and also European) livestock in Otjimbingwe and Omaruru areas, capturing large numbers of animals that were then brought back to Walvis Bay and Palgrave,‘ fearing a reprisal from the Herero’, returns to Cape Town[684].

Oral traditions in Fransfontein report that ‘the Swartbooi Nama (ǁKhau-|goan) arrived in the area of Fransfontein around 1880[685].

A Portuguese merchant of Mocamedes, Antonio Francisco Nogueira, writes of ‘a nomadic and pastoral people who occupy the left bank of the Kunene on its lower course, the Be-Himba or Ba-Simba…’[686].

The Catholic missionary Charles Duparquet accompanies,

a group of hunters who crossed the western part of the middle floodplain between Uukwambi and Ombadja West. They encountered an uninhabited open landscape dissected by broad, mostly dry watercourses lined with bush. Game was plentiful. The party camped 40 miles north of Uukwambi at Ondyono (or Enjino) [possibly Okalongo]. According to Duparquet the name meant “the wells of misfortune,” and the area was [17] “filled with nice ponds with clean and clear water surrounded by beautiful trees, palms, and Oquandes [jackalberry].” One of his companions, the hunter William Jordan, who wrote an independent account of the same journey, noted that “[the Enjino] wells are held in great dread by the natives, who consider it most unlucky to live near them or drink of the water they contain.” The ponds may well have been King Haudanu’s. In the early 1990s ponds at Ohendjeno in Okalongo were still in use.[687]

He travels through the Oshana floodplain and across the Kunene to ‘Onkhumbi’, ‘making extensive observations concerning watercourses and societies on the floodplain’ and categorising ‘Ovambo groups as related to the Kunene river system’[688].

Late 19th century / 1880s-1890s

Mossamedes, the most important harbour on the southwest Angolan coast, becomes the main outlet for ivory from northwestern Namibia in the 1880s and 1890s[689]. Livestock raiding by Oorlam Nama (kuena) in Kaoko and into southern Angola is reported[690] with ovaKuena standardised in repeated references by Bollig as ‘the Swartboois of Franzfontein and the Topnaar of Sesfontein’[691]. Local mercenary leaders resident in southwestern Angola during the 1890s and 1900s and ‘offering their services to the Portuguese army’, such as Vita Thom (Oorlog) and Muhona Katiti, ‘were also elephant hunters, engaging directly with the Dorsland Trekkers in their efforts’[692].

 

In the 1880s and into the 1890s the Oorlam-Nama population in Sesfontein expands to close to 500 including dependents [e.g. Dama from the broader region as well as kidnapped Himba from the north], a pattern mirrored in Warmquelle and Otjitambi, and thriving garden economies are established in Sesfontein and Fransfontein, complementing Nama herd concentrations in these areas[693].

1881

The last herd of elephants near Klein Namutoni are shot by European hunters, and lion and rhino survive only in remote and inaccessible areas[694].

1882

The Swartbooi settle at Otjitambi on the upper Huab river[695].

Dr. Hahn, the former missionary from Otjimbingwe but now pastor of the German congregation in Cape Town, is called on to intervene by the British Cape Government. Reportedly the Nama chiefs refused to negotiate, but on 12th June Hahn succeeds in getting the Herero on one side and the Basters and Swartboois on the other to reach a peace agreement[696]. Moses Witbooi and Jan Jonker refuse any such agreement, continuing raiding trips on the Herero which over the next eight years weakened both sides[697]. Jan Jonker’s power wains during this time through mistrust and desertion, including by his son Fanuel, who joins the Witboois[698].

Lüderitz appeals ‘for German protection of any acquisitions he might make on the SWA/Namibia coast’ to a non-committal response from Berlin[699].

In November Trekboers in Angola are naturalised as Portuguese subjects[700].

Missionary Charles Duparquet in the northern oshanas floodplain observes ‘an estimated 300 men engaged in the construction of wells that reached a depth of 40 feet’, although such wells were apparently rare in the northern floodplain[701].

1883

Historian Wolfgang Werner writes that by this year concession companies had acquired most of central and southern Namibia[702].

Earl of Mayo makes references to ‘Hottentot raids’ into south-western Angola[703]​​, and to ‘Hottentot and Griqua hunters’ employed by trader Axel Eriksson[704], who ‘spent some years as an elephant and ostrich hunter, [and] made a good profit [61] out of it’[705].


[1] Contribution statement: an initial 180 pages of literature review organised into a chronology was shared by Sullivan with Dieckmann on 1st September 2020. We have collaborated iteratively on this document since then.

[2] As historian Lorena Rizzo (2012, pp. 3, 7) writes, historical and present dynamics demonstrate ‘Kaoko’s instability and its shifting materiality as a territory and socio-political space’, especially in relation to mobilities that blur ethnic, geographical and economic colonial boundaries.

[3] Eichhorn and Vogelsang 2007, p. 151.

[4] Lebzelter in Vedder 2016[1938]: 115; ǁGaroës 2021** .

[5] Boois 2017, p. 3.

[6] Moritz 2015, p. 7, afer Lebzelter 1934.

[7] Kinahan 1988, p. 5. The spelling of ‘Cimbebas’ is considered to follow Italian orthography in which the ‘ci’ would be pronounced ‘tchi’ and probably corresponds to the Bantu singular prefix ‘ch’ or ‘tyi’, and ‘[a]ccording to the phonetic laws which govern Bantu languages in south-western Africa’, mbeba would equate to mbemba, vemba or pemba – leading to ‘Chivemba’ or ‘otyivemba’ – Jill Kinahan 1988, pp. 6-7 after Estermann 1981, pp. 6-8. Jill Kinahan (1988, p. 7) thereby indicates that a later equation between Cimbebas and Chimba, Tjimba (which is itself a prefix deriving from ondjimbandjimba) or Himba) a Herero-speaking people living north and south of the Kunene River is confused – as in Vedder’s (2016[1938]) equation of Cimbebas and Tjimba, and the suggestion that ‘Cimbebas is the land of the Tjimba’. Estermann (1981, p. 8 in Kinahan 1988, p. 7) maintains that this is erroneous and that ‘Cimbeba’ – more accurately ‘tyivemba’ – instead is built from the root ‘vemba’ meaning to divide and should instead be interpreted as ‘separated land’ or a land close to a dividing line or boundary.    

[8] Eichhorn and Vogelsang 2007, p. 147.

[9] Eichhorn and Vogelsang 2007, pp. 149, 150.

[10] Eichhorn and Vogelsang 2007, pp. 149, 145.

