Old towns and new towns in the Romanian area. Urban society, economy and civilization on the verge of modernity
(16th century - middle of the 19th century)
ABSTRACTS[*]
The urban habitat of Chișinău according to recent archaeological research
Ion Tentiuc, Mariana Vasilache
Unlike other places in the area between the rivers Prut and Dniester, archaeological research of the historical past of Chișinău has been largely neglected. The first real investigations in Chișinău were carried out only in 2009–2010 and 2012 as part of the rescue and salvation activities in areas having archaeological potential. Excavations in Valea Morilor, Măzărache Hill, and Piața Veche led to the discovery of important artifacts belonging to different historical periods, ranging from prehistoric times to the pre-modern period. These archaeological sites and the materials found allowed us to reconstruct some aspects of the economic, social and cultural development of the communities that lived in this area of the Prut-Dniester region. The recent excavations also allowed us to confirm what tradition says about where the old centre of the târg of Chișinău was located.
Small-time criminality in the town and seat of Sibiu at the beginning
of the seventeenth century. Methods for an empirical approach
Julia Derzsi
This paper investigates the ways in which criminality can be researched in Sibiu. Primary sources enable the historical research in limited extent. Information has been preserved mainly regarding the activity of the Town Court (iudicatum), whose jurisdiction had been extended to all the people living in Sibiu (town and seat), but was limited to cases of secundum delicti. Serious criminal offenses were adjudicated by the Town Council in extraordinary proceeding. For a quick resolution to the cases, the court used a practice of summary justice, so it didn’t produce written traces. The town clerks kept records mainly about the fines charged by judges following the application of pecuniary punishments, less so about the offenses that were convicted, even less about the offenders. Consequently the records do not offer information about all the offenses committed in the town and the rural area. We can generally tell which crimes the court punished most commonly, but we are not able to accurately determine the frequency of the offenses. Penalties were most frequently applied for assault: physical and moral damage, offenses in connection with the sexual life, stealing, fraud and burglary, contempt of court. One of the conclusions of the article is that, during the analyzed period (the seventeenth century), violent behavior was predominant in recorded criminality. Theft and other offences committed against property were less frequent, and we may assume that people settled such conflicts outside the court. The judges often complained about the spreading of sexual offenses; they punished not only the offense itself, but also the people who didn’t denounce these crimes. It seems that justice was swift in Sibiu in the seventeenth century, but the law was not always able to apply the penalties.
Extracting salt in Târgu Ocna in early modern times. Trends and estimates
Cristian N. Apetrei
The salt mine in Târgu Ocna was the main source of salt in premodern Moldavia: it covered both local need, and neighboring external markets, such as Poland, Ukraine, Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Although the mine was undoubtedly the leading supplier of salt in the principality, the amounts extracted each year are still unknown. To fill this gap, the author of the study advances a formula that would allow us to estimate the annual levels of production. His research is based on the fact that most components of the salt extraction business operated as long-term structures and were relatively unchanged between late 16th century and early 19th century. These structures included: the daily quota for the miners (around 6.5 pieces/day), the weight of the pieces extracted (around 75 ocas [1 oca=1.29 Kg]), the ways work was managed (a guild controlled by the central authority), the predictable character of production and the mining calendar (around 300 working days/year). Due to all this, variations in the annual yield of the mine were almost always caused by the human workforce. This is the reason why a large part of the study seeks to determine how the numbers of workers participating in mining evolved over time. Based on sources still unused by other historians, the author claims that the number of miners that used to cut the blocks of salt was at around 50% of the total number of workers; the others were secondary personnel, tasked with maintaining and repairing the mines, bringing the bricks of salt to surface and transporting them to storage. The data obtained by applying this formula were consolidated in a table that accompanies the text; it includes the intervals where the author could gather relevant data, the total number of workers involved, the number of actual miners, annual production based on the number of pieces extracted and the same annual production expressed in ocas.
