- Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui - saidcherkaoui24@gmail.com 

Arab Middle East and

the National Interest of the Western Powers

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

Compilation and Analysis


The "Arab" countries are victims of a history of the conquest of power which is based on the notion of the tribe and pride of the tribe and not of the nation as in the West or the nation is first put in before and which justified all the wars of destruction of the Empires and the end of the influence of Antiquity on the becoming of the Institutional History of the State through the religion and the organizations structured around the military and religious power.

The strong point of the advent of Western Democracy is to substitute local and regional nationalism for the notion of belonging to ethnicity, race and the traditional tribe. The notion of the nation favors the breakdown of the traditional brakes of the legitimacy of the power of hereditary order and even of order or of divine consonance to dilute them and make them a direct expression of the popular will whose nation allows the various political views and the many ideological currents and their cultural foundations to form a strategic social force endowed with its own conscience as well as its own tools to defend its own interests to constitute a political party, an ideological current and a cultural option. Elections remain the vehicle as the means of procedural selection that allows the creation of the ruling class in an obedient and participative nation in the process of the transfer of power and the corresponding institutional legitimacy.

Has the Arab nation followed and borrowed such a commitment and such a structural and formative path?

Has the Arab nation been placed at the level of the consciousness of the principle of the nation without endowing it with the instruments and tools to make it a partisan and non-tribal political expression?

We can multiply these questions and in each of the answers that will result from these questions will be found the Arab Nation is the first victim of the lack of identity and solidarity legitimacy at the very level of the notion of the nation and its expression as a link of welding between the different components of the same nation.

It is in the lack of these assets that victimization infiltrates and it elects domicile with the Arabs or the Tribe remains the niche of central cultural identity and the legitimacy of the national power paradox.

In the Middle East, the reasons for anger have not changed. The only difference after the Second World War was the instrumentalisation of the violence which took on a religious drift, as the movements of independence were conditioned by a puritanical claim to the Westernization of morals considered at that time as a deprivation of the whole Muslim majority society.

This religiosity of a nationalist movement is also found in the demands of the movements and parties which had been established as the basis of the democratization of Israel.  The religious factions in Israel did not want to leave the field open to those who advocate a Western democracy given the fact that the founders of Israel were in their overwhelming majority from Europe.

Through these peculiarities and since then, we have witnessed the presence of religious currents on both sides of the political equation in the Middle East, both in Israel and in the rest of the other Muslim countries.

In short, the Muslim state faces a Jewish state, because on both sides since the creation of Israel, these politico-religious dilemmas fuel confrontations in the Middle East. Religion in Israel as well as in Arab countries becomes the central reference for distinguishing and defending the interests of the state and the power in place as well as a justification for resistance against the external enemy, which is no longer considered only as an enemy of the nation but an enemy of and by the religion.

Les pays "Arabes" sont victimes d'une histoire de la conquête du pouvoir qui est basée sur la notion de la tribu et de la fierté de la tribu et non de la nation comme dans l'occident ou la nation est en premier mise en avant et qui justifia toutes les guerres de destruction des Empires et la fin de l'influence de l’Antiquité sur le devenir de l'Histoire Institutionnelle de l'Etat à travers la religion et les organisations structurées autour du pouvoir militaire et religieux.

Le point fort de l’avènement de la Démocratie occidentale est de substituer un nationalisme local et régional à la notion de l'appartenance à l'ethnie, la race et la tribu traditionnelle.   La notion de la nation favorise l’éclatement des freins traditionnels de la légitimité du pouvoir d'ordre héréditaire et même d'ordre ou de consonance divin pour les diluer et les rendre une expression directe de la volonté populaire dont la nation permet de souder les divers opinions politique et les multiples courants idéologiques et leurs soubassements culturels pour en former une force sociale stratégique dotée de sa propre conscience comme de ses propres outils de défense des intérêts propres pour constituer un parti politique, un courant idéologique et une option culturelle.  Les élections demeurent le véhicule comme le moyen de sélection procédurière qui permet la création de la classe dirigeante dans une nation obéissante et participative dans le processus du transfert du pouvoir et de la légitimité institutionnelle correspondante.

Est ce que la Nation Arabe a suivi et emprunter un tel engagement et un tel chemin structurel et formatif?

