Express Yourself:  Rap, Sociolinguistics, and Representation

Dec. 3, 2020

Express Yourself: Rap, Sociolinguistics, and Representation

In the introduction to the best-selling song, “Express Yourself,” (1988) N.W.A.’s Ice Cube tells Dr. Dre that he’s “been doing all this dope producing, [he] ain’t had a chance to show ‘em what time it is.” Dr. Dre asks Ice what he wants him to do, and the titular sample of Charles Wright’s song begins: “Express yourself” (Ice Cube, 1988, track 8). Rap is a powerful musical, linguistic, and cultural tool that was popularized by young Black artists in the late 1980s and 1990s.  Groups like The Sugarhill Gang and Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five brought hip-hop into the mainstream consciousness by fusing funk and R&B with street-style rapping, giving African American English a mainstream musical platform that was previously far more limited. Groups like N.W.A, Wu-Tang Clan, and Public Enemy centered their music around portraying what was real to them as young Black men from poorer urban areas. This new realism created the genre of gangsta rap and shone a light on the real lives of thousands of Black people in a way that wasn’t disapproving and condescending. Superstars like Tupac Shakur and the Notorious B.I.G. established a social elite status for rappers. The foundation of rap was, without a doubt, the uplifting of Black voices regardless of their message; hip-hop created a space to be angry, to romanticize the stigmatized, to make a new social order.

Of course, rap’s rise to popularity was not without its challenges. Critics from across the musical, political, and social spheres attacked hip-hop for being profane, for promoting violence, for focusing only on a dark and unpatriotic view of modern America. Much of this critique has been rooted in the subordination of African American English, and, by proxy, the subordination of Black culture as a whole. This paper will attempt to prove the ways in which rap, including political and gangsta rap, is a positive linguistic tool that uses honorific diction to combat language and culture subordination and empowers Black Americans.

Literature Review

The linguistic role that rap plays is one that has been examined by many scholars. David L. Caldwell (2008) used sociolinguistics to analyze two of the most popular forms of rap during the genre’s rise to prominence in the 1990s: gangsta rap and political rap. Using the idea of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL), Caldwell sought to “explain language by reference to the social context in which it operates” (Caldwell, 2008, p. 14). SFL identifies three forms of influence that may cause language to evolve: ideational (which is concerned with representation), interpersonal (which is concerned with interaction), and textual (which is concerned with information flow). Caldwell examined the interpersonal nature of linguistics in rap using appraisal, a sociolinguistic tool that “offers an ideal analytical framework to systematically identify interpersonal meanings in language” and “is essentially concerned with evaluation” (2008, p. 14). Appraisal often operates through attitude, which consists of three main types of analysis: affect (“the semantic resources used to construe emotional responses”), judgment (“resources deployed for construing moral evaluations of behaviour”), and appreciation (“the ‘aesthetic’ quality of a product or performance”) (2008, p. 16-17). Using this sociolinguistic framework, Caldwell then analyzed the lyrics of ten popular rap songs, five of which he identified as political rap, and five of which he identified as gangsta rap. He found that political rap, as written and performed by groups like Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five and Public Enemy, showed negative judgment towards “social groups that have traditionally marginalized and oppressed African-Americans” (2008, p. 20) like emergency services, the media, and the government. These songs also showed positive judgment towards their larger communities, namely Black communities, low-income housing projects, and working-class neighborhoods, and towards themselves as rappers. Gangsta rap, as written and performed by rappers and groups like N.W.A, Snoop Dogg, and The Notorious B. I. G., on the other hand, showed the most positive judgment and attitudes towards the rappers themselves, most often in regards to their physical strength, their wealth, their criminality, or their sexuality.