[11] Moritz 2015, p. 5 after Fahrbach 2011, p. 72.

[12] Kinahan 1980, in Lau / Andersson 1987, p. viii.

[13] Kinahan and Vogel 1982.

[14] Kinahan 1981, summarised in Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 121.

[15] Rohrbach 1907, p. 11, trans. by Ute Dieckmann.

[16] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f15, p. 176.

[17] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 272.

[18] Shaw 1841, p. 20.

[19] J.H.A. Kinahan 1988, p. 5.

[20] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278 after Barnard 1992.

[21] J.H.A. Kinahan 1989, p. 36.

[22] J.H.A. Kinahan 1988, p. **.

[23] J.H.A. Kinahan 1988, p. **.

[24] J.H.A. Kinahan 1988, p. 5-6.

[25] Wallace 2011, p. 51.

[26] Hayes 2012, p. ix.

[27] Lau 1995(1989), p. vii.

[28] du Pisani 1986, p. 9, and references therein.

[29] Brand 2016(1983), online.

[30] Mossop 1947, p. 93.

[31] Parsons 2004, referring to Penn 1995.

[32] Mossop 1947, p. xii; Suzman 2017, p. 50.

[33] In Mossop 1947, p. 149.

[34]  Dedering 1997, p. 37.

[35] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 20, as confirmed in Hop and Brink’s expedition to southern Namibia in 1761.

[36] Wadley 1979, p. 10.

[37] In Mossop 1935, p. 277, also 1947, p. 94.

[38] Mossop 1935, p. 277.

[39]  In Mossop 1935, p. 277.

[40] du Pisani 1986, p. 14; Wallace 2011: pp. 50-51; reported by Lemmer 1957, p. 15. as ‘The Orange River is crossed by the first European, Jacob Coetsee, whilst hunting elephant’.

[41] Mossop 1947, p. 94; also Mossop 1935, p. 9.

[42] In Mossop 1935, pp. 287, 289.

[43] Hahn 1869, p. 227 quoted in Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 273.

[44] In Mossop 1947, pp. 3, 7.

[45] Joubert 1971, p. 33.

[46] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 20.

[47] Mossop 1935, p. 21.

[48] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 20.

[49] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 20.

[50] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 20.

[51] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 21.

[52] Wadley 1979, p. 10 after Goodwin 1956, p. 48.

[53] Moritz 2015, p. 5 after E. Moritz p. 52 u. 49.

[54]  Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 21.

[55] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 16.

[56] Wallace 2011, p. 56.

[57] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 16.

[58] Chapman 1971[1855], p. 167.

[59] Jill Kinahan 1988, p. 6.

[60] Bollig 1997, p. 13.

[61] Bollig 1997, p. 13.

[62] Bollig 1997, pp. 13-14.

[63] Bollig 1997, p. 14.

[64] i.e. south-west Angolan San, see Robins et al. 2001, p. 58.

[65] Bollig 1997, p. 14.

[66] Bollig 1997, p. 15.

[67] Rohrbach 1907, p. 11, trans. by Ute Dieckmann.

[68] Galton 1852, p. 144.

[69] Dentlinger 1977, p. 7 after Hoernlé 1925, p. 5.

[70] Galton 1852, pp. 156-158.

[71] Dierks 1987/88, p. 17.

[72] Mossop 1935, p. 4.

[73] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 59.

[74] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], pp. 56-58.

[75] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 59.

[76] Nb. The pestles illustrated by Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 61 are elongated and slightly pointed, whereas those observed for use for grinding grass seeds in recent decades are rounded.

[77] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], pp. 59, 61 – although nb. such interpretations are difficult to make with certainty because the site may have been occupied in layers with different hut circles occupied at different moments in time, i.e. ‘the number of encampments of different ages suggests that there was a succession of separate occupations, p. 62.

[78] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 62.

[79] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 67.

[80]  J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 63.

[81]  J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 63.

[82] As observed to the north-west of Sesfontein for a hive harvested in living memory by Nathan ǂÛina Taurob, see Sullivan 1999.

[83] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], pp. 63-64, as observed for hives harvested by Dama and ǁUbun men in the 1990s in the vicinity of Sesfontein in Sullivan 1999.

[84] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 119.

[85] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 119.

[86] Köhler 1969, p. 106.

[87] Christopher 2010.

[88] J.H.A. Kinahan 1989, p. 37 who clarifies much erroneous information regarding this expedition in Vedder 2016[1938], and 1990, pp. 23-24.

[89] J.H.A. Kinahan 1990, p. 24.

[90] J.H.A.  Kinahan 1989, p. 37 – following speculation by a British parliamentary committee that ‘the Namib might be a perfect location for a penal colony’, the British naval ship the Nautilus explores the Namib coastline and finds it inhospitable, even for a penal colony (Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, pp. 18-19, for 1785; also Wallace 2011, p. 57, for 1786).

[91]  J.H.A. Kinahan 1990, p. 24.

[92] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18 after Mossop 1935, p. 307.

[93] J.H.A. Kinahan 2017, p. 300.

[94] Thompson’s narrative and Popham’s charts are available in Jill Kinahan 1990.

[95] J.H.A. Kinahan 1990, p. 25.

[96] du Pisani 1986, p. 13.

[97] Wallace 2011, p. 56.

[98] J.H.A. Kinahan 1986, p. 17.

[99] du Pisani 1986, p. 14.

[100] Mossop 1935, p. 10.

[101] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 32.

[102] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 37.

[103] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 32.

[104] Joubert 1971, p. 34.

[105] Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 32-33.

[106] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 32.

[107]  Joubert 1971, p. 34.

[108] Mossop 1935, p. 11; also Vedder 2016[1938], p. 33; John Kinahan 1980, p. 18.

[109] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 36.

[110] Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 36-37.

[111] Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 33-34; also Mossop 1935, p. 311, quoted in Wadley 1979, p. 8.

[112] Lemmer **cf. p. 15?; du Pisani 1986, p. 14.

[113] Brand in Mossop 1935, p. 313, quoted in Wadley 1979, p. 31. J. Kinahan (1980, p. 18, after Vedder 2016[1938], p. 315[?]) attributes this observation to van Reenen.

[114] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f157 p. 197.

[115] In Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 35-36, probably after Mossop 1935, p. 314; also see Heawood 1912 **.

[116] Lemmer **cf. p. 15?; du Pisani 1986, p. 14.

[117] Wadley 1979, p. 9, after Wikar in Mossop 1935, p. 33.

[118] Wadley 1979, p. 9 after Pieter Brand in Mossop 1935, p. 79.

