Boletin 0 California Mission studies assoCiation
The Chichimeca Frontier and the Evangelization of the Sierra Gorda, 1550-1770
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robert h. jackson, alliant international university, mexico city
Before being assigned to the ex-Jesuit missions in Baja California which served as a base for the colonization of Alta California, Fray Junipero Serra,
About the Author Robert H. Jackson was born in Alameda, California in 1955. He received his B.A. from O.F.M. and his colleagues from the apostolic college of San Fernando (Mexico City) attempted to evangelize Pame and other non-sedentary
the University of California, Santa Cruz (1980), M.A. University of Arizona (1982), and Ph.D. with a specialization in Latin American native groups in the Sierra Gorda region of the modern state of Querétaro. Following an inspection of the Sierra Gorda region conducted in the
history from the University of California, Berkeley (1988). His research interests include the social, cultural, economic, and 1740s, José de Escandón, who had been given the task of colonizing Nueva Santander on the northeastern frontier of New Spain, petitioned viceregal
demographic history of frontier missions on the fringes of Spanish America, economic liberalism in Latin America in the late 19th officials to have Franciscan missionaries assume responsibility for the evangelization of the native peoples in the Sierra Gorda. For Serra and the
century, and definitions of race and caste. Jackson has authored, edited, or co/edited 11 books and more than 60 journal articles Fernandinos, being assigned to establish missions in the Sierra Gorda was the first opportunity to implement in a real situation missionary theory,
published in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and French. His current projects include a demographic study of the Jesuit missions of and the experience gained in the Sierra Gorda missions later served in the Baja California and California missions. However, the arrival of the
Paraguay and the Chiquitos region of eastern Bolivia, and the social, cultural, and political aspects of evangelization on and beyond the Fernandinos in the Sierra Gorda marked only a new phase in the history of largely failed efforts to evangelize the natives in the Sierra Gorda,
Chichimeca frontier in 16th century Mexico. Jackson resides in Mexico City, and works at Alliant International University. which was a part of the sixteenth century Chichmeca frontier, the cultural divide between sedentary and nomadic native peoples.
Augustinian missionaries first assumed responsibility for the evangelization of the Chichimeca frontier in what today are the states of Michoacán, Hidalgo, Queretaro, and San Luis Potosi, including the Sierra Gorda in the 1550s and 1560s.[1] The Augustinians stationed on the doctrina (convent- mission) Los Santos Reyes Meztitlán first attempted to evangelize the sedentary and non-sedentary natives living in the Sierra Alta of Hidalgo and neighboring areas, including the Sierra Gorda. The Augustinians established chapels in communities designated visitas that did not have resident missionaries and were visited periodically from Meztitlán. Three visitas were located at Chichicaxtla, Chapulhuacán and San Agustín Xilitlán (see Figure 1), the last two located in the tropical Huasteca region. Xilitlán was a community of sedentary natives subject to raids by nomadic
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Chichimeca groups moving into and competing for space in the Sierra Alta and Sierra Gorda (Zavala, No Date). After 1550, the Augustinians elevated these three visitas to the status of independent doctrinas. In the 1560s the Augustinians established new missions at Xalpa (modern Jalpan) and Puxinguia in the Sierra Gorda region not far from Xilitlán. Xilitlán served as the base of operations for the first effort to evangelize the Sierra Gorda region. This region included several similar communities of sedentary Nahuatl speakers, such as Tilaco, which was a community in the district administered from Xilitlán (De Grijalva, 1985: 192, 217; Vergara Hernández, 2008: 91, 136). In 1569, the natives living in Xalpa and surrounding communities revolted. The rebels destroyed the Augustinian mission, and attacked Xilitlán and Chapulhuacán (Galvinez de Capdevielle, 1971: 19).