Est ce que la Nation Arabe fut placée au niveau de la conscience du principe de la Nation sans la doter des instruments et des outils pour en faire une expression politique partisane et non tribale?

On peut multiplier ces questions et dans chacune des réponses qui vont résulter de ces interrogations, on trouvera la Nation Arabe est victime en premier du manque d'une légitimité identitaire et solidaire au niveau même de la notion de la nation et son expression comme un lien de soudure entre les différentes composantes de cette même nation.

C'est dans le manquement de ces atouts que la victimisation s'infiltre et elle élit domicile chez les Arabes ou la Tribu demeure le créneau d’identité culturelle centrale et la légitimité du pouvoir national paradoxal.

Afrique du Nord et Moyen-Orient.png

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I conducted research on the Gulf Crisis in 1991 and I developed my analysis with ${db231494-5fbd-0236-70ce-01649730f3e3} of premonition including the response of the international community and its consequences which was premonitory and only the Community International had the courage and the wisdom to publish it.  

Here are the related references of this article:

Arab Middle East and the National Interest of the West:

islamic_states_gi With Marinide Morocco.gif

This map is interactive and displays the changing of areas of influences

This time-lapse map by Michael Izady — a wonderful historian and cartographer at Columbia University, whose full collection can be found here — shows the political boundaries of the greater Middle East from 1450 through today. You'll notice that, for much of the last 500 years, most or all of the region has been under some combination of Turkish, Persian, and European control. For so much of the Arab Middle East to be under self-rule is relatively new. Two big exceptions that you can see on this map are Morocco and Egypt, which have spent more of the last 500 years as self-ruling empires than other Arab states. That's part of why these two countries have sometimes seen themselves as a degree apart from the rest of the Arab world. [1]


This map is interactive and displays the changing of areas of Ottoman rule


Source: Esemono

The Ottoman Empire is named for Osman, its first ruler, who in the early 1300s expanded it from a tiny part of northwest Turkey to a slightly less tiny part. It continued expanding for about 500 years — longer than the entire history of the Roman Empire — ruling over most of the Middle East, North Africa, and southeastern Europe for centuries. The empire, officially an Islamic state, spread the religion in southeast Europe but was generally tolerant of other religious groups. It was probably the last great non-European empire until it began declining in the mid-1800s, collapsed after World War I, and had its former territory in the Middle East divided up by Western Europe.

Conflicts in the Middle East are related to certain periodic interventions.  These confrontations were organized from outside with the connivance of local tribes with the involvement if not the blessing of regional coalition of governments.  For them, these conflicts were sustained for the strategic objective that is to preserve their national power and neutralize local dissidents. Additional factors are of historical dimension or they were caused by territorial disputes and claims.

The Sykes-Picot treaty and the Division of Middle East

You hear a lot today about this treaty, in which the UK and French (and Russian) Empires secretly agreed to divide up the Ottoman Empire's last MidEastern regions among themselves. Crucially, the borders between the French and British "zones" later became the borders between Iraq, Syria, and Jordan. Because those later-independent states had largely arbitrary borders that forced disparate ethnic and religious groups together, and because those groups are still in terrible conflict with one another, Sykes-Picot is often cited as a cause of warfare and violence and extremism in the Middle East.   But scholars are still debating this theory, which may be too simple [2]

Source: Financial Times

Petrol and Power in the Middle East:

 middle_east_1914_english.jpgSource: Philippe Rekacewicz / Le Monde Diplomatique 

The Middle East produces about a third of the world's oil and a tenth of its natural gas. (It has a third of all natural gas reserves, but they're tougher to transport.) Much of that is exported. That makes the entire world economy pretty reliant on the continued flow of that gas and oil, which just happens to go through a region that has seen an awful lot of conflict in the last few decades. This map shows where the reserves are and how they're transported overland; much of it also goes by sea through the Persian Gulf, a body of water that is also home to some of the largest reserves in the region and the world. The energy resources are heavily clustered in three neighboring countries that have historically hated one another: Iran, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. The tension between those three is something that the United States, as a huge energy importer, has been deeply interested in for years: it sided against Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, against Iraq when it invaded Kuwait and threatened Saudi Arabia in the 1990s, again against Iraq with the 2003 invasion, and now is supporting Saudi Arabia in its rapidly worsening proxy war against Iran. [3]

Petrol in the Middle East.png

Since the middle of the past century, Cold War became the driver of conflicts in the Middle East with the Palestinian Question as the center of dispute for legitimacy between the so-called Arab countries.  At the same time, the existence of rich reserves of petrol have also exacerbated the reasons of disputes and conflicts.  Oil became the prime factor in defining and dissolving regional and international alliances for the Middle Eastern governments.  The Gulf War and the subsequent invasion of Iraq can be traced to such determinations.