[119] Brand in Mossop 1935, p. 313, quoted in Wadley 1979, p. 12.

[120] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 36.

[121] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 40.

[122] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18.

[123] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18.

[124] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18.

[125] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18.

[126] du Pisani 1986, p. 13.

[127] The Afrikaners are described as of ‘mixed Nama and slave origin, and were also related to the Guriqua or Garigriqua, a Nama group who lived in the southern parts of the Cape Colony’ – see Dierks 1987/88, p. 16, after Vedder 1973, p. 187.

[128] du Pisani 1986, p. 13.

[129] Green 1953, p. 203.

[130] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 37; also in Green 1953, p. 203.

[131] Vigne 1994, p. 4.

[132] Vigne 1994, p. 4.

[133] Joubert 1971, p. 34.

[134] Vigne 1994, p. 5.

[135] Moritz 2015, p. 5 after E. Moritz 1915 p. 88 u. 89.

[136] du Pisani 1986, p. 13; Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 15; Wallace 2011, p. 57; also Heawood 1912**.

[137] Heawood 1912 **.

[138] du Pisani 1986, p. 13; Vedder 2016[1938], p. 16.

[139] J.H.A. Kinahan 1989, p. 38.

[140] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 15.

[141] Vigne 1994, p. 5.

[142] Vigne 1994, p. 5 after Franken 1938, pp. 218-318.

[143] Rudner and Rudner 1968, p. 467 and Joubert 1971, p. 34, both drawing on Vedder 1938.

[144] Mossop 1935, p. 11.

[145] Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 37-38.

[146] Although John Kinahan (1980, p. 18) reports that Vedder (2016[1938], p. 37) believed them to be Herero.

[147] Mossop 1935, p. 11.

[148] Wadley 1979, p. 9.

[149] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 38; also du Pisani 1986, p. 13; Franken 1938, pp. 284, 292-294, 315-317 in Dierks Nam Roads online; Wadley 1979, p. 12.

[150] Mossop 1935, p. 11.

[151] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 38.

[152] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 17.

[153] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 17.

[154] Vedder 2016[1938], p. 38.

[155] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 4.

[156] Birtwhistle 1966, p. 78.

[157] Waterhouse 1924, p. 298; J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 15.

[158] Shaw 1841, p. 12.

[159] Morrell 2014[1832], p. 279; Wallace, 2011, p. 331.

[160] Vedder 2016(1938), p. 30.

[161] du Pisani 1986, p. 13; also Vedder 2016[1938], p. 17, Green 1953, p. 203; J.H.A. Kinahan 1989, p. 38 and references therein.

[162] J. Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 114.

[163] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 16.

[164] Vedder 2016[1938], pp. 17-18.

[165] Wallace 2011, p. 57.

[166] J.H.A. Kinahan 2000, p. 16.

[167] Dierks 1987/88, p. 9.

[168] Lemmer ** pp. 16, 19; Wallace 2011, p. 52.

[169] Dierks 1987/88, pp. 18-19, cf. John Campbell 1815, p. 376.

[170] Dierks 1987/88, p. 16. Pieter Pienaar had ‘entrusted his livestock to Klaas Afrikaner and to his sons Jager and Titus during their migrations to the Oranje [sic] River’ – Dierks 1987/88, p. 17 after Campbell 1815, p. 376.

[171] Dierks 1987/88, p. 18 after Ridsdale 1883, also story told by Jager Afrikaner to missionary Robert Moffat.

[172] Lemmer pp. 16, 19; Wallace 2011, p. 52;

[173] Wallace 2011, p. 52.

[174] Dierks 1987/88, p. 19.

[175] Lemmer **, p. 16, 19.

[176] Dierks 1987/88, pp. 11-12.

[177] Ridsdale 1883, p. 264 in Dierks 1987/88, p. 19.

[178] Wästberg 2010, p. 227.

[179] Dierks 1987/88, p. 19.

[180] Dierks 1987/88, p. 19.

[181] Wallace 2011, p. 58.

[182] Dierks 1987/88, p. 10.

[183] Rizzo 2012, p. 41.

[184] Kinahan 1980, in Lau / Andersson 1987, p. viii.

[185] The term ‘Khoekhoegowab’ was apparently recorded by Jan van Riebeeck in January 1653 as the name for the language spoken by ‘Khoikhoin’ encountered in the Cape, and reintroduced as the formal referent for ‘the so-called Nama/Damara language’ at the initiative of Eliphas Eiseb, the pastor and school teacher who collaborated with linguist Wilfred Haacke on compiling a detailed Khoekhoegowab-English dictionary (Haacke 2012, p. 12).  

[186] Haacke 2018, pp. 133-134.

[187] Rohrbach 1907, p. 11, trans. by Ute Dieckmann.

[188] Jenkins and Brain 1967, p. 5.

[189] Dedering 1997, p. 9; Lau 1987a, p. 4 writes of missionaries Johann and Christian Albrecht crossing the Orange in this year into the country of the “Great Namaquas”.

[190] du Pisani 1986, p. 14.

[191] Lau 1994[1987], p. 6 after Hoernlé ‘Social organisation’.

[192]  Laurie and Whittle 1807, 151 in Jill Kinahan 1988, p. 7.

[193] Dedering 1997, p. 35.

[194] du Pisani 1986, pp. 14-15.

[195] Ridsdale 1883, p. 111. Nb. The following references say both Albrecht brothers Dierks 1987/88, p. 20; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warmbad,_Namibia 4 April 2015; Dedering 1997, p. 9 – but Abraham had died a few years earlier [see 1806-07].

[196] Wallace 2011, p. 54.

[197] Dedering 1997, p. 35.

[198] Wallace 2011, p. 58.

[199] Moritz 2015, p. 5 after van der Merwe p. 5 and Lebzelter.  

[200] du Pisani 1986, p. 10. Gillham 2001, p.74.

[201] Moritz 1997, p. 3.

[202] Köhler 1969, p. 106.

[203] Perhaps connected with the story of Tua-kuri-ǂnameb, the ǂNūkhoe warrior who rescued several children who had been kidnapped by ovaHimba men from the spring and dwelling place called ǂNaos, west of Sesfontein – Ruben Sanib tells this story (14/03/2015) online at https://vimeo.com/160633314.

[204] According to Nathan ǂÛina Taurob 1995-96 (fieldnotes, Sian Sullivan and Welhemina Suro Ganuses).

[205] MacQueen 1840, p. 8; also Morrell 2014[1832], p. 317.

[206] Rohrbach 1907, p. 11 trans. by Ute Dieckmann.

