Vocational and Business Education and Training in Europe: Qualifications and the World of Work
Vocationalism and the decline of vocational learning in England By Geoff
Hayward (SKOPE, University
of Oxford)
http://www.bwpat.de/7eu/hayward_uk_bwpat7.shtml
Vocationalism is a poorly defined and rather vague term, However, in the UK such developments are typically traced to the Ruskin College speech given by the then prime minister James Callaghan in 1976:
“(…) parents, teachers, learned and professional bodies, representatives of higher education and both sides of industry, together with the government, all have an important part to play in formulating and expressing the purpose of education and the standards that we need. (…)There seems to be a need for more technological bias in science teaching that will lead towards practical applications in industry rather than towards academic studies. (…). Then there is the concern about the standards of numeracy of school-leavers. (…) To what extent are these deficiencies the result of insufficient co-operation between schools and industry? The goals of our education, from nursery school through to adult education, are clear enough. They are to equip children to the best of their ability for a lively, constructive, place in society, and also to fit them to do a job of work. Not one or the other but both. For many years the accent was simply on fitting a so-called inferior group of children with just enough learning to earn their living in the factory. (…) There is no virtue in producing socially well-adjusted members of society who are unemployed because they do not have the skills. (…) In today's world, higher standards are demanded than were required yesterday and there are simply fewer jobs for those without skill.” ( Callaghan (1976).)
This paper focuses on the impact of these changes on the vocational learning system for 16-19 year olds and argues that both the total quantum of vocational learning has decreased and that the quality of that learning has declined.
The end of compulsory schooling in England occurs at the age of 16. At this juncture young people need to decide whether to stay in education or training or to leave, typically to enter the labour market.
Skills in England report commented that ‘basic literacy and numeracy, and intermediate vocational and technical skills, may account for the UK's comparatively low productivity compared to its competitors.'
In public policy the lack of workers with intermediate vocational skills is usually equated with a lack of people with Level 3 vocational qualifications.
Level 3 vocational certificates have skills which increase their productivity and for which employers are willing to pay a premium.
Two main categories of intermediate occupation are identified by Mason (2001: 8):
• higher intermediate: for example, technicians in manufacturing or ‘associate professional' occupations in service industries (typically requiring high-level vocational qualifications and training which nonetheless fall short of degree standard);
• lower intermediate: for example, craft-level occupations typically requiring an apprenticeship (or equivalent) training.
s (Skill gaps are defined as occurring when employers regard some of their staff as not being fully proficient to meet the requirements of their job role.), on the other hand, are predominantly the result of a perceived lack of generic skills, such as communication and customer handling skills (Mason and Wilson, 2003).
The vocational learning system should be focusing on developing high levels of technical and practical skills in some areas, for example construction and engineering, but devoting greater attention to generic skills in other areas.
Between 1986 and 1993/94 the rate of participation in the 16-19 education and training system in England increased rapidly but participation rates have now remained more or less static for a decade (Figure 2). Participation rates for 16 year-olds are highest, and range between 80-90% of the cohort. Rates for 17 year-olds increased more sharply, from about 58% to 80% by the early 1990s, declining slightly by 2002. In 1985, only 40% of 18 year-olds participated, a rate which rose steadily until 1993 to about 60% and subsequently levelled off. Provisional figures for 2003 indicate that in England 87% of 16 year-olds, 80% of 17 year-olds, and 60% of 18 year-olds were participating in some form of education and training during the course of that year ( DfES, 2004). Over the entire 16-18 age cohort this means that 75% were involved in some form of education and training, 16% were in employment without formal training leading to qualifications and 9% (about 177,000 young people) were not in education, employment or training (NEET).
Figure 2: Total participation in education and training by 16-18 year-olds in England: 1985-2002.
The 16-19 system in England appears, therefore, to have reached a new equilibrium position in the early 1990s, with increased rates of participation amongst all age groups. However, rates of participation still remain below those found in most other OECD countries (Table 1). Thus, the system still cannot be characterised as being a high participation one. This is primarily due to the progressive loss of learners between the ages of 16 and 19 resulting in a medium participation system with a high rate of attrition.
Institutionally, England has moved towards a more school based 16-19 education and training model. The work-based route still exists, its virtues are still actively promoted by government policy, and it is clearly important as a means of participating for some 16-19 year-olds. However, viewed in the long run, its popularity has declined considerably, whereas the popularity of participating via the full-time route has continued to increase.
The full-time 16-19 vocational learning system has become more inclusive as the range of provision has diversified (Hayward et al. 2004)… An indicator of low efficiency is that the system still has difficulties retaining learners as they age. In addition, the post-compulsory vocational learning system still appears to be relatively ineffective at attracting the least well qualified.
England has witnessed a major restructuring of the educational careers of 16-19 year olds. Participation rates increased sharply from the middle of the 1980s to the early 1990s and then stabilised. Underlying this overall trend was a large increase in the proportion of young people choosing to follow the full-time education route. This resulted in a continuing decline in participation in work-based training routes sponsored by the government and employers.
Lectura Pendiente
Fernandez, R. and Hayward, G. (2004). Qualifying for a job: an educational and economic audit of the English 14-19 education and training system. Oxford and Warwick Universities: SKOPE.