The attempt to evangelize the Sierra Alta of Hidalgo and the neighboring Sierra Gorda region followed the system the Augustinians developed in the 1530s and 1540s in the areas of sedentary settlement in central México. In the early years of the missionary evangelization of central México, the orders had limited numbers of missionaries, and could establish convents with resident missionaries only at certain generally more important native communities. The convent at Meztitlán located in the Sierra Alta of Hidalgo provides an example of how the Augustinians managed the early stages of evangelization, and created new doctrinas when more personnel was available. The Augustinians established the doctrina at Meztitlán in 1539 (see Figure 2) (De Grijalva, 1985: 204). The Augustinians ministered scores of visitas throughout the Sierra Alta and neighboring Huasteca region, including Chichicaxtla, Calpulhuacán (see Figure 3), and Xilitlán, which later became independent doctrinas. Other visitas of Meztitlán later elevated to the status of independent doctrinas were Tzitzicastlán, Zaqualtipán, and Ilamatlán (De Grijalva, 1985: 204, 209).
The Augustinian missions in the sixteenth century focused on the settlements of sedentary agriculturalists established at strategic locations beyond the Chichimeca frontier. Three reports written in 1571 on Chichicaxtla, Chapulhuacán, and Xilitlán recorded the number of tributaries at the cabecera (head town) and visitas (satellite communites), and in the case of the Chapulhuacán and Xilitlán reports, the ethnic groups living on the communities (see Tables 1-3). The reports document the presence of colonies of Nahuas and Hñahñu/Otomí beyond the Chichimeca frontier. The Xilitlán report recorded Hñahñu/Otomí as the dominant ethnic group at both Xilitlán and Tilaco. Tilaco later became a mission of Pames under the Franciscan regime established in 1744. Later documents show that the Augustinians did attempt to evangelize the nomadic hunter-gatherers they classified as Mecos, but the initial thrust of their mission was the evangelization of the colonies of sedentary natives.
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The Augustinian missions along the Chichimeca frontier and particularly those in the Sierra Alta were subject to raids by Chichimeca bands, and several Augustinian missionaries died at the hands of the Chichimecas. In the 1580s, for example, Chichimecas raided San Agustín Xilitlán. The Augustinian chronicler Juan de Grijalva, O.S.A., described Xilitlán and a Chichimeca attack in 1587:
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Figure 1. The Augustinian doctrina San Agustín Xilitlán. Photograph in the collection of the author. Figure 2. Augustinian doctrina Los Santos Reyes Meztitlán. Photograph in the collection of the author.
Figure 3. Augustinian doctrina San Pablo Calpulhuacán. Photograph in the collection of the author.
(It is) very rough and with craggy land, the climate is hot and the Indians (are) very barbaric....In the year 87 the Chichimecas attempted to destroy the house (convent) and the town, (they) entered the lower cloister of the convent, robbed the sacristy and burned all that did not have arched ceilings (of stone) which was the greater part of the convent. The missionaries (religiosos) with some Indians had retired to the convent, defending the entrance to the upper cloister with such bravery that they escapted with their lives(.)[2]
In the same period Chichimeca bands raided other doctrinas, including Yuririapundaro and Huango on the frontier in Michoacán.[3]
In directing the construction of the doctrinas and visita chapels, the Augustinians incorporated defensive elements that were suitable for raids by nomadic warriors armed with lances and bows and arrows. The doctrinas and visita chapels served as places of refuge in case of attack. One late sixteenth century source cited the construction of the Franciscan convent at Alfajayucan, located in the Mezquital Valley on the Chichimeca frontier in Hidalgo, as having taken into account the threat of raids by the nomadic warriors.[4] Augustinian constructions in the Sierra Alta also incorporated defense from Chichimeca raids, including defensive features built into visita chapels.[5] An example is a chapel located in the Sierra Alta close to Meztitlán, which had a room built on top of the chapel that afforded greater protection in case of attack (see Figure 4).
Fray Guillermo de Santa María, O.S.A. and the 16th century Augustinian Chichimeca Missions
Fray Guillermo de Santa María was an Augustinian missionary active in the campaign to evangelize the Chichimecas living along and beyond the frontier in Michoacán. The history of these efforts to evangelize the Chichimecas provides context for the Augustinian missions in the Sierra Gorda. Santa Maria was one of the missionaries stationed on San Nicolás Tolentino Huango in 1550, which he used as a base of operations from which to visit Chichimeca bands along the Río Lerma as far west as what today are Ayo el Chico and Las Arandas in Jalisco. In 1555, he congregated Purépecha and Guamares at Penjamo, and also administered a Chichimeca community at Ayo el Chico from Huango (De Santa María, 2003: 84-85). It was a common strategy to settle sedentary natives on missions established beyond the frontier, to serve as an example for the Chichimecas that the missionaries attempted to congregate on the missions.