[207] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 272.

[208] Morrell 2014[1832]: p. 303-206.

[209] Morrell 2014[1832], p. 316.

[210] Morrell 2014[1832], p. 316.

[211] Emphasising how later authors are possibly influenced by the narratives of those written previously, these comments are echoed almost exactly by Alexander in 1837 whilst staying amongst the mat huts of the Bondelswartz Namaqua at Warmbad (Alexander 1838 vol. 1, p. 196).

[212] Morrell 2014[1832], pp. 318-319.

[213] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 75.

[214] Wallace 2011, p. 59.

[215] **ref.?

[216] Lemmer 1957, pp.18, 20; Rudner I and Rudner J 2007, p. 9; also Gillham 2001, p.74.

[217] du Pisani 1986, pp. 10-11.

[218] Gillham 2001, p.73.

[219] Wallace 2011, pp. 58-59.

[220] Alexander 2006[1838], vol. 2 p. 151.

[221] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 75 referencing Miller 1996, p. 649.

[222] Olusoga and Erichsen 2010, p. 23; also Bell 1977, p. 11.

[223] Alexander 1838 vols. 1 and 23.

[224] Moritz 2015, p. 4, after Lang, 1963 p. 36.

[225] Wallace 2011, p. 61. **Tsebris = Ni-ais that Alexander visits?

[226] Lemmer 1957,. p.20.

[227] Wallace 2011, p. 61.

[228] Wallace 2011, p. 61.

[229] Gillham 2001, p.74.

[230] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 94.

[231] Wallace 2011, p. 60.

[232] Wallace 2011, p. 60.

[233] Moritz 2015, p. 4, also Moritz 2006, p. 31.

[234] Wallace 2011, p. 63.

[235] Lau 1979, p. 25.

[236] Tindall 1959, p. 28.

[237] Bell 1977, p. 33.

[238] Tindall 1959, p. 30.

[239] Hahn in Lau 1987, p. 8, cited in Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 11.

[240] Tindall 1959, pp. 31-32.

[241] Tindall 1959, p. 32.

[242] Tindall 1959, p. 32.

[243] Olivier, W. and Olivier, S. ** African Adventurer's Guide to Namibia. **

 p.130.**

[244] Wallace 2011, p. 60.

[245] Rizzo 2012, p. 36.

[246] Rizzo 2012, p. 36.

[247] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 270.

[248] Wallace 2011, p. 65, cf. Esterhuyse**

[249] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 11.

[250] du Pisani 1986, p. 15.

[251] Lemmer 1957, p. 16; Gillham 2001, p.73; du Pisani 1986, p. 15; also Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 97. 

[252] Gillham 2001, p.76 - **check.

[253] Mossolow 1993, p. 11.

[254] Moritz 2015, p. 8.

[255] Hahn 1961[1842/43], p. 117 in Moritz 2015, p. 8.

[256] Moritz 2015, p. 8 after Hahn 1961[1842/43], p. 117.

[257] Moritz 2015, p. 8 after Hahn 1961[1842/43], p. 118f.

[258] Hahn 1961[1842/43] p. 120 in Moritz 2015, p. 8.

[259] Köhler 1969, p. 108.

[260] Jill Kinahan 2000, pp. 18, 3 citing Tindall 1959, p. 71 and Scheppmann in Moritz 1916, p. 238.

[261] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 3 citing Dentlinger 1983, p. 18.

[262] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 18, and references therein.

[263] Wallace 2011, p. 60.

[264] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 18.

[265] Moritz 1997, p. 3.

[266] Lemmer 1957; Gillham 2001, p.73.

[267] Wallace 2011, p. 61.

[268] Wallace 2011, p. 62.

[269] du Pisani 1986, p. 15.

[270] Moritz 2015, p. 8.

[271] Moritz 2015, p. 8 after Lebzelter 1934, p. 111, also see on this in Moritz 2006, p. 28 ff. p. 39.

[272] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 12.

[273] Messem 1855, p. 211.

[274] Dierks 1987/88, p. 22, drawing on diary by WMS missionary AJ Bailey.

[275] Lau 1987/88, p. 5 quoting Hahn Tagebücher / Diaries 396-397.

[276] Deaton 2001, p. 17.

[277] du Pisani 1986, p. 15; Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 103.

[278] Wallace 2011, p. 67.

[279] In Lau 1979, p. 36.

[280] Wadley 1979, p. 9, after Cook 1849, p. 64.

[281] Berichte 1849: 199, in Lau 1979, p. 22.

[282] Citing RMS Berichte 1849, p. 202.

[283] Citing RMS Berichte 1849, p. 202-203.

[284] In Lau 1979, pp. 31-32.

[285] Hayes 2009, p. 241.

[286] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 1-2.

[287] Hayes 2009, pp. 241-242.

[288] Galton 1890[1853], p. 2.

[289] Lemmer 1957, p.20.

[290] Lemmer 1957, p.35.

[291] Wallace 2011, pp. 60-61.

[292] Gillham 2001, p. 72-73; recounted in Galton 1890[1853], p. 37.

[293] Gillham 2001, p.81.

[294] Mossop 1935, p. 13.

[295] Galton 1852, p. 150.

[296] Hayes 2009, p. 241.

[297] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 1-2.

[298] Hayes 2009, pp. 241-242.

[299] Galton 1890[1853], p. 2.

[300] Rookmaaker 2007, p. 126.

[301] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. ix.

[302] ‘mirrors for concentrating the sun’s rays’ in Gillham 2001, pp. 62, 65.

[303] Gillham 2001, p. ** writes ‘a faux crown’.

[304] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 2-3.

[305] Galton 1890[1853], p. 3.

[306] Quoted in Gillham 2001, p.64. The Boers north of the Orange River had been augmented by trekboers led from Natal by Andries Pretorius, after the British had annexed Natal in 1843 (which itself followed the famous victory led by Pretorius of ‘a band of 470 voortrekkers… over a Zulu impi of 10,000 warriors in the battle of Blood River in 1838). Governor Smith appears to have convinced Pretorius ‘to agree to canvass the Boer communities to see whether they would accept the Union Jack as their ensign’, but a misunderstanding led to Smith proclaiming British territory prior to this agreement being settled, with the result that the Boers revolted having most of them rejected British rule. Smith defeated them in the battle of Boomplaats not far from Kimberley (in Gillham 2001, p. 65).

[307] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 4-5.

[308] Galton 1890[1853], p. 5; Gillham 2001, pp. 63-64.