Petrodollars and Petro-Power in the Arab Middle East:


The Administration of President Richard Nixon and previous American leaders did not observe a fiscal discipline and aggravated the international conjecture which impacted in depressing the value of the Dollar.  Faced with deteriorating balance of payment, the United States Treasury came under the attacks of European financial institutions who demanded gold for their dollars. .The continual combination of these internal and external factors could have led to the  destruction of the U.S. currency.  In fact, America's excessive deficits became the motivation for further international expansion.  Therefore the US confronted with the collapse of the Bretton Woods agreement needed to stimulate a global demand for the dollar without having to pay for it in gold.

According to the agreement, the United States would offer military protection for Saudi Arabia’s oil fields. The U.S. also agreed to provide the Saudis with weapons, and perhaps most importantly, guaranteed protection from Israel.


The Nixon-Kissinger team had their terms for the Saudi Government as follow:  The Saudis must agree to price all of their oil sales in U.S. dollars only. (In other words, the Saudis were to refuse all other currencies, except the U.S. dollar, as payment for their oil exports.)  The Saudis would be open to investing their surplus oil proceeds in U.S. debt securities.  Through this agreement, the petrodollar system provides at least three immediate benefits to the United States.

By 1975, all of the oil-producing nations of OPEC had agreed to price their oil in dollars and to hold their surplus oil proceeds in U.S. government debt securities in exchange for the generous offers by the U.S.  This petrodollar agreement and the related system of recycling of the petrodollars have successfully reinstated the dollar as  the World Currency of favors and preserve the dollar from collapsing considering the continuing excessive deficits in the US.   Moreover, the petrodollar system have facilitated the access to an unprecedented wealth that created large reserves of petrodollars for the conservative Arab governments of the Middle East.  


The deluge of petrodollars have enabled them to purchase arms, extend their influence toward other Arab and Islamic countries, to deter any dissension or progressiste governments in neighboring countries and to finance conflicts in other countries to preserve their own version of Islamic and their own orientation and Sunny identities.

The Middle East, the Stage of Warlike Performances:

Planting bombs and using deadly projectiles as fertilizers in distant lands can only increase the sedimentation of already existing divisive religious trends and diverse and unresolved ethnic conflicts.  The escalation of these destabilizing factors has been the landmark in the Middle East since the Fall of the Sick Man of Europe, the Ottoman Empire.   Since the aftermath of the First  World War, the Middle East never witnessed a period of regionally sustained peace.


Here below, you will find a presentation of historical events that have shaped the evolution of the Middle East since 1947 under the US Policy and Intervention:

To be able to review this picture / chart  in its entirety, click on the following link which will display it with all the comments: Timeline of US Policy & Intervention in the Middle East

In fact, various regimes of contradictory ideological and religious references with undemocratic rules on the both side of the fence were tolerated, combated, overthrown and armed against each other as part of the Strategy of Containment and the fear of the Domino Effect as well as shields against the return of the disguised Colonialism under the mask of the Neo-Colonialism.  

These characteristics were the determinations of the international policy by the Western World and the Bloc of the Soviet Union.  Despite, the passing time and the disappearance of the Red Threat, the Middle East have not escaped the trap of the proxy periodical wars and the local conflicts

“The “interventionist” Europeans often push the Americans towards more aggressiveness, as was the case of the UK against Iraq in 1990, of France against Libya and Syria in the 2010s. This autonomous action of the two traditional European imperial powers remains, however, fully within an American-dominated system. They lead, at best, at the margins. European opposition – France and Germany against the Iraq War, Italy, Poland and Germany against the Libyan War – tends to be purely verbal and “benevolent.” [5] 

The excess of violence used within the limits of the related uncontrolled acts of wars and reaction to wars by what is defined by one side as Resistance Acts and the other side as Terrorist Acts express in itself the two side of the story that have not found a common ground even in controlling their own warlike and violent responses to the issue how to deal and implement a peace process of negotiation and establishment.   The rigid positions of both parties remain the platform and the base for the eclosion of violent acts, punitive wars and implementation of embargo and economic sanctions.  Under such defying conditions, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is spreading its destructive methods as justification and as regional hub for the increase of the regional militarisation and the continual intervention of foreign powers to save  their acquired strategic positions and  therefore it became finally as the disturbing factor for the entire Middle East political and ideological landscape.