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Figure 4. Open chapel at a site known locally as Iglesia Vieja, in the Barranca de Metztitlán in Hidalgo, showing ruins of a second story room most likely built for defense in case of Chichimeca attack. Photograph in the collection of the author.
In the late 1560s, perhaps in 1566 or 1568, the Augustinians assumed responsibility for the former Franciscan mission among the Guamares Chichimecas at Villa de San Felipe, located in what today is northern Guanajuato on the border with San Luis Potosi, bordering the territory of Guachichiles Chichimecas. The Franciscans established a mission there in 1553, but abandoned the mission following the murder of Fray Bernardino de Cosín, O.F.M., by the Chichimecas. Guillermo de Santa María was one of three Augustinians stationed there in 1571, and he wrote a report on the status of the mission and of a second community of Chichimecas established at a site known as Valle de San Francisco (Villa de Reyes, San Luis Potosi) (De Santa María, 2003:86-87). The Augustinians settled P’urépecha from Michoacán at San Felipe to assist in the attempt to evangelize the Guamares congregated there.
The three Augustinians stationed on the mission at the Villa de San Felipe were the prior named Gregorio de Santa María, O.S.A., Guillermo de Santa María, O.S.A., and Rodrigo Hernández, O.S.A. Guillermo de Santa María reportedly assisted the prior in dealings with Chichimecas. The Augustinian spoke P’urépecha and communicated with Chichimecas through native translators who also spoke P’urépecha. He was responsible for the establishment of the mission at Valle de San Francisco among Guachichiles. The report alluded to the difficulties the Augustinians faced in trying to convert the “diverse and wild” Chichimeca bands, although the Augustinians believed they were achieving success in evangelizing the Guamares and Guachichiles (Garcia Pimentel, 1904: 122-124). However, the Augustinians abandoned the missions in 1575 following a Chichimeca attack (De Santa María, 2003: 89). In outlining measures to pacify the Chichimecas, Santa María recommended the re-establishment of the Augustinian missions at San Felipe and San Francisco (De Santa María, 2003:201-202).
Guillermo de Santa María returned to Michoacán, where he was first assigned to Zirosto (De Santa María, 2003: 89). He later moved to Huango again, where he died in 1585 at the hands of the Chichimecas. Before his death in 1585, he advised the Bishop of Michoacán on the question of whether or not the war with the Chichimecas was just or not. The Catholic Church council held in Mexico City in 1585 re-examined the issue of the conflict first addressed in 1569 at a meeting called by then Viceroy Martín Enriquez, at which time representatives of the three missionary orders endorsed the war (De Santa María, 2003: 84-85). The 1585 council abandoned the Church’s support for the war (Vergara Hernández, 2010: 145-153). The writings of Guillermo de Santa María contributed to the shift in attitude and provided important details regarding Chichimeca culture, Chichimeca attitudes toward the Spanish, Chichimeca motives for the resistance, and the effort to evangelize them.
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The argument in support of a just war against the Chichimecas cited the apostasy and rebellion of the Chichimecas against royal authority, and their attacks on and killings of clerics. Additionally, the Spanish considered other causes to have been Chichimeca attacks on Spanish settlements, thefts of Spanish livestock, and assaults on caravans and travelers on the roads (De Santa María, 2003:222-223).
Santa María identified causes for Chichimeca hostilities that he saw as mitigating factors in considering continued support for the war against the Chichimecas, and proposed measures for pacifying the Chichimecas. In Santa María’s opinion, the root cause for Chichimeca hostilities was enslavement of natives by Spaniards, and particularly by Spanish soldiers who fought on the frontier without receiving a salary from the royal government and who enslaved natives to recoup their costs. The enslavement of Chichimecas began during the Mixton War (1541-1542), a frontier conflict that Santa María witnessed firsthand. According to Santa María, this unjust enslavement was an important cause for hostilities (De Santa María, 2003: 232). Santa María proposed congregating Chichimecas at several sites in their territory that included the important settlements at Epenxamu and Xichú, which later was a mission site, and the re-establishment of the missions at San Felipe and San Francisco (De Santa María, 2003:232). The expectation was that, once congregated and taught agriculture under the administration of the missionaries, the Chichimecas would embrace the new faith and their status in the new colonial order. As the history of the evangelization of the Sierra Gorda region shows, on the other hand, the expectations of the missionaries generally did not match reality.