[309] ‘[S]ome enterprising individuals from Cape Town had established a facility for salting and curing beef, and they furnished cattle to guano traders and to Cape Town and contracted with the British Government to supply the island of St. Helena with livestock’ (Gillham 2001, p. 67).

[310] Galton 1890[1853], p. 5, emphasis in original.

[311] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 5-6.

[312] Galton 1852, p. 142.

[313] Andersson 1856, p. 14 quoted in Köhler 1969, p. 112.

[314] Galton 1852, p. 141.

[315] Galton 1852, p. 141, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Ruxton 28 September 2020.

[316] Galton 1890[1853], p. 15.

[317] Galton 1890[1853], p. 35.

[318] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 38-39.

[319] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 6-7.

[320] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 6-8, emphasis in original.

[321] Galton 1890[1853], p. 7. Gillham writes that Galton is given by Smith an ‘enormous parchment passport inscribed in large letters in English, Dutch, and Portuguese’ its dangling, encase seal designed to ‘impress the natives’ (Gillham 2001, pp. 62, 65).

[322] Galton 1890[1853], p. 7; Gillham 2001, p. 66.

[323] Galton 1852, p. 142.

[324] Galton 1890[1853], pp. 7-8; Gillham 2001, p. 66

[325] Galton 1890[1853], p. 32.

[326] Galton 1890[1853], p. 33.

[327] Galton 1890[1853], p. 15.

[328] Galton 1853, p. 41-42.

[329] Galton 1853, p. 50.

[330] Galton 1853, p. 151.

[331] Galton 1889[1851], p. 42 in Dieckmann 2009, p. 355.

[332] Galton 1853, pp. 68-69.

[333] Galton 1853, pp. 187-188.

[334] Galton 1853, p. 232.

[335] Galton 1853, pp. 249-250.

[336] Galton 1853, pp. **.

[337] Galton 1889[1851], p. 42 in Dieckmann 2009, p. 355.

[338] Hayes 2000, p. 52.

[339] Gillham 2001,  p. 79.

[340] Rookmaaker 2007, pp. 126-127.

[341] Berry 1997, p. 3.

[342] Dieckmann 2009, p. 359.

[343] Galton 1853, pp. 202-203.

[344] Berry 1997, p. 3.

[345] Galton 1852, p. 151 in Hayes 2009, p. 240.

[346] Galton 1958, p. 195 in Hayes 2009, p. 240.

[347] Fifth Ondonga king who died ‘apparently of a heart attack’ shortly after this event – Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 101.

[348] Hayes 2009, p. 242.

[349] It was read on [on 23 Feb 1852] ‘The paper was workmanlike, describing his journey, the places he visited, and the native peoples he met. Altitudes of mountains were given based on boiling point thermometer readings’ and latitudes and longitudes for towns and landmarks were provided. Ref.** Gillham?

[350] Gillham 2001, pp. 4, 95.

[351] Galton 1852, pp. 140-141. Also see Hayes 2009, pp. 243-245.

[352] Sullivan et al. forthcoming.

[353] Galton 1852, p. 141.

[354] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125 p. 188.

[355] Galton 1852, p. 155 – ‘[t]he Cunene was said to run into this river, but of its point of confluence I am not satisfied’.

[356] Galton 1852, p. 155.

[357] Galton 1852, pp. 155-156.

[358] Galton 1852, p. 155.

[359] Galton 1852, p. 144.

[360] Galton 1852, p. 144.

[361] Galton 1852, p. 144.

[362] Galton 1852, pp. 158-159.

[363] Galton 1852, p. 156.

[364] Galton 1852, p. 156.

[365] Galton 1852, p. 160.

[366] Galton 1852, p. 156.

[367] Galton 1852, p. 159.

[368] Galton 1852, p. 156.

[369] Galton 1852, p. 156.

[370] Galton 1852, p. 156. Of interest here is the way that Galton is clearly intrigued by ‘the Damaras of the Hills’ (i.e. ǂNūkhoen), giving more text to these people than to his other categories, whilst simultaneously marginalising them by not listing them as a distinct ‘tribe’, as he does with his other groupings. Such marginalisations are echoed through similar textual tactics in later publications.

[371] Francois, Curt von 1899.

[372] Wallace 2011, p. 66.

[373] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125 p. 188.

[374] Rookmaaker 2007, p. 127.

[375] Ref.?** Hayes (2000) ‘Camera Africa’, p.52 reports this excursion  with Galton to have occurred in 1856.

[376] Galton 1852.

[377] Read on [on 23 Feb 1852] ‘The paper was workmanlike, describing his journey, the places he visited, and the native peoples he met. Altitudes of mountains were given based on boiling point thermometer readings’ and latitudes and longitudes for towns and landmarks were provided (**ref).

[378] Gillham 2001, p.95. (Gillham p4**).

[379] Galton 1852, pp. 140-141. Also see Hayes 2009, pp. 243-245.

[380] Galton 1852, p. 141.

[381] http://galton.org/ 5 April 2015; Galton 1890[1853], p. 31.

[382] Hayes 2000, p. 52.

[383] Berichte 1852 in Lau 1979, p. 31.

[384] Citing RMS Berichte 1852, p. 211.

[385] Andersson 1861, p. 153 (check p. no.) in Lau 1979, p. 22.

[386] Andersson 1968[1861], p.  215.

[387] Bollig 1998, p. 164.

[388] Wallace 2011, p. 68.

[389] Rizzo 2012, p. 41 - **check this.

[390] Vigne 1994, p. 7 after also Lau 1987, p. 55.

[391] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 103.

[392] Blomstrand 2008, **.

[393] Bettany 1890, p. vi.

[394] Although see Mckiernan in 1870s**.

[395] Galton 1853, pp. xi-xii.

[396] Bollig 1997, p. 25 citing Schneider 1995, p. 127.

[397] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125 p. 188.

[398] Bollig and Heinemann 2002, p. 272 citing a travel report by a Captain Fernando Leal called Relatorio da Viagem feita ao rio dos Elefantes em Novembro de 1954, which followed a proposal by a Mendonça Torres to call the river by this name instead of the ‘uninteresting’ local name ‘Kunene’.

[399] Bettany 1890, p. vi.

[400] Wallace 2011, p. 66. [**details re grave at https://www.facebook.com/swakoptour/posts/1248385475196067]

[401] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. vi.

[402] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. vii.

[403] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. vii.

[404] Moritz 2015, p. 8. 

[405] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 22.

[406] Chapman 1971[1855], p. 166.

[407] Chapman 1971[1855], p. 168.