From Râmnic to Venice and the Holy Sepulchre. Merchant Constantin Malache's register (18th century)
Gheorghe Lazăr
The present study analyzes the information provided by the register of expenses and revenues (catastif) created by merchant Hagi Constantin Malache between 1741 and 1770. Where its content is concerned, this document is much more than an accounting register, since, along with the annual balance sheets (the first one is created for the year 1741), it also includes: information on the household goods and how they were to be shared between his two children (drafted around 1750-1751, before visiting Venice and Jerusalem); records of debtors and the money he was owed; several versions of his will; the dowry sheet granted to his daughter; the money spent on supporting his stepdaughter; also details on his marital status (the date when he married his three wives and when his children were born). The multitude of data provided by this exceptional document, but also those encountered in other archives, allows us not only to retrace the main stages in the life of Hagi Constantin Malache, but also to capture his business pursuits. Based on what the register indicates, he had close ties to the merchants in Venice (selling wax) and in the Transylvanian towns (especially Sibiu), and he was also involved (alongside Church hierarchs) in trading religious books necessary in carrying out religious service; he also held under lease the salt mines in Wallachia. Given the significance of this source for understanding Wallachia's economic history, but also its exceptional character, the author considers publishing it in full in the very near future.
The epitropos during the Phanariotes rule in 18th century Iaşi
Mihai-Cristian Amăriuței, Ludmila Bacumenco-Pîrnău
As the main scene where new ideas emerged and developed, the town in the Romanian Principalities, with their politics still dominated by aristocratic elites, was the place where a still tentative "bourgeoisie" took an active part in modernizing its world. One aspect of this process was that the members of the "bourgeoisie" were involved in managing certain institutions of the time, by being included in specific "committees" named epitropii (= a board of trustees) tasked by the central authority (the ruler) with ensuring that these institutions functioned correctly. These forms of administration only emerge in the latter half of the 18th century. The present work uses several examples, as mirrored by the written testimonies on Iaşi at the time, to describe how these units worked. First of all, the authors evaluate the St. Spyridon monastery and hospital, a public establishment, given its beneficiaries and its finances, then the schools in town, the wood pavement on the streets, the water network, and also the institution that was tasked with managing the wages of public officials and servants in the ruler's court. For all these purposes, the "committees" (epitropiile) assigned with the task of monitoring their activity gathered together high boyars and merchants. The first criterion when choosing an epitropos was notably practical in nature, and tied to their early "professional" background. Another aspect should be mentioned: some of the most representative members of social groups that were active in the urban community were involved in the town's life; by them we mean the boyars and the local "bourgeoisie" (merchants and craftsmen), this combination being specific to Romanian society of the time. Finally, the creation of the "committees" of epitropos was a step forward, a method for the townspeople to control the matters that had a direct bearing on their lives.
The first market town in Moldavia: Târgușorul Nicolina
Laurențiu Rădvan
The present study will look at the emergence and evolution of Târgușor, near Iași, in the second half of the 18th century and the first half of the 19th. With this market town a compelling chapter in the history of East-Carpathian urbanization opened, with unprecedented developments. Grigore II Ghica’s 1729 initiative was part of a larger European process, which saw commercial settlements developing and completing (or even competing with) older towns of Medieval heritage. In some regions, these market towns (târgușoare) covered the local demand for resources or finished goods, bringing trade much closer to rural areas, at crossroads, fords, near inns, etc. Following the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774, there is an actual "boom" of market towns, that will cater to this demand. Târgușor – situated on the banks of Nicolina River near Iași – is, however, a special case, since it is a market town created on the outskirts of a large Moldavian town, the actual capital of the country. Târgușor had been tied ever since its early days to the fair that was to be held here several times a year, and to the road it was located on, a gateway into Iași, not only for travelers, who preferred the inns in Iași, but also for people from rural areas, who tried to come closer to the town or even settle in it.