Evangelization of the Sierra Gorda
Spaniards first established settlements beyond the Chichimeca frontier in the 1530s and 1540s, and accelerated colonization following the discovery of silver mines at Zacatecas and other sites beyond the frontier. (Cisneros Guerrero, 1998). In the second half of the sixteenth century, Spanish settlement advanced northward fairly rapidly, but pockets of territory not subject to Spanish control remained behind the northern frontier of settlement, such as the Sierra Gorda region. Missionaries, including Augustinians, attempted to evangelize native groups living beyond the Chichimeca frontier after about 1550, and established missions among different Chichimeca groups, such as the Pames. The missionaries often arrived following initial Spanish settlement. Pénjamo, located just beyond the Río Lerma on the Chichimeca frontier in Michoacán, was an example. Spaniards established Pénjamo in 1542, and, as discussed in the previous section, the Augustinians established a mission there in the early 1550s. Hñahñu/Otomí and P’urépecha settled on Pénjamo, and contributed to
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its development and defense. In the first years of the seventeenth century following the conclusion of the Chichimeca conflict, the native residents of Pénjamo petitioned to congregate the native population in the district there. Similarly, Spanish colonists penetrated the Sierra Gorda region before the arrival of the missionaries.
In the 1560s the Augustinians established new missions at Xalpa (modern Jalpan, Querétaro) and Puxinguia in the Sierra Gorda region not far from the doctrina at Xilitlán. Within the Sierra Gorda were several other communities of sedentary natives including Xalpa, Concá, and Tilaco. The last named was a community in the district administered from Xilitlán inhabited by Hñahñu/Otomí speakers (see Table 3) (De Grijalva, 1985: 192, 217; Vergara Hernández, 2008: 91, 136. The missionaries stationed on the new doctrina at Xalpa administered visitas at Concá, La Barranca, and perhaps also Ahuacatlán (Ruiz Zavala, 1984: I: 511).
In 1568-1569, the natives living on Xalpa and surrounding communities revolted destroyed the Augustinian mission, and attacked Xilitlán and Chapulhuacán (Galvaniz de Capdevielle, 1971, 10). Luis de Carabajal described the uprising in the following terms:
(At the end of 1568) the Indians of the district and province of Xalpa, who before were subjects and tributaries, rebelled; and burned the principal town at Xalpa, which was (inhabited by) Mexicans (Náhuatl speakers), and burned the monastery and entered the towns of Jilitla and Chapulhuacán taking many captives (despoblaron muchos sujetos) and toppled the churches, and as a solution, the Viceroy sent don Francisco de Puga, and in his place his Lieutenant, with twenty-four soldiers with a large salary and cost to Y(our) M(ajesty), and since I did not incur an expense for ten months, which was (a period) of continuous risk to my person, I subjected and rendered them (the rebellious natives) and put them at peace and subject to Y(our) M(ajesty), and reduced them to knowledge of God our Lord, from whose law they had apostate, and I rebuilt the town of Xalpa and built a fort of stone and lime which is among the best in New Spain, and inside of it a Church and Monastery(.) without cost to Y(our) M(ajesty), which building is worth more than twenty thousand pesos, which I (had constructed) myself, with which that land and the said towns of Jelitla, Chapuluacan, Acicastla and Suchitlan were secure for many years.[6]
Another account added that three Augustinians died when Chichimecas attacked and burned the church and convent, but gave the date of the attack as 1572. This may have been the same incident, or a second attack. The Augustinians killed were Fray Francisco de Peralta, O.S.A., Fray Ambrosio de Montesinos, O.S.A., and Fray Alonso de la Fuente, O.S.A. The account described the church and convent as being built of adobe walls with a packed earth roof (Ruiz Zavala, 1984: I:505).