[408] Chapman 1971[1855], p. 167.

[409] Wadley 1978, p. 14.

[410] Chapman 1868, p. 216, in Wadley 1979, p. 8.

[411] Chapman 1868, p. 216 in Wadley 1979, p. 12.

[412] Chapman 1868, pp. 165-166, in Wadley 1979, p. 8.

[413] Chapman 1868, p. 167, in Wadley 1979, p. 8.

[414] Wadley 1979, p. 31 after Chapman 1868, p. 166.

[415] Boois 2017, p. 8.

[416] Bettany 1890, p. vi.

[417] Grove 1987, p. 25.

[418] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 95.

[419] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125 p. 188.

[420] Wallace 2011, p. 65, after Jill Kinahan Cattle for Beads, p. 70. **

[421] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. vi.

[422] Wallace 2011, p. 68.

[423] Hahn Quellen Bd. 25b, p. 180 quoted in Lau 1979, p 25. Also reported in travels by Hahn and Rath between May and September of this year, in Hahn and Rath 1859, p. 298,  see Dieckmann 2009, p. 355.

[424] Hahn Quellen Bd. 25b: 180 quoted in Lau 1979, p 25.

[425] Hahn u. Rath 1859, p. 298.

[426] Hayes 2009, p. 242.

[427] Appendix 4 in Lau / Andersson 1987, pp. 90-93.

[428] Appendix 4 in Lau / Andersson 1987, pp. 90-93.

[429] Appendix 4 in Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 93.

[430] Statement to Manning, Sesfontein, 9 August 1917.

[431] Bollig 2009, p. 330.

[432] Owen-Smith 1972, pp. 32-33.

[433] Bollig 2009, p. 330.

[434] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing Lau 1987.

[435] Hayes 1998, p. 181.

[436] Jill Kinahan 2000, pp. 18-19.

[437] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 43.

[438] Grove 1987, p. 27.

[439] Wallace 2011, p. 60. Also McKittrick 2002, p. 74 in Rizzo 2012, p. 34.

[440] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125, p. 188.

[441] Owen-Smith 1972, p. 29.

[442] Manning Report 1917, p. 3; **Extracts…, 2 August 1917 (**check).

[443] Hayes 2009, p. 242.

[444] Hayes 2009, p. 242 quoting University of London Archives, Galton Papers, Andersson – Galton, Otjimbingue 21 September 1857.

[445] Hayes 2009, pp. 242, 244.

[446] Behm 1858, p. 186.

[447] Behm 1858, p. 218.

[448] Owen-Smith 1972, p. 29.

[449] Grove 1987, p. 26.

[450] Hahn and Rath 1859, p. 298 in Dieckmann 2009, p. 355.

[451]  In Lau 1979, p. 50.

[452] Moritz 1992, p. 5.

[453] Ref?**

[454] Lau / Andersson 1987, pp. vi, viii.

[455] Wallace 2011, p. 67.

[456] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. ix.

[457] Rookmaaker 2007, p. 133.

[458] Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 208 f66.

[459] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f126 p. 189.

[460] Wallace 2011, p. 69.

[461] Wallace 2011, p. 68.

[462] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f24 p. 177.

[463] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f24 p. 177.

[464] M.A. Baines 1973[1864, pp. v-vi.

[465] Lemmer 1957,  p. 35.

[466] Lemmer 1957, p. 24.

[467] du Pisani 1986, p. 11.

[468] Lemmer 1957, p. 23, 27, 33.

[469] Krenz 1972, p. 5 in Inskeep**.

[470] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. ix.

[471] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19 after Lau 1987a.

[472] **ref?

[473] Hoernlé 1985[1925], p. 47.

[474] Köhler 1969, p. 101 in Dentlinger 1977, p. 6; Rizzo 2012, pp. 45-46.

[475] Fuller 1993, pp. 67-68.

[476] McKittrick 2002, p. 74 in Rizzo 2012, p. 34.

[477] Rizzo 2012, p. 41.

[478] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63.

[479] Gordon 2002, p. 215.

[480] Rizzo 2012, p. 53.

[481] Grove 1987, p. 28.

[482] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. ix.

[483] Lau 1979, p. 36 after Vedder 1934, pp. 327-328.

[484] Lemmer p. 24??; Wallace (2011, p. 69) describes a symbolic theft by Maharero’s nephew, Hirarapi, of one of Christian Afrikaner’s sheep thus signalling Maharero’s desire to break allegiance to the Afrikaners.

[485] Wallace 2011, p. 69; also Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 99.

[486] Or, as Rudner and Rudner (1974, f125 p188) write in the stereotypes commonly attributed to this moment, ‘[t]he marauding Hottentots raided his [Andersson’s] cattle transports to the Cape and his trading post at Otjimbingwe: he agreed to lead the Herero against the Hottentots, supported by Green and R. Heybittel’.

[487] Wallace 2011, p. 69.

[488] Lemmer 1957, pp. 24-25; Gillham 2001,  p. 90 writes that the attack on Otjimbingwe occurred in 1860.

[489] Köhler 1979, p. 111.

[490] Deaton 2011, p. 180.

[491] Lemmer 1957, pp. 23, 27, 33.

[492] Moritz 2015, p. 9 after Lebzelter 1934, p. 111f.

[493] Wallace 2011, p. 69.

[494] Lemmer 1957, p. 27.

[495] Wallace 2011, p. 69.

[496] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 104.

[497] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. ix.

[498] Wallace 2011, p. 71.

[499] Lau 1987[Jonker], p. 133.

[500] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 104; Wallace 2011, p. 61.

[501] Wallace 2011, p. 61.

[502] Palgrave 1876.

[503] The Rhenish Mission establishes a mission station at Salem, ‘founded amongst the Boois and later the Swartbooi Nama by missionary J.A.F. Böhm (1833-1918) and the Baster Piet Gertse … [and] abandoned three years later because of drought’ (Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 203 f37 after Stals in Palgrave 1876-85, p. 5 note 11); Lemmer 1957, p. 29.

[504] See http://www.ameib.com/site/erongo-mountains/namibia/guesthouse/camping/bulls-party/philipps-cave/home.html accessed 22 February 2018.

[505] Köhler 1969, p. 111.

[506] Lemmer 1957, p. 29.

[507]  In Lau 1979, p. 35.

[508] Krenz 1972, p. 5 in Inskeep**.

[509] Field notes.

[510] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19, after Lau 1987, p. 143.

[511]  Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 207 f61, 64, after Tabler 1973, p. 99.