Best and Kellner (1999) delve further into the linguistic analysis of gangsta rap. They locate the birth of gangsta rap in the early 1990s, citing it as “a distinctive language, style, and attitude that made rap a significant oppositional form and subject of intense controversy” (1999, p. 4). Best and Kellner found the lyrics of many rap songs to provide “a spectacle of self-assertion with images of black rap singers threatening white power structures, denouncing racial oppression and police violence, and celebrating a diverse realm of black cultural forms extending from Afrocentric nationalism to the gangster lifestyle” (1999, p. 4). This definition of gangsta rap accounts for the gritty and violent nature of artists like N.W.A, Wu-Tang Clan, and Tupac Shakur. Best and Kellner go so far as to view certain gangsta rap as an indictment of the criminal lifestyle lived by so many young Black men; Tupac Shakur’s 1995 album, Me Against the World, is a reflection on the tragedy of a life without options. Shakur raps about his anger and grief over the lack of opportunity in his own life, and how he “regrets his mother and the preachers couldn't save him from a life of drugs, drunkenness, and violence” (1999, p. 9). However, Best and Kellner are critical of other famous gangsta rappers, most notably Snoop Dogg (who went by Snoop Doggy Dogg at the time of Best and Kellner’s essay). Of Snoop, Best and Kellner say that he

is obsessed with being a ‘G,’ a gangster, a lawbreaker who smokes dope and kills with impunity. Indicative of the situation in the inner cities, his rage is directed against fellow blacks, not whites... Snoop's lyrics indicate that drugs, alcohol, sex, and money are means of escape from systemic oppression, tranquilizers that dull the pain, but they also blunt the critical vision and will. (p. 12)

Best and Kellner identify the machismo of Snoop’s lyrics as the root of the controversy around gangsta rap. They condemn rappers like Snoop as rappers who “only condemn violence when it is directed against them; otherwise, they celebrate it, internalize it, and embrace it as an ethos and means of self expression” (1999, p. 12). While they acknowledge that “at its best, rap is a powerful indictment of racism, oppression, and violence that calls our attention to the crisis of the inner cities and vividly describes the plight of African-Americans” and “provides a positive valorization of blackness, celebrating black culture, pride, intelligence, strength, style, and creativity,” they also critique gangsta rap for being, “at its worst [...] racist, sexist, and glorifies violence, being little but a money-making vehicle that is part of the problem rather than the solution” (1999, p. 13-14).

Robert Walser (1995) analyzed the musical and linguistic power of a single political rap group, Public Enemy. He first stressed that rap is so powerful because of its catchy, digestible, and massively popular form; he argues that “Chuck D’s words would not have reached millions of people as poetry or political commentary” (1995, p. 194). His words, outside of rap, would not have had the success they did. Walser asserts that “because the groove itself is non-teleological, it situates the listener in a complex present, one containing enough energy and richness that progress seems moot” (1995, p. 204). Linguistically, Walser draws on the ideas of Cornel West (1987) and John R. Rickford and Russell J. Rickford (2000) and argues that “rapping combines, as Cornel West argues, ‘the two major organic artistic traditions in black America,’ the rhetoric of black preaching and the rhythms of black music” (1995, p. 208). Walser concludes that rap, especially political and gangsta rap, is uniquely situated as an artistically complex linguistic and musical tool that is based in the often challenging real lives of poor Black America:

Rappers are often accused of articulating a similarly bleak social vision, and their music has figured in the "culture of poverty" discourse that conservatives have used to shape debates about the lives and problems of urban black people. But as heirs to a cultural tradition that prizes verbal eloquence and rhythmic rhetoric, rappers' means and ends clash with this model of despair and rebellion, even when they adopt a "gangsta" image. Despite the history of injustice that fuels their anger- as Naughty By Nature puts it, "Say something positive? Well, positive ain't where I live" (1991)- what rappers create is more important than what they critique. Public Enemy 1989 = Public Enemy 1931 + affirmation, celebration, political critique, and a call to arms, evoking the "double consciousness" of the blues and other minority culture.” (p. 211)

In conclusion, much of the scholarly work that has been done about the sociolinguistics of rap is concerned with the moral value of political and gangsta rap and recognizes that rap is a unique and complex form of self-expression for a wide spectrum of young Black Americans. I will attempt to argue that even the most violent and offensive gangsta rap can be a positive method of combating social and linguistic subordination.