As occurred in other parts of central Mexico, jurisdictional disputes occurred between the Augustinians and the other missionary orders that
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competed for the mission territory in the Sierra Gorda. Intervention by royal officials resolved one jurisdictional dispute when Franciscans requested control of the missions at Xalpa and Concá. The Franciscans based their claim on a 1612 royal decree granting them jurisdiction over Concá and Rioverde (modern San Luis Potosi) (Rangel Silva, 2008: 123). Missionaries from all three orders also established and administered missions in the region during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The Augustinians established new missions in the 1580s which included Xalpa and Concá. However, there was early competition from Franciscans. In 1601, for example, Fr. Lucas de los Ángeles, O.F.M. stationed on the doctrina at Xichú (modern Guanajuato) visited the Sierra Gorda region and baptized natives at Concá and other communities including Escanela and Ahuacatlán, later sites of Dominican missions. In 1609, in response to complaints, Viceroy Luis de Velasco signed an order confirming the Sierra Gorda mission at Xalpa to the Augustinians.[7]
In 1743, when Escandón conducted his survey of the Sierra Gorda region, Lucas Cabeza de Vaca, O.S.A., administered the Augustinian mission at Xalpa. The mission district consisted of Xalpa, the settlements of San Juan Pisquintla San Juan Sagav, Atamcama, Santiago de Tongo, Santo Tomás de Sollapilca, San Agustín Tancoyol, San Nicolás Malitlaand, San Antonio Amatlán, and San Nicolás Concá, which was a hacienda that belonged to one Gaspar Fernández del Pilar de Rama. There were 13 small settlements described as rancherias. The Augustinian churches were described as jacales, or of wattle and daub construction. Escandón described and enumerated the missions in the region staffed by Dominicans, Franciscans, and the Augustinians (see Table 4). The Augustinians administered several larger Pame settlements classified as rancherias, that they visited periodically from the missions at Xilitlan, Pacula, and Xalpa. Escandón criticized the Augustinians for their lack of progress in evangelizing the Pames; but the Augustinian system reflected both the Pame settlement pattern with communities spread across the mountainous region and the unwillingness of the natives to abandon their traditional way of life.
Cabeza de Vaca cited several reasons for the failure of the Augustinian mission. According to the missionary, the natives resisted evangelization and resettlement on the mission communities. Their consumption of locally produced alcohol was an additional cause for the lack of progress. The Pames preferred to live in their own settlements, and only visited the missions periodically and often infrequently. Finally, Cabeza de Vaca petitioned for support from civil officials to take harsh measures to force the recalcitrant natives to accept sedentary life on the missions (Galvaniz de Capdevielle, 1971: 22). Escandón judged the Augustinian mission to have been a failure, and petitioned the Viceroy to replace the Augustinians with Franciscans from the Apostolic College of San Fernando, in Mexico City.
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In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, other missionaries established largely ephemeral and unsuccessful missions in the larger Sierra Gorda region. In 1681, the viceregal government named one Gerónimo de Labra as protector of the Chichimecas, and gave him the task of congregating and evangelizing the natives in the Sierra Gorda. Working with Franciscans, Labra directed the establishment of eight new misions in 1682 and 1683. In 1682, the Franciscans founded San Buenaventura Maconi, which was the headquarters of the group of new missions, San Nicolás Tolentino de Ranas, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Deconi, and San Juan Bautista Tetla. In the following year the Franciscans added San Francisco Toliman, La Nopalera, El Palmar, and San José de los Llanos (later re-established as San José Vizarrón in 1740). In 1682, two Franciscans from the Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro went to Escanela, but later withdrew because the mission had already been assigned to the Dominicans (Galvaniz de Capdevielle, 1971:13).