[512] James (Jimmy) R. Todd, a hunter and trader in the 1860s-1870s who ‘clashed with both Herero and Nama, and was murdered by his servants at the Okavango River in 1878 –Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 207 f61, 64, after Tabler 1973, p. 68ff.

[513] Robert Lewis, hunter and trader who lived in the territory from 1858 – Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 207 f61, 64, Tabler 1973, p. 68ff.

[514] Grove 1987, p. 32.

[515] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 99.

[516] Deaton 2011, p. 240.

[517] Suzman 2017, p. 127.

[518] Lau / Andersson 1987, pp. ix-x.

[519] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f82 p. 183.

[520] Hayes 2009, p. 242 after Baines 1866, p. 248.

[521] Union of South Africa 1918, p. 105.

[522] Union of South Africa 1918, pp. 106-107.

[523] e.g. ǁGuruses connections between ǂGans (Gamsberg) and Okombake / !Aǂgommes recorded in Haacke (2010) and presence of ‘Ghou Damup’ north-west of Erongo on Galton’s 1852 map (Galton 1852, p. 141).

[524] Rudner and Rudner 2007, p.9.

[525] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125, pp. 188-189.

[526] Hayes 2009, p. 246.

[527] Rudner and Rudner / Een 2004[1872], p. 37.

[528] Rudner and Rudner / Een 2004[1872], p. 38.

[529] Rudner and Rudner / Een 2004[1872], pp. 61-64, 207-208 f61-67.

[530] Wallace 2011, p. 72.

[531] Lemmer 1957, pp. 34-35.

[532] Wallace 2011, p. 72.

[533] https://www.klausdierks.com/Biographies/Biographies_B.htm, 180319

[534] Quellen Band 26: 335 in Lau 1979, p. 22.

[535] Berichte 1873: 175 (?) in Lau 1979, p. 22.

[536] Hahn 1867, p. 285.

[537] Hahn 1867, p. 286, see also Dieckmann 2007a, p. 47.

[538] Hahn 1867, p. 287.

[539] du Pisani 1986, p. 19.

[540] Rudner and Rudner 2004, p. 203 f37 after Stals in Palgrave 1876-85, p. 5 note 11.

[541] Palgrave 1876.

[542] |Uirab 2007, p. 22.

[543] Hayes 2009, p. 226

[544] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f125 p. 189; Lemmer 1957, p.29.

[545] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], p. 60, f82 p. 183.

[546] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 61.

[547] du Pisani 1986, p. 16.

[548] Hayes 2009, p. 227.

[549] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f172 p. 201.

[550] Francois, Curt von 1899.

[551] Pakenham 1999(1979), p. xxii.

[552] Gillham op. cit. p.91; Wallace 2011, p. 72; Rudner and Rudner 1974, f163 p. 199.

[553] Wallace 2011, p. 46.

[554] Lemmer 1957, p.32.

[555] Powell 1998, p. 21 after Jacobsohn 1990, p. 14, Hall-Martin et al 1988, pp. 57-58, Owen-Smith 1972, p. 32.

[556] Lemmer 1957, p. 35.

[557] Wallace 2011, p. 63.

[558] Lau 1979, p. 51.

[559] Lau 1979, pp. 37-38 and references therein.

[560] Lau 1979, p. 38 and references therein.

[561] Moritz 2015, p. 14.

[562] |Uirab 2007, p. 22.

[563] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 97.

[564] Deaton 2011, pp. 17, 31, 32.

[565] Lau 1979, p. 38 and references therein. Lau also says that this is the last time Krüger is mentioned.

[566] Lau/ Andersson 1987, p. 98.

[567] Gordon 2002, p. 215.

[568] Fritsch, 1872, p. XI-XII.

[569] Moritz 2015, pp. 14-15 after Hahn, in Schatz nd, p. 2. 

[570] Lau 1995(1989), p. x.

[571] Suzman 2017, p. 82.

[572] Bollig 1998, p. 170.

[573] Bollig 1998, p. 170.

[574] Rizzo 2012, p. 36.

[575] Rizzo 2012, p. 37.

[576] Rizzo 2012, pp. 43, 42, the latter point based on McKittrick 2002, p. 55.

[577] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing Siiskonen 1990.

[578] Rizzo 2012, p. 45.

[579] Bollig **; Rizzo 2012, p. 47.

[580] Rizzo 2012, p. 45-6.

[581] Rizzo 2012, p. 46, also recorded in Ruben **. The use of tobacco sales for the acquisition of livestock remains a feature of the Sesfontein economy (interview with Emme and Lourencia Ganuses March 2017**).  

[582] Rizzo 2012, p. 54-55.

[583] Rizzo 2012, p. 54.

[584] Rizzo 2012, p. 15.

[585] Rizzo 2012, p. 3.

[586] Rizzo 2012, p. 40.

[587] Bollig 1997, p. 22.

[588] Engombe Kapeke in Bollig 1997, Rizzo 2012, p. 42.

[589] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63.

[590] Bollig 1997, p. 15.

[591] Evidence? This sounds like a trope from further south, e.g. in Galton’s narrative.

[592] Bollig 1997, p. 15.

[593] Bollig 1997, pp. 15-16, 26.

[594] Bollig 1997, p. 16.

[595] Bollig 1997, pp. 16-17.

[596] Möller states that there were 11 families who left the Transvaal, Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 36.

[597] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f42 p. 180.

[598] Lemmer, p. 35; Calvert 1915, p. 2.

[599] Wadley 1979, p. 12, after Mckiernan in Serton 1954, p. 45.

[600] In Green 1953, p. 204.

[601] Haythornthwaite 1956, p. 23.

[602] Van Warmelo 1962(1951), p. 41.

[603] Rizzo 2012, p. 32.

[604] Rizzo 2012, p. 32.

[605] Rizzo 2012, p. 32.

[606] Rizzo 2012, p. 32-33.

[607] Wadley 1979, p. 8, drawing on Mckiernan in Serton 1954, pp. 38, 67, 74, 49.

[608] Wadley 1979, p. 10, drawing on Mckiernan in Serton 1954, p. 74.

[609] McKiernan 1954, p. 52.

[610] McKiernan 1954, p. 52.

[611] Wadley 1979, p. 10, drawing on Mckiernan in Serton 1954, p. 52.

[612] Hahn 1876, p. **.

[613] du Pisani 1986, p. 16.

[614] Silvester et al. 1998, p. 11.

[615] Silvester et al. 1998, p. 11.

[616] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19.

[617] Lemmer p. 35-36; Hayes 2000, p. 52.

[618] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19.