This had an enduring effect on the development of the settlement and determined another specific aspect: an impressive social mobility. From one census to another, one would note that the population changes, with some coming, and some going, since Târgușor was for some people just a step in their path to settling in Iași. There is also occupational diversity, since the new arrivals saw the place as presenting many opportunities. Even so, the economic potential of the settlement was not very high, as certified by some inhabitants still having agricultural pursuits. The Organic Statute (Regulamentul Organic) episode determined a change in the development of Târgușor, which was integrated in the town. Even so, the settlement did not entirely disappear, and the houses and stores found on the outside of the new borders of Iași formed a new market town "beyond river Nicolina", with the features of a faubourg. Both before and after its integration, the Târgușor had a structure that was distinct from the larger town in its vicinity. Its inhabitants were aware that they represented a community (obște), and the collective reaction recorded when they suffered abuses and their rights were violated testify to this. Even though the settlement was relatively modest (no boyars lived here), the townspeople did erect their own church and saw the priest as a prominent representative and a voice for the community. A study of the status of Târgușor also presented interest since it occupies a part of modern-day Iași, which underwent significant topographical, social and economic changes over time, and especially in the 20th century. A consequence of these changes can still be witnessed today: a careful observer of what Târgușor was will notice that no feature seems to tie it to earlier times. Only the churches and the name of "Nicolina" are still a testimony of those times long past.
Measures for preventing the outbreak and the spreading of plague
in Moldavian cities in early 19th century
Sorin Grigoruță
One of the most dangerous epidemic diseases, plague, had been a constant threat for the population of Moldavia throughout the 18th century, the epidemic bouts affecting especially urban agglomerations, where a large number of inhabitants and the lack of sanitation contributed to a high number of victims. Central and local authorities gradually tried to adopt a number of measures to prevent the outbreak and spread of this epidemic disease in the cities of Moldavia. We will present some of these measures throughout this article: the transfer of the dead and sick into shelters set up outside cities, the isolation of those who had symptoms of the disease, disinfection of houses and belongings of those afflicted by plague. Also, it was common to smoke letters, pass money through water, burn gunpowder or garbage.
The evolution in the ownership of urban land in Tecuci
and a land register dated 1828
Marius Chelcu
The author evaluates the process whereby the monastery of Prophet Saint Samuel in Focşani became the owner for the domain of the town of Tecuci, in southern Moldavia. Initially, the land belonged to the inhabitants, who were granted the right to use it for agriculture by Moldavian rulers. In the 17th century, the same rulers violate this right and begin to donate parts of the domain to boyars, usually their close friends (Alexandru Iliaș - 1632; Iliaș Alexandru - 1668). In the 18th century, the donation process becomes large-scale: Constantin Mihai Racoviță donates a significant portion in 1753, while Constantin Cehan Racoviță donates in 1757 both the rest of the domain, and the town core to a monastery he had founded: the monastery of Saint Samuel in Focșani. The author publishes a land register that would record the locations for houses and booths, boyars' houses and town quarters (mahalale), as well as the gardens and various facilities located on the monastery's domain in Tecuci. The document was issued on May 25th, 1828, being written by two boyars and containing 24 sheets; it is now in the Manuscript fund of the National Archives in Iaşi (registered under no. 1698). The initiative to register the lands in Tecuci followed a request by the epitropos of the Saint Spyridon hospital in Iaşi, where the monastery in Focşani had been dedicated in 1764. The epitropos wished to have a clearer view of the places and the buildings they were leasing. This register provides a better perspective on the town of Tecuci and its inhabitants in 1828. We can notice the urban structure, the existence of a central commercial area, made up almost exclusively of stores and workshops, as well as the residential areas on the outskirts. In these areas, the booths and workshops are almost completely absent; however, taverns are in no short supply. The number of inns was large, since the town was located along a trading route. Not lastly, this document provides us with excellent insight into the population of Tecuci and its occupational, social, ethnical and religious make-up.
Family and household composition in the market towns of districts
Prahova and Săcuieni according to the 1838 general census
Bogdan Mateescu
Family and household composition is an important component of Western historical demography and proved to have a major contribution to social history in general. It is also a research theme not usually associated with the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia due to the somehow misguided belief that suitable sources are not available. The 1838 census of Wallachia is an example of existing sources, not the only example, but probably the most prominent, with data preserved for over 1 million people. This study was carried out on a data set consisting of the total registered population of the market towns (târguri) of Slănic, Văleni, Câmpina, Mizil and Filipești. Not counting Urlați, for which we have not found preserved material, these settlements are all the market towns located in the Prahova and Săcuieni districts (in Northern Wallachia), assimilated as urban settlements along with the towns of Ploiești (in Prahova) and Bucov (Săcuieni).