A decade later Fray Felipe Galindo, O.F.M., bishop of Guadalajara, received permission to establish missions in the Sierra Gorda. Galindo had eight missions founded. They were Nuestra Señora del Rosario, San José del Llano, San Buenaventura Maconi, Santa María Zimapán, Santo Domingo Soriano, San Miguel de las Palmillas, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Aguacatlán, (which was initially a Dominican mission and was later returned to their jurisdiction), and Santa Rosa de las minas de Xichú. In 1703, the Jonaces rebelled against Spanish authority, raided Rosario, San José, Maconi, and Zimapán missions, and forced the missionaries to abandon Rosario and San José. Royal officials established a presidio at the site of San José del Llano. In the aftermath of the rebellion, the Franciscans ceded the missions at Soriano, Las Palmillas, and Aguacatlán to the Dominicans (Galvaniz de Capdevielle, 1971:14-16).
The continued resistance of the Chichimeca groups in the Sierra Gorda frustrated efforts at congregation and evangelization. The Jonaces, Pames, and Ximpeces Chichimecas lived scattered across the mountainous region in small bands. The Augustinian, Dominican, and Franciscan missionaries persuaded individual bands to settle on missions for short periods of time, but then the natives, and particularly the Jonaces, abandoned the missions and returned to their traditional way of life. In 1716, Franciscans from the Apostolic College at Pachuca entered the Sierra Gorda, and attempted to congregate and evangelize the Jonaces under the direction of Fray Pedro de la Fuente, O.F.M., who founded the mission Santa Teresa de Jesús. A census prepared in 1718 highlighted the problem the missionaries faced. The census enumerated six Jonaces bands that ranged in size from 34 to 69 people, and altogether totaled 361 people. The bands lived dispersed in three or four different rancherias. De la Fuente convinced the Jonaces to settle on the mission, but the natives abandoned the mission after the
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Franciscan died in1726. Those natives who did settle on the mission did so because of the influence of one particular missionary, but abandoned the mission following his death (Galvaniz de Capdevielle, 1971:19-20).
As a part of his plan for the colonization of Nueva Santander, José de Escandón reorganized the Sierra Gorda mission program (see Figure 5). Escandón replaced the Augustinians with Franciscans from the Apostolic College of San Fernando. Fray José Ortes de Velasco visited the Sierra Gorda in 1739, and in the following year convinced 73 Jonaces to settle on the reestablished mission at San José de Vizarrón. Escandón gave the Fernandinos jurisdiction over the Augustinian mission at Xalpa and the visitas at Tancoyol and Concá, and ordered the establishment of new missions at Landa and Tilaco. The Franciscans congregated thousands of Pames on the new and reorganized missions. A census Escandón prepared in 1743 enumerated 3,767 Pames congregated on the five missions, with the largest number settled on Xalpa (see Table 5) Samerón, 2009: 36-45; Gomez Canedo, 2011: 95-105).
The Franciscans from San Fernando administered the mission at Vizarrón differently than did the Franciscans from Pachuca who staffed the Jonaces mission at Tolimán. The missionaries expected the Jonaces settled on Vizarrón to radically change their way of life in a short period of time, and in particular to become a disciplined labor force to work in communal agricultural production and livestock raising. The Jonaces did not respond well to this approach to directed social-cultural change, and the majority had abandoned the missions by 1748. In response, royal officials used force to recapture the fugitives, and distributed the natives among obrajes (textile mills) as forced laborers (Alvarez Icaza Longoria, 2010:19-45). In contrast, the Jonaces at Tolimán continued to collect wild foods, and were not subject to the same effort to change their way of life and convert the natives into a disciplined labor force (Alvarez Icaza Longoria, 2010:25). The Franciscans from San Fernando experienced a similar problem with the nomadic hunter-gatherer group known as the Guaycuros, in southern Baja California. The Fernandinos tried to convert the Guaycuros into a disciplined labor force after they replaced the Jesuits in Baja California in 1768, but the Guaycuros also resisted the forced and rapid change in life- style (Jackson, 2004A: 221-233).
The Pames congregated on the five missions established by the Franciscans responded differently to the economic system the missionaries introduced. The Franciscans distributed rations among the Pames to enhance economic
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Figure 5. Section of a c. 1747 map showing the Sierra Gorda missions. From “Mapa de la Sierra Gorda y Costa del Seno Mexicano desde la Cuidad de Queretaro,” Library of Congress Geography and Map Division. Washington, D.C.. Call Number G4410 1747 .E8 Vault.