This unresolved litige and conflict between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli Government remains at the Heart of the Middle East's lack of stability and peace because it is a divisive issue and inconciliable problem that has effectively the 2 ingredients for a continual renewal which are also the landmark of the Middle East Institutional Panorama: the Religion mixed with the Revendication and the pursuit of the international Recognition of Statehood by each of the opponents.  The cohabitation these local unstable situations and unsettled revendications are also shaped by various foreign interventions and disparate alliances against nature.  

Within these deteriorating conditions, opposing sides of this conflictual equation can only contribute and identify their interests in the presence and in the production of a culture of extremism to cement the ranks of their respective supporters and followers which in return aggravate the political and institutional instability and provoke the refugee challenge.

The Emergence and the Rise of Puritanism in Form of Salafism:

Most Muslim nations experienced the wholesale borrowing of civil law concepts that took place in parallel to the disappearance of the Islamic jurist system.  In fact, European colonialism started the demise of the Islamic Law as the foundation of the Islamic societies.


In most Arab countries, civil society is not robust. Consequently, there is a tendency to produce political parties that lack effective checks and balances. A more vibrant civil society, therefore, can help to produce political movements that are less authoritarian.

Noble as the cause was, the destruction of Muammar Qaddafi's dictatorship by a spontaneous uprising and a Western intervention has just wreaked havoc in Africa's northern half. This map attempts to show all that came after Qaddafi's fall; that it is so overwhelmingly complex is precisely the point. The place to center your gaze is the patterned orange overlay across Libya, Algeria, Mali, and Niger: this shows where the Tuaregs, a semi-nomadic ethnic minority group, lives. Qaddafi used Libya's oil wealth to train, arm, and fund large numbers of Tuaregs to fight the armed uprising in 2011.

When he fell, the Tuaregs took the guns back out with them to Algeria and Mali, where they took control of territory. In Mali, they led a full-fledged rebellion that, for a time, seized the country's northern half. Al-Qaeda moved into the vacuum they left, conquering entire towns in Mali and seizing fossil fuel facilities in Algeria. Criminal enterprises have flourished in this semi-arid belt of land known as the Sahel. So have vast migration routes, of Africans looking to find work and a better life in Europe. At the same time, armed conflict is getting worse in Nigeria and Sudan, both major oil producers. Qaddafi's fall was far from the sole cause of all of this, but it brought just the right combination of disorder, guns, and militias to make everything a lot worse.

Concluding Notes:

At the level of social culture, Western standards of consumption, modes of production and moral values alienated and destroyed the foundations and the notion of the Islamic Ouma and its traditions inherited from the practice of the Prophet and from the Koran.  Large factions of the Islamic societies have considered and felt this aggressive penetration and acculturation as an alienation and as a direct threat to their beliefs and way  of life.

All  the new Islamic Schools of Thought became mixed with ideological expansion of the notion of National Interest beyond the geographic boundaries.  The notion of Jihad became identified in the war against the atheism of the Communism and their left-leaning regional Arab authorities.  Such dual ideological identification by  the Conservative Arab and Islamic Governments seeking the strategic support of the West while fighting against the same Westernized ideological Values have also increased the conflict between the Islamic World and the Western powers while developing between them financial and business transactions.

Additionally, the reduction and disappearance of the Red Threat and the dislocation of the Soviet Union have left a vacuum in the map of ideological conflicts.  The jihadists became a reserve of militants made of committed fighters for hire and they became the substitution to the weakened progressiste Arab governments that have collapsed under the double cover actions and direct intervention of Western powers and their regional conservative Arab Governments.