Before I continue with my own analysis of gangsta rap, it is crucial to note one common critique of hip-hop that is extremely valid and is not a part of the subordination of Black American culture: rap, especially gangsta rap, is often incredibly misogynistic. Of the referral to women as “bitches and hoes,” Caldwell (2008) agrees that there is “a high frequency of sexist, negative language directed at women” and that “even in [the African American gangsta community] context, these terms are not interpersonally neutral” (p. 23). Best and Kellner (1999) add that these terms “replicate sexism and oppression within the black community, showing clearly that an underclass is not necessarily an enlightened class, and prompting angry outcries by female rap singers” (p. 11). Many rappers are misogynistic, and under no circumstances should be applauded for that. This misogyny is not inherent of Black culture as a whole. Rappers purposefully use sexist language to label themselves as “bad,” just as they do with crime and drug use. It is intentional taboo that veers away from linguistics and into sociology and psychology. Because misogynistic language is not an example of language that defies the systems of oppression that Black rappers face, it will not be the focus of this paper. However, I will address the misogyny that is present in the songs that I analyze. It is also worth noting that the scholars quoted above are all white, and their critique of the violence of hip-hop culture is void of any lived experience. White writers, myself included, cannot completely objectively analyze the performance of violence or hypocrisy of rap written by Black Americans, as we occupy very different social positions in American culture, and our perspective inherently reflects this.

Analyzing Gangsta Rap

To attempt to prove that gangsta rap can be a positive linguistic tool, I analyzed the music videos and lyrics of three popular gangsta rap songs: C.R.E.A.M. by Wu-Tang Clan (1993), Straight Outta Compton by N.W.A. (1988), and Who Am I? (What’s My Name?) by Snoop Dogg (then known as Snoop Doggy Dogg) (1993). I will use Caldwell’s appraisal method to assess the three attitude types; I will assess the songs’ affects (i.e., is the emotion invoked by the song positive or negative?), judgments (i.e. who or what does the song pass positive or negative judgment on?), and appreciation (what are the aesthetics of the song, and how are they portrayed?). I will pay special attention to the lyrics’ attitude towards law enforcement or government, white people, other Black people, and gangsta culture, including crime, violence, sexuality, and drug use, as Best and Kellner focused on. I will also note instances of social commentary, as Walser, West, and Rickford and Rickford argue that preaching or social analysis is common within hip-hop. The results are shown in Table A.

Table A. Attitude and Social Commentary

N.W.A.’s “Straight Outta Compton” (1988) centers around Ice Cube, M.C. Ren, and Eazy-E flaunting their notorious street reputations. The emotion that the lyrics evoke is negative; N.W.A. is to be feared. Ice Cube and M.C. Ren both make reference to their mental instability, with Ice Cube introducing himself as “a crazy motherfucker named Ice Cube” and M.C. Ren introducing himself as “another crazy ass n—^[1].” The song, like all three songs I analyzed, places an emphasis on the rappers’ regional roots; each verse begins and ends with the line “Straight outta Compton,” Ice Cube tells his listeners that he’s “down with the capital C-P-T,” and the music video features maps of the LA area. Thus, the song gives a positive judgement of the Compton area of LA. The song also positively judges the group itself. All three rappers stress their tenacity on the street, with Ice Cube claiming to have “a crime record like Charles Manson” and Eazy-E assuring his audience that “if [he] ever [gets] caught, [he’ll] make bail.” Subsequently, the song also gives a positive judgment of crime. The song negatively judges law enforcement (the music video’s plot is N.W.A. running from the police), the media (or, as M.C. Ren calls them, “pussy-ass n—s” who won’t play N.W.A. on the radio), rivals (or anyone that “fucks with” Ice Cube or N.W.A.), and women (M.C. Ren promises to call women in the front row of his shows “a bitch or a dirty-ass ho,” and Eazy E “ain’t a sucker” who cares that he shot a woman). The lyrics of the song as well as its music video portray the aesthetics of Compton as positive, almost as an alluring final frontier. They also portray crime aesthetically positively, with flashy shots of guns and fires. Surrounding these positive aesthetics are the neutral aesthetics of poverty. The music video features quick cuts to Bail Bond companies and Crisis Centers, and N.W.A. wears loose-fitting, brandless clothing that might be seen in any working-class Black neighborhood.  Though the song is assuredly heavy in machismo and misogyny, the social commentary is hidden just behind this. The song begins with Dr. Dre telling his audience, “You are now about to witness the strength of street knowledge.” Therein lies the power of this song. Though lives of crime are seen as unfulfilling and pathetic to mainstream America, N.W.A. views them as a sort of new social elite. Not just anyone could survive in Compton; it requires strength, tenacity, and intelligence.