[619] Köhler 1969, p. 113; also referenced in Sandelowsky 1977, p. 237.

[620] Dentlinger 1977, p. 38 after Palgrave 1876, pp. 6, 94.

[621] Rizzo 2012, p. 29 – Rizzo says Palgrave’s commissions were in 1877 [**?]and 1878.

[622] Rudner and Rudner 1974, f172 p. 201.

[623] Deaton 2011, p. 57.

[624] Lau / Andersson 1987, p. 97.

[625] See Swakop Tour Co., 2 June 2016, https://www.facebook.com/swakoptour/posts/1248385475196067, last accessed 13 February 2022.

[626] McKiernan 1876 in Serton 1954, pp. 96-97.

[627] Germishuys and Staal 1979, p. 123.

[628] Berry 1997, p. 4.

[629] Rohde and Hoffman 2012, p. 278 and references therein.

[630] https://digital.library.illinois.edu/items/251774e0-e946-0133-1d3d-0050569601ca-4#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0&r=0&xywh=-1853%2C0%2C7704%2C2403 10 November 2020. Also at https://dhb.thulb.uni-jena.de/rsc/viewer/ufb_derivate_00012452/ThULB_129489816_1878_Perthes_0510_Nachscan.tif 17 August 2021.

[631] Palgrave 1877 quoted in Union of South Africa 1918, pp. 105-106.

[632] Palgrave 1877 quoted in Union of South Africa 1918, p. 107.

[633] Palgrave 1877, p. 46, in Dieckmann 2007a, p. 47.

[634] Suzman 2017, p. 127.

[635] Dieckmann 2007a, p. 58, following Gordon 1992, p. 40.

[636] Perthes 1878, p. 309-310.

[637] Perthes 1878, p. 310.

[638] Originalkarte des Herero & Kaoko-Landes, by A. Petermann, drawing journeys and observations by Rhenish missionaries, especially J. Böhm and F. Bernsmann, published in Perthes 1878, p. Tafel 18. Source: https://digital.library.illinois.edu/items/251774e0-e946-0133-1d3d-0050569601ca-4, 10 November 2020.

[639] Köhler 1969, p. 113, who says the British take ownership on 6th March.

[640] Lemmer 1957, p.36; du Pisani 1986, p. 16; Kinahan 2001[1991], p. 117; Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19; Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 44; Wallace 2011, p. 57.

[641] Silvester and Gewald 2004, p. xxv.

[642] John Kinahan 2001[1991], pp. 117-118.

[643] Craven, 2005, p. 24.

[644] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], p. 41.

[645] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], p. 41.

[646] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], p. 41.

[647] Rudner and Rudner / Möller 1974[1899], pp. 41-42.

[648] Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f55, p. 180.

[649] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, pp. 12-13.

[650] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 13.

[651] Bridgeford and Bridgeford 2002, p. 13; Rudner and Rudner 1974[1899], f55 p. 180.

[652] **ref?

[653] Owen-Smith 2010, p. 52.

[654] Hartmann 1897, p. 116. Nb. Hartmann 1897 – translated by Sian Sullivan from German to English with the help of Deepl and Google Translate, in November 2020.

[655] Rizzo 2012, p. 36.

[656] Jill Kinahan 1988, p. 7.

[657] Rizzo 2102, p. 38.

[658] Jill Kinahan 2000, p. 19 drawing on Cape of Good Hope 1881, p. 101.

[659] Wallace 2011, p. 54.

[660] Rizzo 2012, p. 40. [**check date]

[661] Henrichsen 2008, pp. 63-64.

[662] Henrichsen 2008, p. 65.

[663] Henrichsen 2008, p. 65.

[664] Rizzo 2012, p. 33. Owen-Smith (2010, p. 16) describes the ‘… much larger Herero settlement called Kaoko Otavi. In the middle of this village we drove over a narrow furrow that conducted water from an artesian spring a few hundred metres away… [with] a line of wild fig trees that grew near its eye’ [plus old church of Dorstland Trekkers here] and another strong spring Otjikondavirongo, rising in a deep gorge south of Kaoko Otavi.

[665] Rizzo 2012, pp. 50-51.

[666] Rizzo 2012, p. 53.

[667] Rizzo 2012, p. 52.

[668] Rizzo 2012, p. 33.

[669] Rizzo 2012, p. 33.

[670] Rizzo 2012, p. 68.

[671] Clarence-Smith 1979, p. 27 in Rizzo 2012, p. 40.

[672] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 110.

[673] Olusoga and Erichsen, 2010, p. 34; also noted in Calvert 1915, p. xii; Suzman 2017, p. 82.

[674] Van der Merwe, J.H. 1983: National Atlas of Southwest Africa. Goodwood Cape: National Book Printers.

[675] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 32.

[676] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], pp. 42-43.

[677] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f58 p. 181.

[678] Rizzo 2012, p. 65.

[679] Lemmer op. cit., p. 36; also du Pisani 1986, p. 16; Rudner and Rudner 1974, f163 p. 199.

[680] Lau 1995(1989), pp. x-xi.

[681] Lemmer op. cit., p. 36.

[682] Lemmer op. cit., p. 38.

[683] Köhler 1969, p. 111.

[684] Lemmer 1957, p. 40; also du Pisani 1986, p. 16.

[685] Schnegg and Pauli 2007, p. 11.

[686] Jacobsohn 1998(1990), p. 14.

[687] Kreike 2004, pp. 15, 17 and references therein.

[688] Hayes 2009, p. 248.

[689] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 63 referencing Siiskonen 1990, p. 148.

[690] Palgrave 1876; Krenz (1972), p.5 in Inskeep 2003; Rizzo 2012 and refs therein.

[691] Bollig 1997, p. 11.

[692] Bollig and Olwage 2016, p. 65 referencing Gewald 2011.

[693] Rizzo 2012, p. 60 and references therein.

[694] Bridgeford 2018, p. 12.

[695] Rudner and Rudner 2007, f70 p. 170, after Esterhuyse 1968, p. 107.

[696] Lemmer 1957, p. 40.

[697] Lemmer 1957, p. 40-41.

[698] Lemmer op. cit., p. 41.

[699] du Pisani 1986, p. 16.

[700] Kreike 2004, p. 18 and references therein.

[701] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], f59 p. 181.

[702] Werner 1991 in Sullivan 1996, p. 14.

[703] In Rizzo 2012, p. 33.

[704] In Rizzo 2012, p. 33, 37; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Axel_Wilhelm_Eriksson 010119.

[705] Rudner and Rudner [Möller] 1974[1899], p. 61.