Within this new frame of duality of conflicts a drive toward direct intervention of the United States and its Western Allies became the answer for the continual instability of the Middle East.  A new form of strategic collaboration based on the communality of National Interest between Western Administrations and Islamic Governments have directly provoked the rise of the Jihadist movement.  These Jihadist protagonists aimed their attacks against the ones who financed them and against the ones who armed and trained them.

In other words, the Salafist and the Jihadist Movements in its drive for independence and sovereignty returned its weapons against the ones who incubated them as response to the Communist Threat and became offensive against the regimes who have supported their growth.

Recents events in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Gaza are the result of such evolution. The result made the Middle East to became the theater of economic and ideological conflicts which favored its emergence as the "most belligerent area of the world."

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui 4/26/2016

Additional References on the Work of Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui:

  Said El Mansour Cherkaoui 

Research, Analysis, Publications, Presentations and Interviews on the Question of Peace and Foreign Intervention in the Shaping and the Blasting of Regional Proxy Conflicts in the Middle East

Recherche, Analyse, Publications, Présentations et Interviews sur la Question de la Paix et l'Intervention Étrangère dans le Conditionnement et l’Éclatement des Conflits Interposés au Moyen Orient


Said El Mansour Cherkaoui's photo.

ENGLISH & FRANÇAIS VERSION: New World Order - War your most valiant resource, use it wisely

This sketch is somehow prophetic but in Real Politik of Pax Americana is just a confirmation. I put together this artwork the next day following the speech made by then President George Bush, the Father, in the aftermath of the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein's army. Look at this title in black on the left side of this frame which I have I cut the New York Times.  After that, I stored this collage for a long time and meanwhile I published in Italy in 1991 an article on the issue of the Middle East's Peace whose title and publication are:


Hold on, some years later, I showed this artwork collage to a Friend of mine, I explained the parts I've assembled here and why I did such artwork as expression of War in the Middle East. To our surprise, we discovered that the date of publication of this speech on "The New World Order" was September 11.  I let you make your own connection !!!!! ??????

Nouvel Ordre Mondial - La Guerre votre ressource la plus valeureuse, utiliser la avec sagesse

Cette esquisse est prophétique en quelque sorte si ce n'est en réalité. Je l'ai composée au lendemain du discours fait par le Président Georges Bush, le Père et cela au lendemain de l'invasion du Koweït par Saddam Hussein. Vous avez ce titre en noir sur la gauche que j'ai coupé du journal New York Times.

Après cela, j'ai rangé ce collage pour un bon bout temps et j'ai publié en Italie et en 1991 un article sur cette question de la Paix au Moyen Orient dont le titre et la publication sont:


Tenez vous bien, quelques années plus tard, je montrais cette composition a un ami ici, je lui ai expliqué les pièces que j'ai assemblé ici et qui ont une raison d’être la.

A notre grande surprise, qui n'est point une dans la Real Politique de Pax Americana, nous avons découvert que la date de publication de ce discours "Le Nouvel Ordre Mondial" était le 11 Septembre.

A vous de faire la liaison !!!!!??????

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui


The structural causes of the Gulf crisis and the quest for a peaceful solution in the Middle… WORLDCAT.ORG

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Je fus invité par Stanford University and les organisations académiques affiliées pour présenter la perspective et l'approche sur la question du Moyen Orient des pays de l'Afrique du Nord Sahara, y compris le Maroc.


Said El Mansour Cherkaoui at Stanford University.

April 26, 2015 · Palo Alto, CA ·


Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: Conférence sur la Guerre du Golfe, Université de Stanford, Californie, Etats-Unis.

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: Conference on the Gulf War at Stanford University, California, USA

April 26, 2015 · Palo Alto, CA ·

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Said El Mansour Cherkaoui A cette époque j'ai participé dans la mise en place d'un programme au sein de l’Université de Californie, Berkeley avec Jerry Sanders comme Coordinateur. Ce programme s'intitulait "Peace and Conflict Studies Program."

Une résistance farouche des Faucons s’était mise a travers pour briser l’échine de tout ce qui touche à la question du Moyen Orient et ayant une approche différente que la Pax Americana et ses alliés et supporteurs locaux et régionaux.  Cette présentation dans une sorte de Conférence et de Séminaire fut notée et appréciée par un large nombre de participants, rendant ainsi nécessaire mon interview par le Journal du Daily Californian dont un extrait est publié dans cet article.   Plusieurs de mes conclusions ont été prouvées correctes et furent ainsi confirmées par les événements d'aujourd'hui et cela se trouve mentionné noir sur blanc dans cet article si vous le lisez entièrement.


Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: Conference sur le Moyen Orient a l'Universite de Berkeley, Californie, Etats UNIS.

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui at Conference on the Middle East at the University of California, Berkeley, USA

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

Compilation and Analysis

All Rights Reserved

Email: saidcherkaoui24@gmail.com 

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: Conférence sur le Moyen Orient à l’Université de Berkeley, Californie, Etats UNIS.

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui at Conference on the Middle East at the University of California, Berkeley, USA

A cette époque j'ai participé dans la mise en place d'un programme au sein de l’Université de California, Berkeley avec Jerry Sanders comme Coordinateur. Ce programme s'intitulait "Peace and Conflict Studies Program."

Une résistance farouche des Faucons s’était mise a travers pour briser l’échine de tout ce qui touche à la question du Moyen Orient et ayant une approche différente que la Pax Americana et ses alliés et supporteurs locaux et régionaux.

Cette présentation dans une sorte de Conférence et de Séminaire fut notée et appréciée par un large nombre de participants, rendant ainsi nécessaire mon interview par le Journal du Daily Californian dont un extrait est publié dans cet article.

Plusieurs de mes conclusions ont été prouvées correctes et furent ainsi confirmées par les événements d'aujourd'hui et cela se trouve mentionné noir sur blanc dans cet article si vous le lisez entièrement.

Addenda et Mise à jour: le 14/2/2017

Jacques Oiknine la paix nous rendra en premier nos Judaïques, ils ne sentent plus menacés par qui que ce soit et nous serons heureux de nous visiter et d'avoir nos enfants se rendent visite comme les voisins de notre temps.

Les égarements du passé et les erreurs d'hier doivent devenir des retrouvailles d'aujourd'hui et des solutions de demain. Les bonnes volontés de peuples durent plus longtemps que le passage des gouvernements.

Il faut une Paix entre les Peuples et non une paix signé sur un parchemin qui devient une archive dans le fin fond d'un dossier poussiéreux. Les gouvernements changent mais la mémoire du peuple dure et perdure, c'est dans cette mémoire qu'il faut reconstruire et renforcer les fondations de la Paix et cela dans tous les domaines de son expression, y compris à travers notre dialogue présent et de demain.

Bien sûr, nous avons des différences, nous avons des émotions différentes, bien sûr nous sommes d'une personnalité commune mais diversifiée mais nous restons attachés à nos racines, je penses que la graine marocaine doit faire fructifier la paix dans l'âme des marocains en premier et se propager dans les autres terres fertiles pour la Paix et l'acceptation ainsi que la tolérance.

Je travaille chaque jour et à chacune de mes interactions avec l'autre dans le sens d'établir des liens de communication qui véhiculent la paix et le partage d'un commun dénominateur que chaque Marocain connaissant ses racines profondes va rencontrer dans la montée du temps, que la route traversée par ses ancêtres est passé à travers le judaïsme d'une façon directe, d'une manière familiale ou même juste d'une approche culturelle et celles ou celles qui prétendent autre chose ne sont que des inconscients de leurs propres sources qui alimentaient leur existence en tant que Marocains ou comme vous dites Amazigh, Ouled Awinakh, Naki.

Pour ce qui est du Moyen Orient, il existe l'équation Palestinienne et cela ne peut être effacé d'un seul trait ou ignoré par conviction religieuse ou idéologique. La Communauté Palestinienne existe et existe bel et bien et on ne peut prétendre autre chose aussi. On peut discuter toute une vie sur cela, mais le fait réel c'est qu'ils sont la et demeurent la avant tout et après tout.

Israël ne peut prétendre donner une autre explication à leur présence, elle doit trouver des voix de rapprochement, des méthodes d'intégration et des ponts de communication tout en arrêtant l'expansion des colons.

Des deux côtés, des horizons clairs et propres doivent être trouvés pour projeter la même vision vers la mise en place de nouvelles avenues pouvant conduire à la reconnaissance mutuelle et au partage d'une volonté d’établir des liens de paix et de coexistence sans recours à la violence.