“C.R.E.A.M.” by Wu-Tang Clan (1993) follows a similar theme to “Straight Outta Compton” (1988). The song features Raekwon and Inspectah Deck reflecting on their lives of crime, from their first drug experiences to finding the right gang. The emotion of the song is decidedly negative, as “staying alive was no jive” for Wu-Tang Clan; their lives have been hard. The lyrics, like those of N.W.A., positively judge the rappers and their region (for Wu-Tang, this is the Staten Island Park Hill projects, or, as they call it, Shaolin); Raekwon calls Wu-Tang “a sick-ass clique,” and is glad to move “to Shaolin land” after his mother leaves his stepfather. However, the song gives negative judgment of crime. Raekwon laments that the “only way [to] begin the G off was drug loot,” meaning that the only option he had was to sell drugs from a young age. Inspectah Deck similarly had “a dream with plans to make cream,” or money, but his plans failed, and he “went to jail at the age of 15” after “the court played [him] short.” Though the rappers resent their lack of options, they also continue to commit crimes, and are now much more successful drug dealers and thieves. The song and its music video portray Staten Island aesthetically positively, and, like “Straight Outta Compton,” include neutral images of poverty. The social commentary of “C.R.E.A.M.” is clear: if cash rules everything around you, then you must do whatever you need to get it. Inspectah Deck makes it clear, as he tells the story of his own troubled youth, that “life as a shorty shouldn’t be so rough,” but also projects his realization that “livin’ in the world’s no different from a cell.” Wu-Tang’s message is summarized in Inspectah Deck’s final remarks: “N—s gotta do what they gotta do / to get through, know what I’m saying?”

Even gangsta rap songs without clear social commentaries may be used as positive linguistic tools. Snoop Dogg’s “Who Am I? (What’s My Name?) (1993) focuses on Snoop flaunting his wealth, criminality, and sexual prowess in something of a party song; he ensures a positive emotion by telling his audience to “ throw your hands in the motherfuckin’ air / and wave the motherfuckers like you just don’t care.” Snoop’s lyrics positively judge himself as “the n— with the biggest nuts,” or the man with the most sexuality and tenacity. Snoop emphasizes his success as a criminal, from selling “‘caine,” or cocaine, to being “from the depths of the C,” or being a Crip. The lyrics also positively judge Long Beach, where Snoop lives, as well as crime, or the way that Snoop’s “bank roll’s on swole.” The song negatively judges law enforcement, as Snoop says he is “Mr. 187 on a motherfuckin’ cop,” referencing the California Penal Code for murder. It also negatively judges Snoop’s rivals, warning them that Snoop will “never hesitate to put a n— on his back.” The music video drives this point home; it follows Snoop Dogg and his friends, transformed into dogs, running from “Dogg Catchers” (one Black and one white, perhaps representing Black rivals and white law enforcement) until they finally arrive at a party, where even the Dogg Catchers can’t resist their coolness. The song and music video follow the aesthetic pattern set by “Straight Outta Compton” (1988) and “C.R.E.A.M.” (1993) in portraying its region positively and including neutral aesthetics of poverty. The message of the song seems only to be that being an adept, sexual, and drug-using criminal is the key to social clout. While this may initially seem to be a negative reinforcement of stereotypes, but, as Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (quoted in Greene, 2012, p. 115), said, “when you're faced with a stereotype, you can disavow it or you can embrace it and exaggerate it to the nth degree. The rappers take the white Western culture's worst fear of black men and make a game out of it.” In this way, Snoop’s lyrics “make a game out of” living a stigmatized life, portraying him almost as a character in the story of America that he is suddenly in charge of.