The result of the analysis shows a very interesting demographic profile of Wallachia's urban population, with both common and distinguishing features in comparison with other parts of Eastern Europe. While the numerical dominance of the simple family household can be documented in this sample as well as in almost any other European region of the time, the percentage of multiple family households seems especially low. Despite the marriage pattern, with values clearly common to Eastern Europe, what makes Wallachia interesting is the low number of married children living alongside their parents and parents-in-law. This suggests that family and household formation were two simultaneous processes, as opposed to what we can see in other parts of Eastern Europe were a consistent amount of newlywed established a household well after their marriage. A slightly different demographic profile can also be distinguished in comparison with rural Wallachia where households seem less divers than in these settlements. Certain social categories could also be traced based on their demographic features and, although we certainly did not use all of the source's potential, it was still enough to derive information about individuals, family and household that would be inaccessible through traditional sources.
Around the urban Romanian world in the early modern period:
sociability and party
Constanța Vintilă-Ghițulescu
This study focuses on some aspects of socializing in an urban setting between two centuries. Based on a ledger, we have retraced the day-to-day life in Iancu Oteteleşanu's mansion on the Mogoşoaia Street (Podul Mogoșoaiei) in Bucharest, outlining the social networks that animated urban space in mid 19th century. The urban society changed habits, and followed the modern fancies perpetuated in that era. The Eastern ennui that made people gather inside is replaced by noisy, outward socialization. Salons, soirees, visits, clubs, long walks, theatres, all these come to slowly replace the Oriental siesta and large meals, that did not involve too much movement. This art of socializing creates an entire vocabulary that evolves and focuses around terms capable of conveying social changes. An analysis of this vocabulary is equally important, since behind each word there is a multitude of tastes, behaviors, attitudes, fashions and social practices that were specific to a time and a social group. It would be enough to read the list of flowers in the Copou garden to be aware of the trend that noble Ianache Kogălniceanu follows in this particular case.
The market in front of Iași’s Saint Spyridon Monastery
in the first half of the nineteenth century
Dan Dumitru Iacob
In the first half of the nineteenth century, there were several markets around the monastery of St. Spyridon in Iași: the Beldiman family market (subsequently Scarlat Miclescu’s market), the Physicians and Naturalists Society’s market in Iaşi (also called the Natural History Cabinet market) and the small market near the monastery walls of St. Spyridon. The last two markets were set up later, in 1843-1844, with the development of urban modernization projects stipulated in the Organic Statute (Regulamentul Organic). This article seeks to analyze the general legislation which stimulated the creation and modernization of markets in Iasi, and also the causes, economic and urban, which resulted in the creation of the commercial market and a parking place for public carriages near the south-western wall of the monastery of St. Spyridon. The carrying out of the project was long and strenuous: starting from the idea of establishing a square to finally creating a commercial market and a parking area for carriages. The market had its share of problems, which were caused by the economic competition of neighboring markets and abuses by the authorities.
New data on the urban development of towns and market towns
in Moldavia in mid-19th century
Silviu Văcaru
At the middle of the 19th century, after a string of fires that ravaged the main towns in Moldavia, authorities deployed a series of measures designed to rearrange the main streets, but also to create a set of urban building standards. When it comes to accelerating the urbanization of Moldavian market towns and market towns (târguri), Mihail Kogălniceanu is particularly noteworthy. Immediately after taking over as head of Public Works in Moldavia, he had taken steps to apply the decisions of the Organic Statute, and also, based on the official reports on "embellishing the capital", Mihail Kogălniceanu would extend these changes to all "county capitals", and to three other towns that did not have this status. Thanks to the decision that allowed the modernization project to be backed by the ruler and the Public Works department, results were soon visible. The town of Galați is one such example: it was here that, in no more than three years (1850-1852), over 450 "cabins" were torn down, making room for over 300 new dwellings that followed the new construction standards, with three-storey houses among them as well.
[*] Traducerile au fost efectuate și verificate de Valentin Cîrdei.