C'est le peuple des deux communautés qui doivent développer des liens et des relations pouvant aboutir à faire comprendre aux autorités la nécessité de la paix et leur imposer la volonté populaire de ne plus recourir à la violence en leur nom pour prétendre les défendre ou les représenter. Il faut avoir une expression populaire responsable et consciente de ses droits et qui respecte l'autre comme elle veut se faire respecter par l'autre et ne plus jouer le jeu des grands intérêts de part et d'autre dont la situation de non Paix et de non Guerre permet de maintenir les mêmes au pouvoir tout en nourrissant leurs desseins de domination et de contrôle social.

Il faut libérer les consciences populaires en premier des freins et des influences idéologiques néfastes et guerrières qui ne font qu'amplifier les causes de haine et d'injustice ainsi que de violence et de rejet.

La division entre deux ne sert que le troisième larron qui tire les marrons du feu.

 — at UC Berkeley.” Fin de citation.

Un texte qui mérite d’être lu attentivement et débattu avec des points que l'on ne peut faire disparaître avec un coup de main ou cacher avec un mouvement de la main.   En certaines situations, les faits demeurent plus têtus que les changements conditionnés.

Avec le recul du temps, on peut constater la justesse de cette analyse concernant ce que j’appelle la subcapitalisation de ces pays a travers le suivisme et la docilité de leurs "hommes forts" vis a vis des intérêts occidentaux et leurs bases de pouvoir locales et surtout étrangères, l'utilisation des social médias, l'imbroglio des associations internationales en Egypte et enfin le devenir de l'Egypte et de la Tunisie actuels.

Titre de l'Article:

Le mouvement de protestation en Égypte : Les « dictateurs » ne dictent pas, ils obéissent aux ordres

par Michel Chossudovsky

samedi 5 février 2011, par Comité Valmy

Source : Mondialisation.ca, Le 4 février 2011

Extrait et Introduction de cet écrit:

"Face à un mouvement de protestation national, le régime de Moubarak pourrait s’effondrer. Quelles sont les perspectives d’avenir pour l’Égypte et le monde arabe ?

Les « dictateurs » ne dictent pas, ils obéissent aux ordres. Cela est vrai en Égypte, en Tunisie et en Algérie.

Les dictateurs sont invariablement des pantins politiques. Les dictateurs ne décident pas.

Le président Hosni Moubarak était un fidèle serviteur des intérêts économiques occidentaux, comme l’était Ben Ali.

L’objet du mouvement de protestation est le gouvernement national.

L’objectif consiste à déloger le pantin plutôt que celui qui tire les ficelles.

En Égypte, les slogans sont « À bas Moubarak » « À bas le régime » et l’on ne rapporte aucune affiche anti-américaine… L’influence prédominante et destructrice des États-Unis en Égypte et à travers le Moyen-Orient n’est pas soulignée.

Les puissances étrangères qui opèrent dans les coulisses sont protégées de ce mouvement de protestations.

Il n’y aura pas de changement politique significatif sauf si le mouvement de protestation aborde sincèrement la question de l’interférence étrangère"

Fin de l'extrait de cet article.


Michel Chossudovsky est directeur du Centre de recherche sur la mondialisation et professeur émérite de sciences économiques à l’Université d’Ottawa. Il est l’auteur de Guerre et mondialisation, La vérité derrière le 11 septembre et de la Mondialisation de la pauvreté et nouvel ordre mondial (best-seller international publié en 12 langues).



[1] See more on these maps and analysis at this website: http://gulf2000.columbia.edu/maps.shtml 

[2] See the related debate on the Sykes-Picot treaty at this website: https://gulfanalysis.wordpress.com/2013/12/30/dammit-it-is-not-unravelling-an-historians-rebuke-to-misrepresentations-of-sykes-picot/ 

[3] See more on the price of oil and its importance for the western economies at this website: Oil markets and Arab unrest, The price of fear, A complex chain of cause and effect links the Arab world’s turmoil to the health of the world economy

Mar 3rd 2011

[4] Jerry Robinson: 02/23/2012, The Rise of the Petrodollar System: “Dollars for Oil”

[5] Source: Craig Willy Euro-American Collaboration and Interventions since World War II,