All three songs I analyzed use gangsta rap as a positive linguistic tool. All three use African American English, helping a stigmatized language into the mainstream. All three depict the real life of impoverished Black Americans, as gritty and as violent as that may be. All three allude to a social elitism that goes against standard society, one in which committing crimes, using drugs, and surviving on the streets is prestigious. By subverting linguistic and social norms present in Standard American English and culture, N.W.A., Wu-Tang Clan, and Snoop Dogg combat the subordination of Black language and culture.

As previously mentioned, the three artists I examined all place positive, or at least honorific, value on stigmatized lifestyle. However, while most of this lifestyle is a response to systems of oppression against Black people, the misogyny that these artists exhibit is purely offensive for offensiveness’s sake. N.W.A. and Snoop Dogg refer to women as “bitches,” and only mention them in relation to sex or violence. Caldwell describes the extreme misogyny of gangsta rap:

In this context, that is the African-American gangsta culture, these terms are commonplace. Now that is not to say that these terms do not carry negative Attitude. They clearly do so, especially in contexts outside the African-American gangsta community. And it should be noted that even in that context, these terms are not interpersonally neutral. They have been deliberately chosen by that community for their negative meanings. However, what was interpersonally salient in this extract was the positive self-Judgements expressed by the rapper, realised through reference to his sexual prowess. Unfortunately, in this community, prowess can be achieved by demeaning and objectifying women. (p. 23)

I agree with Caldwell’s assertion that the objectification of women in gangsta rap serves primarily to prove the sexual prowess and machismo of rappers, especially since artists like N.W.A. and Snoop Dogg claimed that “bitches and hoes” only refer to some people whose gender is irrelevant, and artists like Tupac Shakur and The Notorious B.I.G. even have lyrics condemning rape. However, I disagree with Caldwell’s claim that this misogyny is inherent to gangsta culture. N.W.A. and Snoop Dogg were criticized for their treatment of women almost immediately upon the release of their first albums. Furthermore, there have been extremely successful female rappers in the gangsta rap genre from its inception to today. Pioneers like Lauryn Hill, Queen Latifah, and Missy Elliott helped clear the way for the likes of Megan Thee Stallion and Cardi B, all of whom rap about poverty, crimes, drugs, and sexuality, just like their male counterparts. These women’s songs provide a wealth of additional material to analyze. As Caldwell and Best and Kellner assert, there is a critical need for more research on misogyny and gangsta culture, but this work cannot make the mistake of assuming that gangsta culture is inherently misogynistic.

Conclusion

In the words of Best and Kellner (1999), “rap articulates the experiences and conditions of African-Americans living in a spectrum of marginalized situations ranging from racial stereotyping and stigmatizing to struggle for survival in violent ghetto conditions” (p. 1). Rap is more than music or samples, it is “a voice to the voiceless, a form of protest to the oppressed, and a mode of alternative cultural style and identity to the marginalized. Rap is thus not only music to dance and party to, but a potent form of cultural identity” (Best and Kellner, 1999, p. 1). The positive and powerful depiction of real life that rap provides is an accessible, complex, and artistic linguistic tool that allows Black Americans of a wide spectrum to be empowered. Rap combats language and culture subordination by encouraging Black Americans to do the very thing that their oppressors have long forbidden them to do: express themselves.  

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